{ QttftoUigicitf 


& 


PRINCETON.  N.  J. 


fy. 


4 


Purchased  by  the  Mary  Cheves  Dulles  Fund. 


Division 


F 1410 
/R53 


Section 


HISTORY  OF  THE 
LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/historyoflatinam00robe_0 


HISTORY  OF  THE 
LATIN- AMERICAN  NATIONS 


BY 


/ 


WILLIAM  SPENCE  ROBERTSON 

PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY,  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 
NEW  YORK  ::  1922  ::  LONDON 


COPYRIGHT,  1922,  BY 


D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 


T HINTED  IV  THE  UNITED  STATES  OT  AMERICA 


PREFACE 


The  purpose  of  this  book  is  to  outline  the  chief  events  in 
the  history  of  Latin  America  or,  as  it  is  sometimes  called, 
Hispanic  America.  As  a preliminary  I have  described  the 
physical  features  and  the  aborigines  of  those  portions  of  the 
New  World  which  were  colonized  by  Spaniards  and  Portu- 
guese— factors  which  have  had  a permanent  influence  upon 
the  life  of  Latin-American  peoples.  The  chief  events  include 
a description  of  the  conditions  in  Spain  and  Portugal  which 
affected  the  colonial  enterprises  of  those  nations;  a survey  of 
the  romantic  era  of  discovery  and  conquest;  a sketch  of  the 
penetration  of  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  into  the  American 
wilderness;  an  account  of  administration  and  society  under 
the  old  regime ; and  the  story  of  the  separation  of  the  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  colonies  from  their  motherlands.  These 
events  also  include  a survey  of  the  development  of  the  Latin- 
American  nations  from  the  achievement  of  independence  to 
the  present  time  with  an  account  of  their  political  parties, 
constitutional  history,  and  existing  governments ; a descrip- 
tion of  their  international  disputes  and  their  economic  devel- 
opment; a survey  of  their  economic,  social,  and  intellectual 
conditions  upon  the  eve  of  the  World  War;  and  a sketch  of 
their  progress  from  the  close  of  that  titanic  conflict  to  the 
present.  In  addition,  the  book  contains  a discussion  of  com- 
mon problems  and  ideals  of  the  Latin-American  nations;  and 
a description  of  the  relations  of  those  nations  with  England 
and  with  other  European  powers  and  with  the  United  States. 

Although  there  has  been  in  recent  decades  an  appreciable 
increase  of  the  literature  in  English  dealing  with  Latin-Amer- 
ican politics,  problems,  and  history,  yet  at  the  present  mo- 
ment there  is  not  in  any  language  a book  which  surveys  the 
history  of  the  Latin-American  peoples  from  the  Age  of  the 
Incas  to  the  Present  Day  and  which  considers  each  of  those 
peoples  since  the  winning  of  independence  as  a distinct  polit- 


VI 


PREFACE 


ical  entity  constituting  a nation.  This  is  the  mode  in  which 
I have  chosen  to  write  the  “History  of  the  Latin-American 
Nations.’’  Some  resemblances  exist  between  the  Latin-Amer- 
ican nations,  yet  there  are  many  differences — differences  which 
are  potential  in  determining  their  destinies.  In  composing 
this  book,  I have  aimed  to  present  such  facts  and  tendencies 
as  might  enable  the  reader  to  understand  the  present  condi- 
tions and  problems  of  Latin-American  nations.  Emphasis 
has  necessarily  been  laid  upon  political  and  constitutional 
changes,  yet  economic  and  international  developments  have 
not  been  neglected. 

During  recent  years  there  has  been  a steady  increase  in  the 
interest  taken  by  citizens  of  the  United  States  in  the  history 
and  politics  of  the  other  independent  nations  of  the  New 
World.  A portion  of  the  reading  public  has  evinced  a keen 
interest  in  the  present  condition  and  the  future  prospect  of 
those  nations  which  sprang  from  the  colonies  of  Spain  and 
Portugal.  Courses  in  the  history  of  Latin  America  are  now 
being  given  in  colleges  and  universities  from  New  York  to 
California.  To  paraphrase  the  words  of  a co-worker  who  is 
giving  such  a course  in  a state  university,  no  other  important 
field  of  history  is  in  such  dire  need  of  an  adequate  textbook 
as  is  the  Latin-American.  It  is  out  of  my  investigations  as 
a student  and  my  experience  as  a teacher  that  this  book  has 
taken  its  present  form.  I have  aimed  to  write  a book  that 
would  be  instructive  to  the  general  reader  who  desired  a 
survey  of  Latin-American  history  and  that  might  also  be  used 
as  a text  for  college  and  university  classes  in  the  history  of 
Latin  America. 

In  the  composition  of  this  book  I have  been  confronted 
with  certain  problems  which  other  writers  would  perhaps  have 
solved  in  a manner  different  from  that  in  which  I have  solved 
them.  Instead  of  appending  a formal  bibliography,  I decided 
to  furnish  for  each  chapter  a list  of  the  best  references  for 
further  reading  which  might  serve  as  a guide  to  other  works 
— particularly  in  English — containing  material  upon  impor- 
tant topics  discussed  in  the  respective  chapter.  Those  refer- 
ences, like  the  references  to  bibliographical  aids,  have  been 
prepared  in  the  hope  that  they  may  prove  of  special  service 
to  teachers.  To  aid  students  and  teachers  in  the  coinprehen- 


PREFACE 


vu 


sion  of  territorial  changes,  I have  prepared  from  the  best 
available  data  a number  of  maps  to  elucidate  the  text.  In 
addition,  I have  given  references  to  other  maps  which,  when 
available,  will  illustrate  the  history  of  the  Latin-American 
nations.  Although  I have  striven  to  write  a fair  and  accurate 
history,  yet  I do  not  expect  to  have  avoided  all  the  pitfalls 
of  error  which  beset  a writer  who  ventures  into  paths  that 
are  more  or  less  untrodden. 

I am  grateful  to  various  persons  for  aid  in  the  collection 
of  material  for  this  book.  To  Latin-American  friends  I am 
indebted  for  information  about  special  phases  of  history  and 
for  pamphlets  concerning  particular  events.  To  the  Division 
of  Economics  and  History  of  the  Carnegie  Endowment  for 
International  Peace,  I wish  to  acknowledge  my  indebtedness; 
for  through  Professor  John  B.  Clark  it  has  considerately 
allowed  me  to  utilize  in  the  last  chapter  of  this  volume  some 
general  impressions  which  I acquired  as  the  result  of  my 
investigation  under  its  direction  of  relations  between  the 
United  States  and  Latin-American  nations.  I am  under  ob- 
ligations to  members  of  the  staff  of  the  University  of  Illinois 
Library  because  of  their  constant  courtesy  and  helpfulness  to 
me  in  the  use  of  the  valuable  collection  of  Latin-American 
books  in  that  Library.  My  wife  has  read  the  entire  manu- 
script carefully  and  has  aided  me  in  reading  the  proof. 

William  Spence  Robertson 


Urbana,  Illinois 


CONTENTS 


chapter  Page 

I.  The  Environment i 


“ Latin  America  ” Defined,  i ; Factors  in  the  Environment,  i ; The 
Approach  ability  of  America,  i ; North  and  South  America,  2;  Con- 
trasts between  North  and  South  America,  2;  Chief  Physiographic 
Provinces  of  South  America,  3;  The  Atlantic  Coastal  Plain,  3; 
Brazilian  Highlands,  3;  Highlands  of  Guiana,  3;  Basin  of  the 
Orinoco  River,  3;  Basin  of  the  Magdalena  River,  4;  Amazonian 
Basin,  4;  Basin  of  La  Plata,  4;  Patagonian  Plains,  5;  The  Cor- 
dillera, 5;  The  Great  Plateaus,  5;  The  Pacific  Coastal  Plain,  6; 
“Middle  America,”  6;  The  Cordillera,  6;  The  Highlands,  7;  The 
Coastal  Plains,  7;  The  Peninsula  of  Yucatan,  7;  Absence  of 
Great  River  Systems,  7;  Climate  and  Vegetation,  8;  Climatic 
Differences,  8;  Climatic  Transitions,  8;  Food  Plants,  9;  Other 
Flora,  9;  Fauna,  10;  The  Camels  of  the  New  World,  10;  Origin 
of  American  Man,  10;  Remains  of  Early  Man  in  South  America, 

10;  Theory  of  South  American  Origin,  11;  Objections  to  Ame- 
ghino’s  Theory,  u;  Theory  of  Asiatic  Derivation,  11;  Unity  of 
the  American  Race,  12;  Distribution  of  Indians  in  Latin  America, 

12;  Stages  of  Development,  13;  Chief  Cultural  Regions  of  South 
America,  13;  The  Tapuy an  Indians,  14;  Charruans,  14;  Pulchean, 
Tsonekan,  and  Chonoan  Indians,  15;  Araucanians,  15;  Their 
Organization  and  Culture,  15;  Arawakans,  16;  Caribans,  16; 
Tupians,  16;  Calchaquians,  16;  Pre-Inca  Civilizations,  1 7 ; Tiahu- 
anaco,  17;  The  Aymarans,  17;  Rise  of  the  Incas,  18;  Inca  Con- 
quests, 18;  Extent  of  the  Inca  Empire,  18;  Its  Population  and 
Language,  19;  Quechuan  Social  Conditions,  19;  The  Conquered 
Tribes,  20;  Inca  Religion,  20;  Military  Organization,  21;  Miti- 
maes,  21;  Roads,  22;  Architecture,  22;  Arts  and  Crafts,  23 ; Danc- 
ing and  Music,  23;  Quipus,  23;  The  “Kingdom  of  Quito,”  24; 
Habitat  of  the  Chibchan  Indians,  24;  Their  Culture,  24;  Archi- 
tecture, 24;  Art,  25;  Religion,  25;  El  Dorado,  25;  Human  Sac- 
rifices, 26;  Culture  of  “Middle  America,”  26;  The  Mayans,  26; 
Their  Ruined  Cities,  27;  Organization,  27;  Art,  27;  Religion,  28; 
Astronomy,  28;  Hieroglyphics,  28;  Disruption  of  the  Mayan 
Empire,  29;  Zapotecans,  29;  Toltecs,  29;  Nahuatlans,  29;  Aztecs, 

30;  Their  Stage  of  Development,  30;  The  Aztec  Confederacy,  30; 

In  War  Times,  31;  The  Aztec  Tribe,  31;  Its  Government,  31; 
Mexico  City,  32;  Aztec  Religion,  32;  Classes,  33;  Occupations, 

33;  Picture  Writing,  34;  Summary,  34 

II.  The  European  Background 36 

The  Iberian  Peninsula,  36;  Its  Physiography,  36;  The  “Span- 
ish Race”  and  Language,  36;  Spain  in  the  Fifteenth  Century, 

37;  Unifying  Forces,  37;  Increase  of  Royal  Power,  38;  The 
Councils,  38;  Audiencias,  38;  Viceroys,  39;  Captains  General, 

39;  Adelantados,  40;  The  Residencia,  40;  Castilian  Cities,  40; 

ix 


X 


CONTENTS 


chapter  page 

Isabella’s  Reforms,  41;  The  Corregidor  and  the  Visitador,  41; 
Legal  Codes,  41;  Castilian  Fueros,  42;  The  Siege  of  Granada,  42; 

Its  Capitulation,  42;  Annexation  of  Cerdagne  and  Roussillon, 

43;  Of  Navarre,  43 ; Effects  of  Unification,  44;  The  Inquisition 
in  Spain,  44;  Its  Influence,  45;  Church  Organization,  45;  Reli- 
gious Orders,  46;  Wealth  of  the  Clergy,  46;  Immorality,  46; 
Relation  of  Church  and  State  under  Catholic  Monarchs,  47; 
Under  the  House  of  Austria,  47;  Influence  of  the  Church,  48; 

The  Population  of  Spain,  48;  Upper  Class,  48;  Middle  Class,  49; 
Lower  Class,  49;  Occupations,  49;  Economic  Tendencies,  50; 
Quasi-Feudal  Conditions,  50;  Repartimientos,  51;  The  Jews,  51; 
Their  Expulsion,  52;  The  Moslems  and  the  Moriscoes,  52;  The 
Development  of  Antagonism,  52;  Expulsion  of  the  Moriscoes,  53; 
Portugal  Achieves  Independence,  54;  King  John  I,  54;  Portu- 
guese Political  Institutions,  54;  The  Portuguese  Nobility,  55; 
Portuguese  Law,  55;  Land  Tenure,  56;  Quasi-Feudal  Condi- 
tions, 56;  Portuguese  Ecclesiastics,  56;  Portuguese  Cities,  57; 

The  Population  of  Portugal,  57;  Moslems  and  Jews,  57;  Their 
Expulsion,  58;  Summary,  58. 

III.  Discovery  and  Conquest 60 

“ Prince  Henry  the  Navigator  ” of  Portugal,  60;  African  Explora- 
tions of  the  Portuguese,  60;  Vasco  da  Gama,  60;  Cabral  Discov- 
ers Brazil,  61;  Results  of  Portuguese  Exploration,  61;  Early 
Career  of  Columbus,  62;  Influences  Affecting  Columbus,  62; 
Columbus  in  Portugal,  62 ; His  Petition  to  John  II,  63 ; Columbus 
in  Spain,  63;  The  Capitulations  of  Santa  Fe,  64;  The  First 
Voyage  of  Columbus,  64 ; Discovery  of  San  Salvador  and  Santo 
Domingo,  65;  Columbus  Returns  to  the  Iberian  Peninsula,  65; 

The  Pope’s  Demarcation  Line,  66;  Treaty  of  Tordesillas,  66; 
Other  Voyages  of  Columbus,  66;  Ojeda  Reaches  Venezuela,  67; 
Encisco  and  Balboa,  67;  Balboa  Hears  of  a Great  Water,  68; 

He  Discovers  the  Pacific  Ocean,  68;  Magellan’s  Contract  with 
Charles  I,  69;  The  First  Circumnavigation  of  the  Globe,  69; 
Conquest  of  Cuba,  70;  The  Expedition  of  Hernando  Cortes,  70; 

His  Instructions,  70;  Favoring  Circumstances,  71;  Cortes 
Invades  the  Aztec  Empire,  71 ; The  Capture  of  Montezuma,  71 ; 
Conquest  of  Mexico  City,  72;  Exploration  and  Conquest  of 
Central  America,  72;  Francisco  Pizarro,  74;  The  Three  Part- 
ners: the  First  Expedition,  74;  Second  Expedition,  74;  Pizar- 
ro’s  Contract  with  the  Queen,  75;  Pizarro  Invades  the  Inca  Em- 
pire, 76;  Capture  of  Atahualpa,  76;  The  Fall  of  Cuzco,  76; 

The  Struggle  for  Quito,  77;  Conquest  of  Quito  by  Benalcazar, 

77;  Benalcazar  Explores  Cauca  and  Magdalena  Valleys,  78; 
Jimenez  de  Quesada  Conquers  the  Chibchans,  78;  The  Three 
Conquistadors  Quarrel,  79;  Almagro’s  Expedition  to  Chile, 

79;  Conquest  of  Chile  by  Valdivia,  80;  Solis  Discovers  the 
Rio  de  la  Plata,  80;  Mendoza’s  Expedition  to  La  Plata,  81; 
Ayolas  Founds  Asuncion,  81;  The  Welsers  in  Venezuela,  82; 
Diego  de  Losada  Founds  Caracas,  82;  Exploration  of  the  Bra- 
zilian Coast,  82;  John  III  Carves  Brazil  into  Captaincies,  83; 
King  John  Creates  a Governor-General,  84;  Amerigo  Vespucci, 

84;  The  Naming  of  America,  85;  Summary,  85. 


CONTENTS 


xi 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

IV.  The  Latin-American  Colonies  in  the  Sixteenth  Century.  . 87 
Nature  of  the  Latin  Colonies  in  America,  87;  The  Reduction 
and  Repartimiento,  87;  The  Encomienda,  87;  The  Mila  and  the 
Yanacona,  88;  Character  of  the  Spanish  Colonists,  88;  Trans- 
mission of  European  Culture,  89;  Conquistadors  are  Displaced 

by  Royal  Agents,  89;  The  Adelantado,  90;  His  Functions,  90; 
Encomenderos  and  Missionaries,  91;  Missions,  91;  Spanish  Colo- 
nial Administration,  91;  The  House  of  Trade,  92;  The  Council 
of  the  Indies,  92 ; The  Chief  Royal  Agents  in  America,  93 ; The 
Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  93;  The  Viceroy  of  Peru,  94;  Terms  and 
Salaries  of  Viceroys,  94;  Threefold  Position  of  a Viceroy,  94;  The 
Captain  General,  95;  Colonial  Judges,  95;  The  Audiencia  of 
Santo  Domingo,  95;  The  Audiencia  of  Mexico,  95;  Audiencias  of 
Panama  and  Lima,  96;  Other  Audiencias,  97;  Members  of  Audi- 
encias, 97;  Judicial  and  Administrative  Functions  of  Audencias, 

98;  The  Presidencies,  99;  Governors,  99;  Alcaldes  May  ores  and 
Corregidores,  99;  Towns  and  Cities  in  Spanish  America,  100;  The 
“Chess-board  Plan,”  100;  The  Residencia,  100;  Fiscal  Officials, 

101;  The  Visilador,  102;  Tributes  and  Taxes,  102;  Barter,  102; 

The  Founding  of  Universities,  103;  Introduction  of  the  Inqui- 
sition, 103;  Exploration  of  the  Pacific  Coast,  104;  Expeditions 
into  the  Interior,  104;  Expansion  in  Central  America,  105;  In 
New  Granada  and  Venezuela,  105;  Penetration  of  Peru,  106;  Prog- 
ress in  Chile,  107;  Settlements  in  la  Plata  Basin,  107 ; The  Found- 
ing of  Bahia,  108;  Character  of  the  Portuguese  Settlements,  108; 
Early  Portuguese  Colonial  Administration,  109;  Transfer  of  Old 
World  Culture,  109;  The  Jesuits,  109;  The  Early  Brazilian 
Church,  no;  Relations  of  Church  and  State,  no;  Houses  of 
Mercy,  no;  Huguenots  Plan  a Colony  in  Brazil,  in;  The 
Struggle  with  the  French,  in;  Philip  II  of  Spain  Becomes 
King  of  Portugal,  in;  Philip  II  king  of  Portuguese  Indies,  112; 
Summary,  112. 

V.  The  Old  Regime  in  Latin  America 114 

Advance  of  Spanish  Power  in  New  Spain,  114;  Spanish  Border- 
lands, 114;  Religious  Orders  in  Central  America,  115;  The 
Founding  of  Towns  and  Cities  in  New  Granada,  1 16;  Colonization 

of  Venezuela,  116;  Expansion  in  the  Viceroyalty  of  Peru,  116; 

In  Chile,  117;  Progress  in  la  Plata  Region,  117;  The  Creation  of 
New  Audiencias,  118;  The  Viceroyalty  of  New  Granada,  118; 
Captaincies  General,  119;  The  Viceroyalty  of  la  Plata,  119;  The 
Interior  Provinces  of  New  Spain,  119;  Introduction  of  Intendants 
into  Spain,  Cuba,  and  Venezuela,  120;  The  Ordinance  of  Intend- 
ants of  1782,  121;  Intendants  in  Peru  and  Chile,  121;  The  Ordi- 
nance of  Intendants  of  1786,  121;  Intendants  in  Central  America, 

122;  Political  Jurisdictions  in  Spanish  America  in  the  End  of  the 
Eighteenth  Century,  122;  The  Commandancy  of  Mainas,  123; 
Town  and  City  Government,  123;  “Civilized”  Indians,  123;  Emi- 
gration from  Spain  to  Spanish  America,  124;  Foreigners  in  the 
Indies,  124;  Commerce  between  Spain  and  Her  Colonies,  125; 
Modifications  of  Her  Commercial  Policy  in  the  Eighteenth  Cen- 
tury, 125;  The  Reform  Law  of  1778,  125;  Spain’s  Paternalistic 
Policy  toward  Industry,  126;  Tariff  Policy,  127;  Consulates  in 


XU 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

Spanish  America,  127;  Church  Organization,  128;  Archbishoprics 
and  Bishoprics,  128;  Chapters,  Cabildos,  and  Vicars,  129;  Church 
and  State,  129;  Extension  and  Activities  of  the  Inquisition,  129; 
Spanish  Law  in  America,  130;  Special  Laws  and  their  Codifica- 
tion, 130;  The  Laws  of  the  Indies,  130;  Their  Relation  to  Spanish 
Laws,  13 1 ; Colonial  Currency,  13 1;  Royal  Revenues,  132;  Uni- 
versities, 132;  The  Printing  Press,  133;  Colonial  Periodicals,  133; 
Literature  of  Spanish  America,  134;  Population,  135;  Mixed 
Classes,  Castes,  135;  The  Jesuits  in  Spanish  South  America,  135; 
Empire  of  the  Jesuits,  136;  Their  Expulsion,  136;  Uprisings  in 
Spanish  America  in  the  Later  Eighteenth  Century,  136;  The  Intel- 
lectual Awakening,  137;  Spain’s  Influence,  137;  French  Philosophy, 

138;  English  Invasion  of  la  Plata,  138;  Example  of  the  United 
States,  139;  Brazil,  139;  The  Dutch  Conquer  Northern  Brazil,  139; 
Teixeira  Explores  the  Amazon  River,  140;  Influence  of  Spanish 
Rule  upon  Portuguese,  140;  The  “ Brazilian  Iliad,”  141;  Expansion 
from  Sao  Paulo,  141;  Activities  of  the  Jesuits,  142;  The  Creation 
of  New  Captaincies,  142;  The  Boundary  Treaty  of  1750,  143; 
Brazilian  Captaincies,  144;  The  Viceroy  and  the  Captains  General, 

144;  Towns  and  Cities,  144;  Organization  of  the  Brazilian  Church, 

145;  Portugal’s  Policy  toward  Immigration  and  Commerce,  145; 
Industrial  Paternalism,  146;  Revenues,  Taxes,  and  Money,  146; 
Higher  Education  in  Brazil,  146;  The  Colonial  Press,  147;  Liter- 
ature, 147;  The  Mingling  of  Races,  148;  Exile  of  the  Jesuits,  148; 
Boundaries  between  Spanish  and  Portuguese  America,  148; 
Revolutionary  Tendencies  in  Brazil,  150;  Summary,  151. 

VI.  The  Winning  of  Independence 153 

Napoleon’s  Iberian  Policy,  153;  Portugal,  153;  Flight  of  the 
Braganza  Dynasty,  155;  Effects  of  the  Flight  upon  Brazil,  155; 
Origins  of  Brazilian  Independence,  156;  Influence  of  the  Por- 
tuguese Revolution  of  1820,  156;  Departure  of  John  VI,  156; 
Regent  Pedro,  157;  Grito  de  Ypiranga,  157;  Emperor  Pedro  I, 

158;  First  Constituent  Assembly,  158;  Its  Dissolution,  159; 
Brazilian  Constitution  of  1824,  159;  The  Emperor,  159;  The 
General  Assembly,  160;  Judiciary,  160;  Provinces,  160; 
Napoleon  Intervenes  in  Spain,  161;  Prince  Ferdinand  Assumes 
the  Kingship,  161;  Charles  and  Ferdinand  Renounce  the  Span- 
ish Crown,  161;  Joseph  Bonaparte  Proclaimed  King,  162;  The 
News  Sent  to  the  Indies,  162;  The  Spanish  Juntas,  163;  Effects 
of  these  Changes  upon  Spanish  America,  163;  Acts  of  the 
Junta  at  Seville,  163;  Separatist  Tendencies  in  1809,  164;  The 
Spanish  Regency,  164;  Spanish -American  Revolts  in  1810,  165; 
Miguel  Hidalgo  in  Mexico,  165;  His  Downfall  and  Execution, 

166;  Morelos,  166;  The  Spanish  Constitution  of  1812,  167;  The 
Mexican  Congress  of  Chilpancingo  Declares  Independence,  167; 
Constitution  of  Apatzingan,  168;  Capture  and  Execution  of 
Morelos  and  Mina,  168;  Francisco  de  Miranda,  169;  Venezuela’s 
Declaration  of  Independence,  169;  Constitution  of  1811,  169; 
Simon  Bolivar,  170;  Revolutionary  Measures  in  New  Granada, 

170;  Bolivar’s  Early  Campaigns,  171;  The  Junta  of  la  Plata,  1 71 ; 

The  Role  of  Mariano  Moreno,  1 7 1 ; Paraguay,  172;  Francia,  172; 

La  Banda  Oriental,  172;  Artigas,  172;  Origins  of  Uruguayan  In- 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

dependence,  173;  The  Government  at  Buenos  Aires,  173;  Jose  de 
San  Martin,  174;  San  Lorenzo,  174;  Belgrano  Battles  with  the 
Royalists,  174;  San  Martin  at  Tucuman,  174;  His  Plan,  175; 
Independence  of  the  United  Provinces  Proclaimed,  175;  Rise  and 
Fall  of  the  Patriots  in  Chile,  176;  Peru,  1810-1814,  176;  Revolt 
of  Pumacahua,  177;  Spanish  America  in  1816, 177;  The  Spanish 
Revolution  of  1820, 178;  Its  Effects  in  Mexico,  178;  Guerrero,  178; 
Augustin  de  Iturbide,  178;  The  Plan  of  Iguala,  179;  Treaty  of 
Cordoba,  179;  Emperor  Agustin  I,  180;  Central  America 
Absorbed  by  Mexico,  180;  Congress  of  Angostura,  180;  Battle 
of  Boyaca,  181;  Carabobo,  182;  Sucre  Liberates  Quito,  182; 

The  “Army  of  the  Andes,”  182;  Battle  of  Chacabuco,  183; 
Chile’s  Independence  Ensured  by  the  Battle  of  Maipu,  183; 
Peru  Liberated,  183;  San  Martin  as  Protector  of  Peru,  184; 
Interview  of  Bolivar  and  San  Martin  at  Guayaquil,  184;  Sucre 
in  Peru,  184;  Battles  of  Junin  and  Ay acucho,  185;  Independence 
of  Bolivia,  185;  Policy  of  the  United  States  toward  Spanish 
America,  185;  Recognition  of  Spanish-American  Nations  by 
the  United  States,  186;  The  United  States  Recognizes  Brazil,  186; 
England’s  Policy  toward  Spanish  America,  187;  Toward  Brazil, 

187;  Spain  and  Spanish  America,  188;  Summary,  188. 

VII.  From  Empire  to  Republic  in  Brazil 191 

Character  of  Pedro  I,  191;  Constitutional  Problems,  191;  The 
War  with  Argentina,  192;  The  “Thirty-three  Immortals”  of 
Uruguay,  192;  Growth  of  the  Liberals,  193;  Quarrels  between 
Portuguese  and  Brazilians,  193;  Increasing  Unpopularity  of 
Pedro’s  Rule,  194;  His  Abdication,  195;  The  Transfer  of  Power, 

195;  The  Regency  of  Three,  197;  Proposed  Amendments  to 
the  Constitution,  197;  The  Ado  A ddicional,  198;  Regent  Feijo, 

198;  The  Liberals  Announce  the  Majority  of  Pedro  II,  199; 
Emperor  Pedro  II,  200;  The  Restoration  of  Internal  Tran- 
quillity, 200;  Economic  Progress,  201;  The  Navigation  of  the 
Amazon,  201 ; Political  Problems,  201 ; Founding  of  the  Repub- 
lican Party,  202;  Church  and  State,  202;  The  Military  Element 
in  Politics,  203;  The  Slavery  Issue,  203;  Anti-Slavery  Agitation, 

203;  The  “Rio  Branco  Law,”  204;  Abolition  of  Slavery,  204; 
Effects  of  Abolition,  205;  Deposition  of  the  Emperor,  205; 

The  Interregnum,  206;  Brazil’s  Constitution  of  1891,  206;  Local 
Government,  207;  President  Fonseca,  207;  His  Downfall,  208; 
President  Peixoto,  208;  President  Moraes,  209;  Deplorable  Con- 
dition of  the  Finances,  209;  The  Campaign  of  1898,  210; 
Campos  Salles  and  the  Funding  Loan,  210;  Controversy  with 
France  over  Guiana,  21 1;  Boundary  Disputes  with  England 
and  Holland,  21 1;  The  Beautifying  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  212; 
President  Penna  and  the  Caixa  de  Conversao,  212;  Political 
Principles  of  Ruy  Barbosa  in  1910,  213;  President  Hermes  da 
Fonseca,  214;  Party  Problems,  214;  Conditions  on  the  Eve  of 
the  World  War,  215;  Army  and  Navy,  215;  Immigration  from 
Germany,  216;  Recent  Tendencies  in  Immigration,  216; 

The  Population,  217;  Its  Distribution,  217;  Language,  218; 
Religion,  218;  Transportation,  218;  Occupations,  219;  Exports, 

219;  Monetary  System,  220;  Finances,  220;  Education,  220; 


XIV 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

Prose  Literature,  221;  Poetry,  222;  Fine  Arts,  222;  The 
Brazilian  Civil  Code,  223;  Brazil’s  Policy  toward  the  World 
War,  223;  Brazil  Enters  that  War,  224;  Influence  of  the  War 
upon  Brazil,  224;  Epitacio  Pessoa  Becomes  President,  225; 
Summary,  226. 

VIII.  The  Growth  of  the  Argentine  Nation 228 

Origin  of  Argentina,  228;  Governor  Rodriguez,  228;  Governor 
Las  Heras,  229;  Rivadavia  and  “The  Constitution  of  1826,” 

229;  Manuel  Dorrego  Becomes  Governor,  229;  Execution  of 
Dorrego,  230;  Rise  of  Juan  de  Rosas,  230;  He  Becomes  Gov- 
ernor, 23 1 ; Rosas  Becomes  Supreme  Ruler,  23 1 ; Adulation  of 
the  Dictator,  232;  Reactions  against  Rosas,  232;  Dispute 
about  the  Falkland  Islands,  233;  Argentina’s  Plea,  233 ; Other 
Foreign  Complications,  234;  The  Programme  of  General 
Urquiza,  234;  Concerted  Movement  against  the  Tyrant,  235; 
Battle  of  Caseros,  235;  The  Interregnum , 236;  The  Constitu- 
ent Assembly  at  Santa  Fe,  236;  The  Argentine  Constitution 

of  1853,  237;  National  Executive,  238;  Legislature,  238;  Judi- 
ciary, 238;  The  Government  of  the  Provinces,  238;  President 
Urquiza,  238;  Opposition  of  Buenos  Aires,  239;  Battle  of 
Pavon,  240;  Mitre  as  Dictator,  240;  President  Mitre,  240; 
Mitre’s  “Political  Testament,”  241;  The  Civil  Code  of 
Argentina,  241;  Domingo  F.  Sarmiento,  241;  Sarmiento  as 
President,  241;  Social  and  Economic  Conditions,  242;  Prog- 
ress under  President  Avellaneda,  242;  Reopening  of  the  Falk- 
land Controversy,  243;  Domestic  Problems  under  President 
Roca,  243;  Financial  pnd  Political  Crises,  243;  Presidents 
Luis  Saenz  Pena  and  Jose  E.  Uriburu,  244;  Roca  Becomes 
President  Again,  245;  Subsequent  Presidents  to  1910,  245; 
Electoral  Reform  under  Roque  Saenz  Pena,  245;  Conditions 
on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Army  and  Navy,  246; 
Immigration  and  Population,  247;  Language  and  Religion, 

247;  Transportation,  247;  Occupations,  248;  Economic 
Development,  248 ; Monetary  System,  249 ; Public  Education, 

249;  Universities,  249;  Poetic  Literature,  250;  Prose,  250; 

Fine  Arts,  251;  Increase  in  the  Power  of  the  National  Gov- 
ernment, 252;  Political  Parties,  252;  Triumph  of  the  Radical 
Party,  253;  Influence  of  the  World  War  on  Argentina,  253; 
President  Irigoyen  and  the  World  War,  253;  Aftermath  of 
the  World  War,  254;  Summary,  255. 

IX.  Uruguay 256 

The  Creation  of  Uruguay,  256;  The  Constituent  Assembly  of 
1829,  256;  The  Uruguayan  Constitution  of  1830,  257;  Local  Gov- 
ernment, 257;  Rivalry  between  Generals  Rivera  and  Lavalleja, 

258;  Between  Rivera  and  Oribe,  258;  Blancos  and  Color  ados, 

258;  Triumph  of  the  Color  ados,  259;  Adjustment  of  Boundaries 
with  Brazil,  259;  Internal  and  External  Complications,  260; 
Intervention  by  Brazil,  260;  The  Insurrection  of  Aparicio,  261; 
Emergence  of  Lorenzo  Latorre,  262;  General  Santos  as  President 
and  Dictator,  262;  The  “Nationalistic”  Revolt  of  1897:  Pres- 
ident Cuestas,  263;  Another  “Nationalistic”  Revolt  under 


CONTENTS 


xv 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

President  Batle  y Ordonez,  263;  Reforms  under  President 
Williman,  264;  Social  Welfare  Legislation,  264;  Conditions  on 
the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Immigration  and  Population,  265; 
Occupations  and  Products,  265;  National  Debt,  266;  Transpor- 
tation, 266;  Army  and  Navy,  266;  Education,  267;  Literature, 

267;  Art,  268;  Uruguay  and  the  World  War,  268;  Constitu- 
tional Reform,  269;  The  Present  Uruguayan  Constitution,  269; 
Summary,  270. 

X.  Paraguay 271 

Origin  of  Paraguay,  271;  Francia  as  Dictator,  271;  The  Rule  of 

El  Supremo,  271;  The  Two  Consuls,  272;  Formal  Declaration  of 
Paraguay’s  Independence,  272;  Carlos  Lopez  Becomes  President, 

273;  Independence  Acknowledged,  Boundaries,  273;  Foreign 
Complications,  274;  Accession  of  the  Younger  Lopez,  274;  Origins 
of  the  Paraguayan  War,  275;  Lopez  Makes  War  on  Brazil  and 
Argentina,  275;  The  Secret  Tripartite  Treaty,  276;  Its  Terri- 
torial Provisions,  276;  Course  of  the  War,  277;  Its  Results,  278; 

The  Interregnum , 278;  Guarantees  in  the  Paraguayan  Consti- 
tution of  1870,  278;  The  National  Government,  279;  Local  Gov- 
ernment, 279;  Bounds  of  the  New  Paraguay,  280;  Relations  with 
Bolivia,  282;  With  Spain,  282;  Politics  since  the  War,  282; 
Party  Struggles  in  the  early  Twentieth  Century,  283;  Frequent 
“Alterations  of  the  Legal  Order,”  284;  Progress  under  President 
Schaerer,  284;  Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Pop- 
ulation and  Language,  284;  Economic  Condition,  285;  Finances, 

285;  Education  and  Learning,  286;  Paraguay  since  the  Out- 
break of  the  World  War,  286;  Summary,  287. 

XI.  Chile 289 

O’Higgins  as  Supreme  Director,  289;  The  Chilean  Constitution 

of  1818,  289;  Foreign  Policy  of  O’Higgins,  289;  Domestic 
Reforms,  290;  Formation  of  the  Constitution  of  1822,  290;  Abdi- 
cation of  O’Higgins,  291 ; Freire  Becomes  Supreme  Director,  291 ; 
Chile’s  Constitution  of  1823,  291;  The  Policies  of  Freire,  292; 
Federalism  and  the  Constitutions  of  1826  and  1828,  292;  Party 
Struggles,  293;  Diego  Portales,  294;  Constitution  of  1833,  294; 

The  Executive  Department,  294;  Legislative  and  Judicial 
Departments,  295;  Local  Government,  295;  Significance  of  the 
New  Constitution,  295;  President  Prieto,  296;  Varied  Progress 
Under  President  Bulnes,  296;  President  Manuel  Montt  Con- 
tinues the  Policies  of  Bulnes,  297;  Foreign  and  Domestic  Wars, 

298;  Religious  Reforms,  298;  War  with  Bolivia  and  Peru,  298; 
Politics  under  President  Balmaceda,  300;  His  Struggle  with 
Congress,  300;  The  Congressional  Revolt,  301;  Progress  of 
the  Anti-Balmaceda  Revolution,  301;  Its  Results,  302;  The 
“Baltimore”  Affair,  302;  Reconstruction  under  Jorje  Montt, 

303;  International  Problems,  303;  Political  Tendencies,  304; 
Rapproachement  between  Chile  and  Argentina,  304;  The  Elec- 
tion of  1906,  305;  Material  Progress,  305;  Conditions  on  the 
Eve  of  the  World  War:  Immigration,  305;  The  Army,  306; 
Navy,  306;  Occupations  and  Products,  307;  Transportation, 


XVI 


CONTENTS 


307;  Education,  308;  Universities,  308;  Chilean  Literature, 
309;  Fine  Arts,  309;  Chile  and  the  World  War,  310;  Present 
Party  Groupings,  31 1;  The  Presidential  Election  of  1920,  31 1; 
President  Alessandri’s  Programe,  312;  Summary,  312. 

XII.  Bolivia 

The  Creation  of  Bolivia,  314;  Measures  of  Bolivar  and  Sucre, 
314;  Bolivar’s  Constitution  for  Bolivia,  315;  Its  Adoption. 
315;  The  Presidency  of  Sucre,  316;  His  Withdrawal,  316;  Rise 
of  Santa  Cruz,  316;  Constitutional  Changes,  317;  Relations 
with  Peru,  317;  Santa  Cruz  Establishes  the  Peru-Bolivian 
Confederation,  318;  Its  Dissolution,  318;  The  Constitution 
of  1839,  318;  Jose  Ballivian  Becomes  President,  319;  The 
Battle  of  Ingavi,  319;  Ballivian’s  Internal  Policy,  319;  General 
Belzu  Becomes  President,  320;  His  Policies,  320;  Rise  and 
Fall  of  Linares,  321;  Anarchy  Approaches  a Climax,  322;  Mari- 
ano Melgarejo,  322;  Foreign  Relations  under  Melgarejo,  322; 
His  Immediate  Successors,  323;  Renewal  of  the  Dispute  with 
Chile,  323;  The  Tax  of  Ten  Centavos,  323;  The  “War  of  the 
Pacific,”  324;  General  Campero  becomes  President,  325;  Guar- 
antees of  the  Constitution  of  1880,  325;  The  Executive  Depart- 
ment, 325;  Legislative  and  Judicial  Departments,  325;  Local 
Government,  326;  Treaty  of  Valparaiso,  326;  Treaties  of  1895 
between  Bolivia  and  Chile,  327;  The  Revolution  of  1899,328; 
The  Dispute  about  Acre,  328;  President  Montes,  329;  Defin- 
itive Cession  of  Atacama,  329;  Villazon  Continues  the  Pol- 
icies of  Montes,  330;  El  Gran  Presidente,  330;  Conditions  on 
the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Boundary  Disputes  331;  Social 
Condition,  331;  Economic  Condition,  332;  Education,  332; 
Literature,  333;  Bolivia  and  the  World  War,  333;  An  Outlet 
to  the  Pacific,  333;  Summary,  334. 

XIII.  Peru 

Declaration  of  Constitutional  Principles,  1822,  336;  The 
Peruvian  Constitution  of  1823,  336;  Bolivar  as  Dictator,  337; 
The  Constitution  of  1828,  337;  President  La  Mar,  338; 
Intervention  of  Santa  Cruz,  339;  President  Gamarra  and 
the  Constitution  of  1839,  339;  Ramon  Castilla,  340;  Guano 
and  Nitrate,  340;  Downfall  of  Echenique,  341;  Peru’s  Con- 
stitution of  1853,  341;  Constitution  of  i860,  341;  Local 
Government,  342;  The  War  with  Spain,  342;  Guano,  Loans, 
and  Railroads,  343;  Finances  under  Presidents  Pardo  and 
Prado,  344;  The  Defensive  Alliance  with  Bolivia,  344;  Peru 
Becomes  Involved  in  “The  War  of  the  Pacific,”  345;  Chile 
Defeats  the  Allies,  345;  The  Treaty  of  Ancon,  346;  Significant 
Results  of  the  War,  346;  Peru  after  the  Treaty  of  Ancon,  346; 
The  “Question  of  the  Pacific,”  347;  Mooted  Points  in  1894, 
347;  The  Billinghurst-La  Torre  Protocol,  348;  Pierola’s 
Reforms,  348;  Internal  and  International  Problems  under 
Romana,  349;  Tacna  and  Arica,  349;  The  Putumayo  Atroci- 
ties, 350;  Revolutionary  Disturbances,  350;  Conditions  on 
the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Boundary  Disputes,  351;  Immi- 
gration, 351;  Population,  352;  Army  and  Navy,  352;  Chief 
Occupations,  353;  Exports,  353;  Transportation,  353;  Edu- 


CONTENTS 


xvn 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

cation,  354;  Universities,  354;  Peruvian  Literature,  354; 

Peru  and  the  World  War,  355;  Peru’s  New  Constitution: 
Social  Guarantees,  356;  Frame  of  Government,  357;  Regional 
Legislatures,  357;  Summary,  358. 

XIV.  New  Granada  or  Colombia 359 

The  First  Constitution  of  “Great  Colombia,”  359;  Vice- 
President  Santander,  359;  Paez  in  Venezuela,  360;  Civil  Dis- 
sensions, 360;  Colombia’s  Constitution  of  1830,  361;  Disrup- 
tion of  “Great  Colombia,”  362;  The  First  Constitution  of  New 
Granada,  362;  President  Santander,  363;  Political  Factions, 

363;  Constitution  of  1843,  364;  Progress  under  President 
Mosquera,  365;  The  Liberals  in  Power,  365;  The  Constitu- 
tion of  1853,  366;  Obando  Succeeded  by  Mallarino,  367;  The 

“ Granadan  Confederation,”  367 ; The  Revolt  of  Mosquera,  367 ; 

His  Kulturkampf,  368;  The  United  States  of  Colombia,  368; 
Opposition  of  the  Conservatives,  369;  Problems  Confronting 
President  Nunez,  369;  Nunez  and  Political  Reform,  370;  The 
“National  Council,”  370;  Constitution  of  1886,  371;  Its 
Significance,  371;  Nunez  Negotiates  a Concordat,  372;  Polit- 
ico-Religious Wars,  372;  The  Loss  of  Panama,  373;  Attempt 
to  Settle  the  Resulting  Dispute,  373;  President  Reyes  Assumes 
Dictatorial  Powers,  374;  He  Attempts  to  Adjust  the  Panama 
Affair,  374;  His  Enforced  Resignation,  375;  Constitutional 
Reforms  in  1910,  375;  The  Jesuits  and  Higher  Education,  376; 
President  Restrepo,  376;  President  Concha,  377;  The 
Thompson-Urrutia  Treaty,  377;  Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the 
World  War:  Boundary  Disputes,  378;  Population,  379; 

Army  and  Navy,  379;  Economic  Condition,  379;  Education, 

380;  Literature,  380;  Fine  Arts,  381;  Political  Tendencies, 

381;  Colombia’s  Attitude  toward  the  World  War,  382;  Pres- 
ident Marco  Fidel  Suarez,  382;  Summary,  383. 

XV.  Ecuador 385 

Origin  of  Ecuador,  385;  Dissent  in  Guayaquil,  385;  Ecuador’s 
First  Constitutional  Convention,  385;  The  Constitution  of 
1830,  386;  General  Flores  Becomes  President,  386;  Liberal 
Opposition  under  Rocafuerte,  387;  The  Constitution  of  1835, 

387;  Reforms  of  President  Rocafuerte,  388;  Flores  Again  Pres- 
ident, 388;  Civil  War  and  International  Complications,  389; 
Relations  with  Peru,  390;  Rise  of  Garcia  Moreno,  390;  Consti- 
tution of  1861,  390;  Presidential  Policies  of  Garcia  Moreno, 

391;  The  Concordat,  391;  Other  Foreign  Relations,  392; 
Garcia  Moreno  Returns  to  Power,  392;  Significance  of  His  Rule, 

393;  Struggles  between  Clericals  and  Liberals,  394;  Consti- 
tution of  1884,  394;  Overthrow  of  President  Cordero  by  General 
Alfaro,  395 ; Constitution  of  1897,  395;  Alfaro  Becomes  Pres- 
ident, 396;  Politico-Religious  Reforms  under  President  Plaza 
Gutierrez,  396;  Alfaro  again  Becomes  Supreme  Chief,  397; 
Ecuadorian  Constitution  of  1906,  397;  Frame  of  Government, 

397;  Alfaro’s  Last  Administration,  398;  End  of  His  Domina- 
tion, 398;  President  Plaza  Gutierrez  Attempts  Reforms,  399; 


CONTENTS 


xviii 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Boundary  Dis- 
putes, 399;  Social  Condition,  400;  Economic  Condition,  401; 
Education,  401 ; Literature,  402 ; Ecuador  and  the  World  War, 

402;  The  Sanitation  of  Guayaquil,  403;  President  Tamayo’s 
Programme,  403;  Summary,  403. 

XVI.  Venezuela 405 

Venezuela’s  Constitution  of  1830,  405;  Progress  under  Presi- 
dent Paez,  405;  President  Vargas,  406;  President  Soublette, 

406;  Paez  Again  President,  407;  Soublette  Continues  the 
Policies  of  Paez,  408;  Political  Parties,  408;  Jose  Tadeo 
Monagas,  409;  Jose  Gregorio  Monagas,  409;  Slavery  Abolished 
409;  Constitutional  Changes  under  the  Older  Monagas,  409; 

Paez  and  the  Constitution  of  1858,  410;  Formation  of  the 
Venezuelan  Confederation,  41 1;  Falcon  Relinquishes  the 
Presidency,  41 1;  Antonio  Guzman  Blanco,  412;  His  Reforms, 

412;  Adulation  of  Guzman  Blanco,  413;  He  Promotes  Con- 
stitutional and  Fiscal  Changes,  413;  Guzman  Blanco  Elected 
Constitutional  President,  413;  President  Crespo,  414;  Guzman 
Blanco  Retires,  414;  La  Revolution  Legalista,  415;  Crespo’s 
Second  Presidency:  Boundary  Dispute  with  England,  415; 
Revolution  Led  by  the  “Lion  of  the  Andes,”  416;  Castro 
Becomes  President,  417;  Blockade  by  European  Warships,  417; 
Venezuela  under  the  Constitution  of  1904,  418;  Castro  Suc- 
ceeded by  Vice-President  Gomez,  418;  Gomez  Becomes  Pro- 
visional President,  419;  The  Constitution  of  1909,  419;  Gomez 
Elected  President,  419;  Constitution  of  1914,  420;  Special  Pro- 
visions, 421;  The  New  Constitution  Put  into  Operation,  421; 
Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Boundary  Disputes 
with  South  American  Nations,  421;  Revolutionary  Tendencies 
and  Immigration,  422;  Population,  423;  Religion,  423; 
Economic  Condition,  423;  Public  Debt,  424;  Transportation, 

424;  Education,  424;  Venezuelan  Poetry,  425;  Prose,  425; 

Fine  Arts,  426;  Provisional  President  Marquez  Bustillos,  426; 
Venezuela  and  the  World  War,  427;  Summary,  428. 

XVII.  Cuba,  the  Dominican  Republic,  and  the  Central  American 

Republics 430 

Cuba,  1823-1895,  430;  The  Revolt  of  1895,  430;  Explosion 
of  the  “Maine,”  430;  The  United  States  Congress  Authorizes 
Intervention,  431;  War  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States,  431;  Occupation  of  Cuba  by  United  States  Soldiers, 

431;  Political  Reorganization,  432;  Constitution  of  Cuba, 

43  2 ; The  Platt  Amendment,  433 ; President  Estrada  Palma, 

433;  Second  Occupation  by  the  United  States,  434;  Restora- 
tion of  Home  Rule,  434;  Political  Problems,  435;  Cuba  under 
Menocal,  435;  Social  Condition,  436;  Economic  Condition, 

436;  The  Campaign  of  1916,  436;  Cuba  and  the  World  War, 

437;  Troubled  Politics  and  Finance,  437;  Origins  of  the 
Dominican  Republic  and  Haiti,  438;  Duarte  and  the  Inde- 
pendence of  the  Dominican  Republic,  439;  Spanish  Domina- 
tion, 439;  Stormy  History  of  the  Dominican  Republic,  440; 
Financial  Embarrassments,  440;  Proposed  Treaty,  441; 


CONTENTS 


xix 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

Roosevelt’s  Modus  Vivendi,  441;  Treaty  of  1907  with  the 
United  States,  442;  Dominican  Constitution  of  1908,  442; 
Intervention  by  the  United  States,  442;  Social  and  Economic 
Conditions,  443;  United  States  Marines  Landed,  443;  Prog- 
ress under  Military  Government,  444;  Arrangements  for  the 
Restoration  of  Home  Rule,  444;  Origin  of  Central  America, 

445;  Independence  and  Federation,  445;  Constitution  of  1824, 

446;  President  Arce,  446;  Political  Problems,  446;  Downfall 
of  Arce,  447 ; Francisco  Morazan  and  Politico-Religious  Inno- 
vations, 447;  Disruption  of  the  Federation,  448;  Rafael  Car- 
rera, 448;  Attempts  at  Central  American  Union,  448;  The 
State  of  Costa  Rica,  449;  Constitutions  of  1844  and  1847,  449; 
Foreign  Relations,  450;  Constitutional  Changes,  450;  Costa 
Rica’s  Constitution  of  1871,  450;  Traits  of  Costa  Rica,  451; 
Economic  Condition,  451;  The  Republic  of  Salvador,  451; 
Governmental  Fluctuations,  452;  Salvador’s  Constitution 
of  1886,  453;  Social  Condition,  453;  Economic  Condition, 

453;  Carrera  in  Guatemala,  454;  Constitution  of  1851,  454; 
Barrios  becomes  President,  454;  Barrios  and  Central  Amer- 
ican Union,  455;  Guatemala’s  Constitution  of  1887,  455; 
Social  Condition,  456;  Economic  Condition,  456;  Finances, 

437;  The  State  of  Honduras,  457;  The  Greater  Republic  of 
Central  America,  457;  The  Honduran  Constitution  of  1904, 

458;  Social  Condition,  458;  Economic  Condition,  459; 
Finances,  459;  Nicaragua’s  Early  Problems,  439;  Walker  the 
Filibuster,  460;  Parties  in  Nicaragua,  460;  Zelaya  Becomes 
President,  461;  Nicaragua’s  War  with  Honduras,  461;  Atti- 
tude of  Presidents  Diaz  and  Roosevelt,  462;  The  Central 
American  Conference  of  1907,  462;  Significance,  463;  Nic- 
aragua and  the  United  States,  463;  Fiscal  Intervention,  463; 
Nicaragua’s  Constitution  of  1912,  464;  Social  Condition, 

464;  Economic  Condition,  463;  Finances,  465;  The  Bryan- 
Chamorro  Treaty,  463;  Central  American  Policy  toward  the 
World  War,  466;  The  Fiscal  Rehabilitation  of  Nicaragua, 

466;  Downfall  of  Cabrera  in  Guatemala,  467;  The  Central 
American  Federation  of  1921,  467;  Its  Organization,  468; 

The  New  Union,  469;  The  Independence  of  Panama,  469; 
Panama’s  Constitution,  471 ; The  Canal  Treaty,  471 ; Estab- 
lishment of  an  Independent  Government,  472;  Amador 
Guerrero  as  President,  472;  Panama’s  Problems,  1908-1914, 

473;  Social  and  Economic  Conditions,  473;  Commerce  and 
Currency,  474;  Panama  During  the  World  War,  474;  Her 
Boundary  Disputes,  474;  Literature  of  these  Carribean 
Nations,  476;  Summary,  476. 

XVIII.  Imperial  and  Republican  Rule  in  Mexico 478 

The  First  Mexican  Empire,  478;  Downfall  of  Agustin  I,  478; 
Reorganization  of  the  Government,  479;  Mexico’s  Consti- 
tution of  1824,  479;  The  Republic  under  President  Victoria, 

480;  President  Guerrero,  480;  Santa  Anna  as  a Liberal,  481; 

The  Conservatives  and  the  Seven  Laws,  481;  Texas  Becomes 
Independent,  482;  The  Plan  of  Tacubaya,  483;  Santa  Anna 
as  Dictator,  483;  Difficulties  with  the  United  States,  484; 


XX 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

Conquest  of  Mexico  by  the  United  States,  484;  Aftermath 
of  the  War,  485;  President  Arista,  485;  Santa  Anna  as  a Con- 
servative. 486;  Monarchical  Tendencies,  486;  Proclamation  of 
the  Plan  of  Ayutla,  487;  Religious  Reforms  under  President 
Comonfort,  487;  The  Framing  of  the  Constitution  of  1857, 

488;  Its  Prohibitions  and  Personal  Guarantees,  488;  Pro- 
visions for  a National  Government,  489;  Other  Provisions, 

489;  The  Conservative  Reaction,  490;  The  Plan  of  Tacu- 
baya,  490;  Rise  of  Benito  Juarez,  490;  Civil  Strife,  491 ; The 
“War  of  the  Reform,”  491;  Triumph  of  the  Liberals,  492; 
Juarez  and  Reconstruction,  492;  European  Intervention, 

492;  Establishment  of  the  Second  Mexican  Empire,  493; 

The  Policy  of  the  United  States,  493;  Juarez  as  President 
in  Peace  Times,  494;  Religious  Reforms  under  Lerdo  de 
Tejada,  495;  Opposition  of  Porfirio  Diaz,  495;  His  Early 
Career,  496;  His  First  Presidency:  Internal  Reforms,  497; 
International  Relations,  497;  Material  Progress  under 
President  Gonzalez,  498;  Reelections  of  Diaz,  498;  Charac- 
ter of  His  Rule,  499;  Foreign  Relations,  499;  Fiscal  Reforms 
499;  Internal  Improvements,  500;  The  Drainage  Canal, 

500;  Census  of  1895,  501;  System  of  Land  Holding,  501; 
Mexican  Peonage,  502;  Interest  of  United  States  Citizens  in 
Mexico,  502;  Mexican  Politics,  503;  Francisco  I.  Madero, 

503 ; The  Plan  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  504 ; Downfall  of  Diaz, 

504;  Triumph  of  Madero,  505;  His  Mistakes,  505;  The 
Deluge  Begins,  505;  The  “Man  of  Iron,”  506;  The  Plan 
of  Guadeloupe,  506;  Civil  War  Again,  507;  ABC  Medi- 
ation, 507;  Carranza  Becomes  President,  508;  Conditions 
on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Education,  508;  Industries, 

509;  Chief  Exports,  509;  Fiscal  Condition,  510;  Mexico’s 
Varied  Literature,  510;  Fine  Arts,  51 1;  Social  Conditions, 

511;  Mexico’s  Constitution  of  1917,  512;  Articles  Directed 
against  Foreigners,  513;  Mexico’s  Contention  about  the 
Subsoil,  513;  Carranza’s  Decree  of  February  10,  1918,  514; 

The  Controversy  over  Oil,  514;  Other  Complications,  515; 
Mexico’s  Policy  toward  the  World  War,  515;  The  Presi- 
dential Succession,  516;  The  Plan  of  Agua  Prieta,  516; 
Downfall  of  Carranza,  517;  Obregon  becomes  President,  517; 
Problems  Confronting  Obregon,  517;  Proposed  Convention 
by  the  United  States,  518;  Attitude  of  Obregon,  5x8; 
Summary,  519. 

XIX.  Problems  and  Ideals  of  the  Latin-American  Nations.  ...  521 
Problems  of  Latin  America,  521;  Sources  of  Early  Constitu- 
tions, 521;  Their  Artificiality,  522;  Centralistic  and  Federal- 
ists Tendencies,  522;  Dictators  and  Democracy,  523;  Federal 
Governments,  523;  Brazil,  524;  Unique  Features  of  Consti- 
tutional Life,  524;  Party  Organization  and  Practice,  524.; 
Church  and  State,  525;  Legal  Codes,  326;  The  Chilean  Civil 
Code,  526;  Immigration,  527;  The  Structure  of  Society,  528; 

The  Aboriginal  Element,  528;  Races  and  Labor,  529;  Status 
of  Indian  Laborers,  529;  Lack  of  Capital,  529;  Currencies 
of  Latin  America,  529;  Proposed  Reform,  530;  Tariff  Systems, 


CONTENTS 


XXI 


CHAPTER  TAGE 

531;  Revenues  from  Customs,  531;  Public  Debts,  532; 
Transportation,  532;  Canals,  533;  Boundary  Disputes,  533; 

The  Uti  Possidetis  of  1810,  534;  Arbitration  in  Latin  America, 

535;  The  United  States  as  Mediator,  536;  The  “Question 
of  the  Pacific,”  536;  Peru’s  Plea  in  1920,  536;  The  Desire  of 
Bolivia,  537;  Attitude  of  Chile’s  President  in  1921,  537; 
Unsettled  Boundary  Controversies,  538;  Early  Projects  of 
Spanish-American  Federation,  538;  Dreams  of  Latin-Amer- 
ican  Union,  539;  The  Panama  Congress,  540;  Other  Inter- 
national Congresses,  540;  Scientific  Congresses,  541;  Rela- 
tions of  Argentina,  Chile,  and  Brazil,  541;  The  ABC  Treaty, 

542;  Foreign  Perils,  543. 

XX.  Relation  of  Latin- American  Nations  with  Other  States  . . 544 
Purposes  of  this  Chapter,  544;  Relations  of  Portugal  with 
Brazil,  544;  'Of  Spain  with  Spanish  America,  545;  'France  and 
Latin  America,  545;  French  Scientific  Expeditions  to  South 
America,  546;  Commercial  Interest  of  England  in  Latin 
America,  546;  English  Missionary  Enterprises,  547;  English 
Scientific  Interest,  548;  Germany  and  Latin- American  Nations, 

549;  German  Scientists  in  Latin  America,  549;  'Occasion  for  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  550;  Its  Principles,  551;  Reception  by  Latin 
Americans,  551;  ‘Applications  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  551; 

The  Cal vo  and  the  Drago  Doctrines,  552;  Influence  of  the 
Drago  Doctrine,  553;  American  Nations  at  The  Hague,  553; 
Applications  of  the  Roosevelt  Corollary,  553;  Latin-American 
Criticism:  “The  American  Illusion,”  554;  Another  Unfair 
Criticism,  554;  Other  Criticisms  of  United  States  Policy,  555; 

Of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  555;  Commercial  Relations  between 
the  United  States  and  Latin  America,  556;  Basis  of  Commercial 
Intercourse,  557;  Attempts  at  Reciprocity,  557;  Industrial 
Activities  of  the  United  States  in  Latin  America,  558;  -Educa- 
tional Influence  of  the  United  States,  559;  Activities  of  Sci- 
entists from  the  United  States,  559;  -Pan  Americanism,  560; 

•The  First  Pan-American  Conference,  561  ;•  Succeeding  Pan- 
American  Conferences,  562;  The  First  Pan-American  Scien- 
tific Congress,  563 ; President  Wilson’s  Pan-American  Monroe 
Doctrine,  563;  The  World  War  and  “Continental  Solidarity,” 

564;  Effects  of  the  World  War  on  Commercial  Intercourse,  564; 

> Pan-American  Financial  Sentiment,  565;  Pan-American  Finan 
cial  Conferences,  565;  Problems  of  Reconstruction,  566;  Amer- 
ican Nations  at  the  Peace  Conference,  566;  American  Nations 
and  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  567;  The  League  of  Nations,  568; 
Future  Role  of  the  United  States,  569. 


Bibliography 571 

Index 599 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


1.  Physical  Map  of  South  America facing 

2.  Map  Showing  the  Distribution  of  Indians  in  Latin 

America  about  1 500 facing 

3.  Map  of  Governor  Cevallos,  Showing  the  Territory  which 

Spain  Relinquished  to  Portugal  by  the  Treaty  of 
1750 facing 

4.  Map  Showing  the  Spanish-Portuguese  Boundary  and  the 

Audiencias  in  South  America  near  the  End  of  the 
Eighteenth  Century 

5.  Latin  America  on  the  Eve  of  the  Revolution 

6.  Latin  American  Nations  in  1831 

7.  Map  Illustrating  Territorial  Gains  Made  by  Brazil  from 

Spanish- American  Neighbors 

8.  Map  Showing  Territories  Relinquished  by  Paraguay  to 

Argentina  and  Brazil  after  the  War  of  1864-1870.  ..  . 

9.  Map  to  Illustrate  the  Territorial  Adjustments  Resulting 

from  “The  War  of  the  Pacific” 

10.  Map  of  the  Panama  Republic,  Showing  the  Canal  Zone.  . 


PAGE 

2 

T4 

142 

149 

I5S 

197 

227 

281 

299 

47i 


11.  Map  Showing  the  Territories  Acquired  by  the  United 

States  from  Spain  and  Mexico. facing  556 


HISTORY  OF  THE 
LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


CHAPTER  I 
THE  ENVIRONMENT 

“Latin  America”  Defined. — The  term  “Latin  America” 
signifies  those  regions  of  the  New  World  which  were 
colonized  by  emigrants  from  the  Latin  nations  of  Europe. 
In  a sense  it  might  be  taken  to  mean  the  countries  which 
were  settled  by  people  from  France,  Portugal,  and  Spain. 
It  might  include  New  France  and  Haiti,  as  well  as  Brazil 
and  Spanish  America.  In  a narrower  sense,  however, 
Latin  America  signifies  simply  those  sections  of  the 
Americas  that  were  colonized  by  wayward  children  of  the 
Iberian  Peninsula.  That  is  the  sense  in  which  the  term 
“Latin  America”  will  be  used  in  this  book.  When  we 
speak  of  the  Latin-American  nations  or  of  the  Hispanic- 
American  nations — as  some  scholars  prefer  to  designate 
them — we  mean  those  independent  nations  of  the  New 
World  which  developed  from  settlements  that  were 
planted  by  Spaniards  and  Portuguese. 

Factors  in  the  Environment. — The  history  of  Latin 
America  constitutes  a part  of  the  long  epic  of  human  life. 
A story  of  the  introduction  of  European  man  into  the 
Americas,  it  deals  partly  with  his  adaptation  to  conditions 
different  from  those  which  existed  in  the  Old  World.  The 
purpose  of  this  chapter  is  therefore  to  describe  the  environ- 
ment in  the  New  World  which  affected  emigrants  from 
Spain  and  Portugal.  That  environment  was  composed  of 
two  factors — the  land  and  its  inhabitants. 

The  Approachability  of  America. — America  is  more  ap- 
proachable from  Asia  than  from  Europe.  The  north  At- 
lantic, across  which  some  early  voyagers  made  their  way, 


2 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


is  the  stormiest  ocean  in  the  world.  Its  currents  and  winds 
are  often  contrary  to  vessels  sailing  from  European  ports. 
Once  the  Americas  are  reached,  however,  they  are  more 
accessible  from  the  eastern  than  from  the  western  side. 

North  and  South  America. — As  regards  form  and 
climate  South  America  is  one  of  the  southern  group  of 
continents.  It  belongs  with  Africa  and  Australia  which 
have  their  widest  parts  near  the  equator.  Yet  the  South 
American  continent  bears  some  resemblance  to  North 
America.  Both  North  and  South  America  are  triangular 
in  form.  In  the  northeast  both  continents  have  an  area 
of  ancient  rocks.  North  America  has  Labrador,  while 
South  America  has  the  plateau  of  Guiana.  To  the  east 
there  are  plateaus  of  old  rocks  in  both  continents:  the 
northern  continent  has  the  Appalachian  Mountains;  and 
the  southern  continent  has  the  mountainous  plateau  of 
Brazil.  Along  the  western  side  of  each  continent  are 
found  a series  of  complex,  rugged  mountain  chains,  which 
are  skirted  by  a coastal  plain  that  in  South  America  is 
extremely  narrow.  Between  the  mountainous  masses  of 
the  east  and  those  of  the  west  are  vast  plains  that  stretch 
from  north  to  south.  Through  those  plains  flow  several 
great  rivers  that  are  bordered  by  alluvial  lowlands. 

Contrasts  between  North  and  South  America. — Al- 
though there  is  a similarity  between  the  physiography  of 
North  and  South  America,  yet  they  are  not  equally  suited 
for  the  abode  of  civilized  man.  This  is  partly  due  to  dif- 
ferences in  the  ocean  currents  that  affect  large  sections 
of  the  two  continents.  In  latitudes  corresponding  to  those 
where  North  America  is  laved  by  warm  seas  from  the 
equator  and  the  Mexican  Gulf,  South  America  is  bathed 
by  icy  streams  from  the  Antarctic  region.  Northeastern 
South  America  is  lapped  by  equatorial  currents,  while  that 
part  of  North  America  is  bathed  by  icy  seas  from  the 
northern  oceans.  Great  rivers  in  South  America  mostly 
flow  through  regions  that  are  fundamentally  different  from 
those  through  which  flow  the  corresponding  rivers  of 
North  America.  The  western  mountain  range  of  South 
America  is  much  more  rugged;  its  peaks  are  much  higher 
than  those  of  the  sister  continent. 


From  Tarr  & McMurry's  New  Geographies  (used  by  permission  of  Macmillan  Co..  Publishers) 

Physical  Map  of  South  America, 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


3 


Chief  Physiographic  Provinces  of  South  America. — The 

chief  physiographic  provinces  of  South  America  may  be 
considered  as  follows:  (i)  the  Atlantic  Coastal  Plain;  (2) 
the  Brazilian  Highlands;  (3)  the  Highlands  of  Guiana; 
(4)  the  Basin  of  the  Orinoco  River;  (5)  the  Basin  of  the 
Magdalena;  (6)  the  Amazonian  Basin;  (7)  the  Basin  of 
la  Plata  River;  (8)  the  Patagonian  Plains;  (9)  the  Cor- 
dilleras; (10)  the  Great  Plateaus;  and  (11)  the  Pacific 
Coastal  Plain. 

The  Atlantic  Coastal  Plain. — The  Atlantic  Coastal  Plain 
of  South  America  is  not  large.  A very  narrow  plain  bor- 
ders the  Caribbean  Sea  and,  in  disconnected  strips,  ex- 
tends south  from  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon.  The  extreme 
eastern  portion  of  that  plain  is  subject  to  terrible  droughts. 
At  the  beautiful  Bay  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  a rocky  mountain 
range  almost  reaches  the  ocean.  Near  la  Plata  River  the 
coastal  plain  merges  into  the  pampas,  and  then,  after  en- 
circling a spacious  harbor  at  Bahia  Blanca,  it  skirts  the 
Patagonian  plains. 

Brazilian  Highlands. — Large  stretches  of  the  eastern 
coast  have  a heavy  rainfall  that  sometimes  exceeds  forty 
inches  a year.  Mostly  covered  with  luxuriant  vegetation, 
a considerable  portion  of  the  interior  of  Brazil  is  a table- 
land which  is  occasionally  separated  from  the  sea  by  a 
mountain  fringe.  To  the  north  and  the  south  the  plateaus 
sink  into  great  river  valleys.  These  highlands — with  lofty 
peaks  that  reach  about  ten  thousand  feet  above  sea  level — 
stretch  from  the  interior  of  the  present  state  of  Uruguay 
almost  to  the  Amazon  River.  They  contain  the  mineral 
deposits  of  Uruguay  and  Brazil. 

Highlands  of  Guiana. — Between  the  basins  of  the  Ama- 
zon and  the  Orinoco  rivers  lie  the  Highlands  of  Guiana. 
A few  of  their  highest  peaks  rise  to  about  eleven  thousand 
feet  above  sea  level.  The  northern  slopes  of  this  plateau 
have  a heavy  rainfall  from  the  northeast  trade  winds,  while 
its  southern  slopes  are  almost  arid.  Here  and  there 
throughout  this  irregular  region  gold  is  found  in  paying 
quantities. 

Basin  of  the  Orinoco  River. — The  northern  slopes  of  the 
Guianan  Highlands  gradually  merge  into  the  llanos. 


4 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


These  are  plains  where  trees,  swamps,  and  lagoons  are 
ordinarily  found  along  the  watercourses,  and  where  trop- 
ical grasses  are  flooded  in  rainy  seasons  and  parched  in 
dry  seasons.  The  llanos  sink  into  the  alluvial  plains  of 
the  Orinoco  basin  which  are  nowhere  much  more  than 
eight  hundred  feet  above  sea  level.  In  the  islands  of  the 
Orinoco  delta  the  vegetation  is  most  luxuriant.  Dense 
forests,  tufted  grasses,  and  shifting  sand  dunes  vary  the 
physiography  of  this  basin.  Its  most  important  mineral 
deposit  is  asphalt.  With  the  aid  of  the  trade  winds,  vessels 
can  sail  far  up  the  sweltering  Orinoco  River.  As  its 
branches  join  the  Amazon’s  tributaries,  it  furnishes  an 
entrance  into  the  vast  interior  of  South  America. 

Basin  of  the  Magdalena  River. — Of  the  great  rivers  of 
South  America  one  of  the  least  important  is  the  Magda- 
lena. Still  it  is  navigable  with  steamboats  at  a distance 
of  some  five  hundred  miles  from  the  sandbars  at  its  mouth. 
Its  valley  and  the  valleys  of  its  tributaries  form  a tropical 
physiographic  province.  The  Magdalena  River  drains  the 
beautiful  Cauca  Valley  and — by  a winding  channel  that  often 
overflows  its  banks — furnishes  an  approach  to  the  plateau 
of  Bogota.  Islands,  lagoons,  and  swamps  make  its  lower 
course  resemble  portions  of  the  Amazon  Valley. 

Amazonian  Basin. — The  Amazon  is  the  largest  stream 
in  the  world.  The  basin  of  that  vast  river  system  includes 
about  two-fifths  of  the  South  American  continent.  With 
many  side  channels  that  cut  the  lowlands  into  islands,  the 
Amazon  River  flows  through  dense  forests  and  luxuriant 
savannas — large  portions  of  which  are  often  submerged. 
After  receiving  the  waters  of  more  than  a dozen  great 
tributaries,  it  empties  into  the  Atlantic  at  the  equator. 
Ocean  tides  sweep  up  its  main  channel  for  several  hundred 
miles.  Its  branches,  particularly  on  the  north,  form  a 
veritable  network  connecting  with  the  adjacent  river  sys- 
tems, especially  in  flood  time.  Still,  a hot,  humid,  and 
enervating  climate  has  prevented  the  Amazon  Valley  from 
becoming  the  chief  gateway  into  the  continent. 

Basin  of  la  Plata. — La  Plata  River  is  a very  spacious  but 
shallow  estuary  which  is  formed  by  the  junction  of  the 
LTuguay  and  the  Parana  Rivers.  The  Parana  River,  with 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


5 


tributaries  which  are  navigable  for  hundreds  of  miles, 
reaches  to  the  Brazilian  highlands  and  to  the  foothills  of 
the  Andes.  A most  important  tributary  is  the  sluggish 
Paraguay  River  that  joins  the  Parana  after  receiving  the 
waters  of  the  Pilcomayo  and  the  Bermejo.  The  other 
branch  of  la  Plata,  the  Uruguay  River,  flows  for  a large 
distance  through  low-lying  plains.  Along  the  lower  banks 
of  the  tributaries  of  la  Plata  River  are  found  treeless  plains 
or  pampas  which,  before  the  advent  of  Europeans,  were 
covered  with  tussocks  of  grass.  They  are  comparable  to 
North  American  prairies. 

Patagonian  Plains. — To  the  far  south  the  pampas  merge 
into  the  plains  of  Patagonia.  These  vary  from  prairielike 
districts  on  the  north  to  bleak  steppes  in  the  south.  Occa- 
sional petroleum  seepages  have  there  been  discovered. 

The  Cordillera. — The  dominant  physiographic  feature 
of  South  America  is  the  great  Cordillera  which  stretches 
from  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  to  Cape  Horn.  At  its  south- 
ern extremity  the  Cordillera  is  composed  of  one  mountain 
chain.  About  250  south  of  the  equator,  however,  that 
chain  divides  into  two  ranges  which  gradually  diverge  as 
they  proceed  northward.  Embracing  at  first  only  a nar- 
row table-land,  those  mountains  later  enclose  a large 
plateau  that  contains  lakes  and  valleys.  Through  the 
plateau  rivers  occasionally  break  their  way  and  proceed 
to  the  sea.  On  the  east  various  streams  descend  sharply 
to  the  lowlands  and  join  the  great  river  systems.  The 
Andes  Mountains — -as  the  lofty  Cordillera  is  ordinarily 
called — reach  their  culmination  in  the  icy  peak  of  Mt. 
Aconcagua,  which  has  an  elevation  of  23,080  feet.  Vol- 
canoes are  still  active,  especially  near  the  equator.  In  the 
rocks  of  the  high  Cordillera  there  are  found  rich  and 
varied  mineral  deposits. 

The  Great  Plateaus. — The  territory  between  the  lofty 
Andean  chain  and  the  coastal  Cordillera  is  a plateau  that 
rises  thousands  of  feet  above  sea  level.  Probably  it  is 
more  accurate  to  say  that  this  region  is  composed  of  a 
series  of  plateaus,  which  are  more  or  less  broken  up  by 
hills  and  mountain  peaks,  lakes  and  river  valleys.  Because 
of  the  great  altitude — which  often  ranges  from  ten  to 


6 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


twelve  thousand  feet — the  climate  of  those  plateaus  is 
temperate.  Fish  are  found  in  their  lakes  and  streams. 
Timber  for  building  purposes  is  furnished  by  their  forests. 
Their  mountains  contain  stone.  Among  their  flora  and 
fauna  are  some  of  the  most  useful  gifts  of  the  American 
continent,  namely,  quinine,  the  potato,  and  the  llama.  In 
fine,  the  plateaus  of  Titicaca,  Quito,  and  Bogota  furnish 
natural  conditions  favorable  to  the  development  of  civiliza- 
tion. 

The  Pacific  Coastal  Plain. — A plain,  which  is  about 
eighty  miles  wide  at  its  maximum  under  the  equator  and 
becomes  little  more  than  a fringe  of  islands  in  the  south, 
stretches  along  the  western  coast.  A southern  portion  of 
the  Pacific  Coastal  Plain  has  sufficient  rainfall  for  profit- 
able agriculture.  The  western  coast  of  South  America  has 
few  rivers  of  any  kind.  Emptying  at  the  equator  is  the 
short,  sluggish  Guayas  River  which  drains  unhealthful 
plains.  Farther  south  are  a few  short  rivers  that  wind 
their  way  from  the  Cordillera  to  the  Pacific.  The  central 
portion  of  the  Pacific  Coastal  Plain  is  deprived  of  rain 
throughout  the  year  because  the  moisture-laden  winds  are 
intercepted  by  lofty  mountains.  South  of  the  Camarones 
River  it  is  extremely  arid.  The  most  uninviting  portion  of 
the  barren  plain  is  the  desert  of  Atacama,  which  covers 
some  twenty  degrees  of  latitude.  Yet  copper  in  the 
Andean  foothills,  nitrate  deposits  in  certain  arid  regions, 
and  guano  upon  adjacent  islands  furnish  the  bases  for  im- 
portant industries. 

“Middle  America.” — Physiographic  and  climatic  resem- 
blances that  exist  between  Central  America  and  present 
Mexico — at  least  so  far  north  as  the  Tropic  of  Cancer — 
have  caused  those  regions  to  be  designated  “Middle 
America.”  Its  chief  physiographic  provinces  may  be  con- 
sidered as  follows:  (i)  the  Cordillera;  (2)  the  Highlands; 
(3)  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  Coastal  Plains;  and  (4) 
the  Peninsula  of  Yucatan. 

The  Cordillera.  — In  Central  America  the  Cordillera 
dominates  the  landscape.  As  a geographer  has  pointed 
out,  it  seems  as  though  in  that  section  the  eastern  plateaus 
and  plains  had  been  swept  away  by  the  ocean,  leaving  only 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


7 


the  elevated  western  regions.  At  the  Isthmus  of  Panama 
indeed  the  Cordillera  becomes  a low,  narrow  range;  but 
to  the  north  it  rises  and  is  surmounted  by  lofty  peaks. 
North  of  the  Isthmus  of  Tehauntepec  the  continent  widens 
again.  As  it  expands  the  Cordillera  expands  also.  Near 
its  highest  point  the  mountain  chain  divides  into  an  east- 
ern and  a western  range  which  inclose  extensive  highlands. 

The  Highlands. — Elevated  portions  of  Central  America 
have  been  styled  miniature  pictures  of  the  Andean  plateau. 
In  present  Mexico  the  highland  is  broken  by  peaks  that 
glisten  with  eternal  snow.  To  the  north  the  highland  sinks 
into  a dusty  desert.  Although  the  greater  portion  of  this 
plateau  lies  between  the  tropics,  yet,  because  of  an  altitude 
which  varies  from  six  to  eight  thousand  feet,  the  climate  is 
so  temperate  that  it  has  been  designated  eternal  spring. 
Rich  in  minerals  and  containing  lakes  and  fruitful  valleys, 
this  highland,  which  was  called  Anahuac  by  the  aborigines, 
was  suited  to  be  the  site  of  a high  culture. 

The  Coasted  Plains. — In  Central  America  there  are  low 
Coastal  Plains  of  varying  width.  Toward  the  north  a 
narrow  plain  is  left  on  each  side  between  the  expanding 
Cordillera  and  an  ocean.  Even  there  the  land  generally 
slopes  more  abruptly  to  the  Pacific  than  to  the  Atlantic. 
Along  the  Coastal  Plains  the  climate  is  humid  and  tropical 
or  semitropical.  Other  depressions  besides  those  of  the 
coastal  plains  are  the  marshy  sections  and  the  Isthmus  of 
Tehauntepec. 

The  Peninsula  of  Yucatan. — Between  the  bays  of  Cam- 
peche and  Honduras  lies  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan.  With 
a comparatively  slight  elevation  above  sea  level,  its  climate 
is  tempered  by  the  adjacent  waters.  It  is  a hilly,  fertile 
region.  In  pre-Columbian  days  it  evidently  possessed 
some  of  the  attractive  features  of  the  neighboring  high- 
lands. 

Absence  of  Great  River  Systems. — “Middle  America” 
possesses  few  rivers.  Exclusive  of  the  Rio  Grande — 
whose  northern  banks  are  now  held  by  the  United  States 
• — this  region  contains  no  important  river  systems.  The 
Usmacinta  River,  flowing  in  large  part  through  present 
Mexico,  empties  into  the  Gulf  of  Campeche.  On  the  east 


8 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


coast  there  are  scarcely  any  good  harbors:  Vera  Cruz  is 
only  an  indentation  in  the  coastline.  On  the  west,  how- 
ever, are  the  Gulf  of  California,  the  harbor  of  Acapulco, 
and  the  Bay  of  Panama. 

Climate  and  Vegetation. — In  sharp  contrast  with  North 
America,  the  widest  part  of  the  South  American  triangle 
lies  near  the  equator.  Another  condition  makes  Latin 
America  less  adapted  to  settlement  by  white  men;  namely, 
the  presence  of  a vast  forest.  From  the  southern  portion 
of  present  Mexico,  with  only  one  large  break,  a tropical 
forest  extends  along  the  eastern  coast  of  Central  and 
South  America  to  30°  south  of  the  equator.  Giant  hard- 
wood trees  amidst  an  exuberant  jungle  have  presented  an 
almost  impenetrable  front  to  civilization. 

Climatic  Differences. — Portions  of  Latin  America  are 
marked  by  sharp  climatic  differences.  In  proceeding  from 
the  coast  to  the  interior  in  Mexico,  Central  America,  and 
South  America  abrupt  changes  are  often  experienced. 
During  a single  day’s  journey  a traveler  may  pass  from 
a coastal  jungle  through  a tropical  forest,  and  rising 
through  scrub  timber,  he  may  reach  a delightful  plateau 
covered  with  luxuriant  grass  and  dotted  with  deciduous 
trees.  If  he  proceeds  still  higher  he  may  reach  a lofty, 
barren  plateau  or  paramo  which  is  surmounted  by  icy  peaks. 
It  was  upon  the  favored  uplands  that  some  of  the  best 
aboriginal  cultures  developed.  Curious  though  it  may 
seem,  one  of  the  highest  types  of  culture  that  flourished  in 
America  in  pre-Columbian  days,  the  Maya  civilization, 
did  not  develop  upon  an  elevated  plateau. 

Climatic  Transitions. — In  an  attempt  to  explain  that 
apparent  phenomenon,  certain  geographers  have  pro- 
pounded a theory  which  merits  passing  mention.  They 
affirm  that  in  bygone  epochs  some  parts  of  the  Three 
Americas  did  not  have  the  same  climate  as  that  which  they 
have  possessed  since  1492.  Regions  that  are  now  dry  were 
formerly  moist.  Sections  that  are  now  humid  were  for- 
merly arid.  This  view  that  climatic  zones  have  shifted 
would  explain  why  some  regions  that  are  not  now  adapted 
for  high  culture  were  in  pre-Columbian  centuries  the  sites 
of  aboriginal  civilization. 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


9 


Food  Plants. — Latin  America  had  a varied  offering  of 
flora  which  were  useful  for  food.  Foremost  perhaps 
among  such  plants  that  were  indigenous  to  America  was 
maize.  Ears  of  Indian  corn  have  been  found  in  pre- 
Columbian  graves  in  various  parts  of  South  America.  The 
aborigines  of  Mexico  sculptured  ears  of  corn  in  stone  and 
modeled  them  in  clay.  Aborigines  of  the  Andean  plateaus 
cultivated  the  quinoa  plant,  which  produced  a grain  that  was 
used  for  food.  Various  species  of  beans  have  been  found 
in  prehistoric  graves  of  Aztecs  and  Quechuans.  Certain 
beans  were  evidently  used  by  them  for  medicinal  purposes. 
Pre-Columbian  funeral  urns  were  frequently  incrusted 
with  decorations  of  peanuts.  Among  the  gourds  of  abo- 
riginal South  America  were  found  different  kinds  of 
squashes.  The  Indians  of  Peru  seem  to  have  eaten  cakes 
made  out  of  the  ground  seeds  of  pumpkins.  Inca  vases 
were  frequently  decorated  with  conventionalized  designs 
of  red  peppers.  Potatoes,  both  white  and  yellow,  grew 
wild  in  the  Andes  from  present  Colombia  to  Chile.  A 
related  tuber  called  manioc  was  in  certain  parts  of  north- 
ern South  America  perhaps  even  more  useful  than  the 
potato.  Yams  were  also  found  there.  In  the  Inca  Empire 
nuts  that  resembled  almonds  were  highly  esteemed  by  the 
aborigines.  Among  fruits  that  now  flourish  in  Europe,  the 
delicious  pineapple  was  a native  of  the  New  World.  Many 
other  fruits,  seeds,  and  nuts  that  were  strange  to  Euro- 
peans were  indigenous  to  tropical  America. 

Other  Flora. — From  the  cinchona  tree  that  flourished 
upon  Andean  slopes  was  derived  the  so-called  “Peruvian 
bark” — the  invaluable  quinine.  The  leaves  of  the  coca 
plant — which  the  Peruvian  Indian  still  chews  mixed  with 
lime  or  ashes — furnished  cocaine.  Aborigines  of  Mexico 
evidently  made  a beverage  from  cacao  seeds.  There 
vanilla  was  indigenous.  In  central  South  America  there 
flourished  yerba  mate,  the  “Paraguayan  tea.”  Tobacco  was 
widely  cultivated  in  America  before  the  discovery.  Colum- 
bus beheld  the  Indians  smoking  rude  cigarettes  made  of 
tobacco  wrapped  in  corn  husks!  Prehistoric  man  in 
America  used  several  sorts  of  fiber.  In  Peruvian  graves 
there  has  been  found  cotton  of  different  colors:  white. 


IO 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


tawny,  and  maroon.  From  the  century  plant  of  Mexico 
and  Peru  the  aborigines  made  a fiber  resembling  the  hene- 
quen  of  Yucatan.  After  the  advent  of  Europeans,  the 
viscous  sap  of  certain  trees  and  shrubs  in  Mexico  and 
South  America  became  the  rubber  of  commerce. 

Fauna. — America  was  also  well  endowed  with  fauna. 
Especially  was  it  rich  in  birds  and  insects.  The  turkey 
was  indigenous.  Of  domesticated  animals  the  aborigines 
of  the  New  World  had  few.  The  American  bison  was 
undomesticable.  Aborigines  of  North  and  Middle  America 
had,  in  general,  only  one  domesticated  animal,  the  dog. 

The  Camels  of  the  New  World. — South  America  had, 
however,  a useful  quadruped  that  was  strange  to  Euro- 
peans. Aborigines  in  the  western  and  southern  portions 
of  the  continent  made  use  of  certain  indigenous  animals 
which  were  related  to  the  camel.  These  New  World 
camels  were  the  guanaco,  the  vicuna,  the  llama,  and  the 
alpaca.  Upon  the  Patagonian  plains  Indians  hunted  the 
guanaco.  Inhabitants  of  the  elevated  plateaus  used  the 
wool  of  the  vicuna  to  weave  fine  cloth.  They  employed 
llamas  and  alpacas  for  domestic  purposes;  the  llama  was 
the  common  beast  of  burden;  the  fleeces  of  the  llamas  and 
alpacas  were  used  in  weaving  cloth,  while  their  flesh 
served  as  meat. 

Origin  of  American  Man. — The  problem  of  the  origin 
of  man  in  the  New  World  is  related  to  the  question  of 
prehistoric  man.  In  the  absence  of  convincing  evidence 
about  the  origin  of  the  American  race  many  theories  have 
been  formulated.  One  of  the  most  careful  students  of 
American  aborigines,  D.  G.  Brinton,  took  the  view  that 
their  ancestors  came  from  western  Europe  by  a land 
bridge  across  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 

Remains  of  Early  Man  in  South  America. — Notable 
remains  of  early  man  have  been  discovered  in  South 
America.  Kitchen  middens  have  been  found  in  various 
parts  of  Brazil.  In  Argentina  innumerable  vestiges  of 
prehistoric  human  activity  have  been  unearthed.  Remains 
of  monkeys  have  been  exhumed  in  Patagonia.  Human 
bones  have  been  found  in  Brazil  and  in  the  Parana 
delta. 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


1 1 


Theory  of  South  American  Origin. — Basing  his  views 
upon  the  study  of  such  remains,  an  Argentine  geologist, 
paleontologist,  and  ethnologist  named  Florentino  Ame- 
ghino  formulated  a theory  that  startled  some  men  of 
science.  Ameghino  asserted  that  in  present  Argentina, 
which  had  emerged  from  the  waters  even  before  European 
men  chipped  rude  implements  out  of  stone,  subman  orig- 
inated from  monkeys.  He  maintained  that  “man-monkey” 
( tctraprohomo  Argentinus ) developed  there  and  became  dif- 
ferentiated into  a number  of  species.  From  the  pampas 
man  migrated  by  a convenient  land  bridge  to  Africa  and 
Oceanica;  he  spread  over  South  America,  and  eventually 
migrated  to  North  America  by  way  of  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama,  accompanied  by  colossal  animals.  In  time  man 
proceeded  from  North  America  to  Asia,  where  he  became 
the  ancestor  of  the  Mongolian  peoples,  and  to  Europe, 
where  he  became  the  progenitor  of  the  Caucasian  race. 
According  to  Ameghino’s  hypothesis,  the  cradle  of  the 
human  race  was  neither  in  Europe  nor  in  Asia  but  in 
Argentina. 

Objections  to  Ameghino’s  Theory. — Other  students  of 
prehistoric  man,  notably  certain  members  of  “the  North 
American  school,”  challenged  that  hypothesis.  To  test 
the  soundness  of  Ameghino’s  theory  in  1910  Ales  Hrdlicka, 
a prominent  ethnologist  of  the  United  States,  made  a short 
visit  to  Argentina  for  an  independent  study  of  the  sup- 
posed remains  of  early  men.  A capable  geologist  who 
accompanied  him  reached  the  conclusion  that  probably 
most  of  the  pampean  alluvium  in  which  those  remains 
were  found  had  been  deposited  in  comparatively  recent 
times.  Hrdlicka  reached  the  conclusion  that  the  evidence 
at  hand  did  not  substantiate  the  claim  that  “geologically 
ancient  man”  or  “any  precursors  of  the  human  race”  had 
ever  lived  on  the  pampas. 

Theory  of  Asiatic  Derivation. — In  an  article  which  he 
published  later  Hrdlicka  made  an  interpretative  summary 
of  the  views  commonly  accepted  in  the  United  States 
about  the  origin  of  man.  Hrdlicka  declared  that  there 
was  no  probability  that  mankind  originated  upon  the 
American  continent.  He  reasoned  that  man  did  not  reach 


12 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


America  until  after  reaching  a development  higher  than 
that  of  the  glacial  period  and  that  the  main  physical  fea- 
tures of  the  American  race  had  not  been  obliterated.  He 
described  the  characteristic  features  of  the  American  abo- 
rigines, excluding  the  Eskimos,  in  brief,  as  follows:  brown 
skin;  hair  of  head  black,  medium,  coarse,  and  straight; 
beard  scanty;  eyes  generally  of  a deep  brown  color  with 
eyeslits  often  having  a “slight  upward  slant”;  rather  large 
ears;  upper  incisor  teeth  shovel-shaped;  and  projecting 
jaws.  Basing  his  hypothesis  upon  the  substantial  identity 
of  physical  characteristics  and  elaborating  a theory  pre- 
viously propounded  by  Shaler,  Hrdlicka  expressed  the 
view  that  the  American  aborigines  belonged  to  a single 
stem  or  strain  of  people.  He  argued  that  immigration  had 
taken  place  gradually,  and  that  the  ancestors  of  the  abo- 
rigines who  people  the  Three  Americas  came  from  Asia 
to  North  America  after  man  had  attained  a relatively 
advanced  stage  of  development.  Those  migratory  waves 
were  followed  by  the  multiplication,  diffusion,  and  differ- 
entiation of  man  in  America.  Hrdlicka  admitted  that 
small  bands  of  Polynesians  or  even  of  Europeans  might 
have  settled  in  certain  parts  of  America  within  the  last 
two  thousand  years.  The  theory  of  the  Asiatic  derivation 
of  the  American  aborigines  has  been  accepted  by  some 
ethnologists  of  Latin  America. 

Unity  of  the  American  Race. — Ethnologists  who  accept 
this  theory  generally  incline  to  the  opinion  that  the  pre- 
Columbian  inhabitants  of  America  belonged  to  one  race, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  the  Eskimos.  Still,  by  1492 
the  aborigines  of  America  had  so  far  differentiated  that 
many  different  languages  and  dialects  had  developed. 
Even  in  this  diversity,  however,  a certain  unity  has  been 
found ; there  were  related  languages,  each  of  which  was 
ordinarily  used  by  affiliated  Indian  tribes.  Each  group 
of  Indians  using  a closely  related  speech  has  been  termed 
a stock. 

Distribution  of  Indians  in  Latin  America. — The  process 
of  classifying  aboriginal  stocks  has  not  progressed  so  far 
with  regard  to  Latin  America  as  it  has  with  regard  to  the 
United  States  and  Canada.  The  latest  available  classifica- 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


13 


tions  include  twenty-nine  linguistic  stocks  in  Mexico  and 
Central  America  and  more  than  eighty  in  South  America. 
To  those  lists  additions  or  subtractions  may  subsequently 
be  made,  as  investigations  proceed.  Such  classifications 
are  significant  to  historical  students  because  they  afford 
clues  that  help  to  determine,  with  more  or  less  definiteness, 
the  extent  of  the  respective  regions  that  were  influenced 
by  one  or  another  of  the  aboriginal  cultures. 

Stages  of  Development.  — The  American  aborigines 
were  in  various  stages  of  development,  depending  largely 
upon  their  environment.  Some  Indians  in  North  America, 
Central  America,  and  South  America  had  not  emerged 
from  the  Stone  Age.  Certain  tribes  of  Mexico,  Central 
America,  and  South  America  had  reached  a higher  stage 
of  culture,  for  they  made  articles  out  of  bronze.  Among 
those  tribes  were  the  Nahuatlans,  Mayans,  Chibchans,  and 
Incas.  At  the  time  of  the  discovery  none  of  the  Indians 
smelted  iron.  Various  hypotheses  have  been  formed  to 
explain  why  they  had  not  advanced  farther  along  the 
pathway  of  civilization.  Among  them  are  the  following: 
the  scarcity  of  domesticated  animals;  the  lack  of  adapt- 
ability in  the  American  race;  and  the  absence  of  contact 
with  the  culture  which  was  developing  in  the  Old  World. 
It  is  probably  safe  to  assert  that  at  the  time  Columbus 
made  his  landfall,  the  most  advanced  American  aborigines 
were  more  than  a thousand  years  behind  their  European 
contemporaries. 

Chief  Cultural  Regions  of  South  America. — During  the 
pre-Columbian  epoch  a more  or  less  constant  mingling  of 
the  aborigines  evidently  took  place.  At  the  opening  of 
the  sixteenth  century  in  various  sections  of  South  America 
there  lived  aborigines  belonging  to  different  stocks.  Yet, 
using  as  criteria  the  prevalence  of  certain  traits  besides 
language,  our  present  knowledge  indicates  that  the  South 
American  Indians  may  be  viewed  as  congeries  of  tribes 
living  within  regions  that  were  the  sites  of  somewhat  dif- 
ferent types  of  culture.  They  may  be  convenientlv 
grouped  in  three  culture  regions  which  had  some  relation 
to  the  great  physiographic  provinces  of  the  continent.  (1) 
The  region  stretching  in  a southwesterly  direction  from  the 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Brazilian  Highlands  to  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  In  that 
culture  area  the  aborigines  still  lived  mainly  by  hunting, 
fishing,  and  by  gathering  nuts.  It  was  made  up  of  the 
Brazilian  Highlands,  a part  of  the  Atlantic  Coast  Plain,  the 
lower  basin  of  la  Plata  River,  the  southern  portion  of  the 
Cordillera,  and  the  Patagonian  Plains.  (2)  A triangular- 
shaped region  in  the  middle  of  the  continent  which  had 
its  base  upon  the  northern  coast.  In  this  culture  area  the 
aborigines  lived  partly  by  agriculture;  and  they  had  made 
some  progress  in  the  practical  arts.  It  was  composed  of 
the  Basin  of  the  Orinoco  River  and  the  Basin  of  the  Ama- 
zon with  adjacent  tracts,  as  well  as  portions  of  the  Atlantic 
Coast  Plain.  (3)  The  region  that  comprised  most  of  the 
western  part  of  the  continent.  There  those  aborigines 
lived  who  made  implements  from  copper  and  bronze.  It 
included  the  major  portion  of  the  Cordilleras  with  the 
Great  Plateaus  and  also  portions  of  the  Pacific  Coast  Plain. 

The  Tapuyan  Indians. — The  Tapuyan  Indians  were 
probably  the  most  northern  members  of  the  lowest  culture 
group  in  1492.  At  that  juncture  they  were  hemmed  in 
by  tribes  of  a higher  culture,  the  Caribans  and* the  Tupians. 
The  Tapuyans  were  often  called  by  their  neighbors  “the 
Ancients.”  They  were  nomads  who  lived  by  hunting. 
The  Portuguese  called  them  “Botocudos”  (lip-pegs)  be- 
cause of  a custom  which  the  men  had  adopted  of  orna- 
menting their  lips  with  a peg  for  each  enemy  killed  in 
battle.  Southwest  of  the  Tapuyans  were  the  Guaycuran 
Indians  who  inhabited  the  region  now  designated  as  the 
Chaco. 

Charruans. — The  Charruas  or  the  Charruan  Indians,  as 
they  are  sometimes  designated,  occupied  the  lower  banks 
of  the  Uruguay  River.  They  were  a taciturn,  brave,  and 
warlike  people.  In  time  of  war  they  were  led  by  a cacique. 
They  made  a livelihood  by  war,  by  hunting,  and  by  fishing. 
Apparently  they  were  polygamous.  Their  women  often 
accompanied  them  on  their  forays.  As  implements  of  war- 
fare they  used  clubs,  bows  and  arrows,  and  bolas,  which 
were  stones  fastened  to  thongs.  Only  in  cold  weather  did 
they  cover  their  bodies  with  long,  sleeveless  shirts  made 
from  the  skins  of  wild  beasts.  They  were  intensely  fond 


5 s 


G .Q 


<’.5:  ^ 


(S-S 


cj.o 


P'S 


b ,<s  <: 
.\  > 


^ a 


H <3 


Map  Showing  the  Distribution  of  Indians  in  Latin  America  about  1500  ( adapted  from  Maps  by  J.  W.  Powell , 

Thomas  (C.),  and  Swanton  ( J . R.),  and  A.  E.  Chamberlain). 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


15 


of  an  intoxicating  beverage  called  chicha  that  was  made  from 
cane  juice.  Their  religion  was  a species  of  fetish  worship. 

Pulchean,  Tsonekan,  and  Chonoan  Indians.  — To  the 
south  and  west  of  la  Plata  River — occupying  large  portions 
of  Patagonia — were  located  the  Pulchean,  the  Tsonekan, 
and  the  Chonoan  Indians.  These  warlike  aborigines  had 
not  emerged  from  the  Stone  Age.  Their  chieftains  were 
hereditary.  As  described  to  us  by  travelers,  their  man- 
ners and  customs  much  resembled  those  of  the  neighbor- 
ing Araucanians. 

Araucanians.  — Living  mainly  between  the  Andes  and 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  between  the  parallels  of  2 70  and 
40°  south  latitude,  was  a group  of  related  aborigines  who 
became  known  as  the  Araucanians.  Perhaps  that  word 
was  derived  from  the  Indian  word  auco,  meaning  the  free. 
Scantily  dressed  in  the  skins  of  foxes  and  lions,  they  gained 
their  livelihood  by  farming,  fishing,  and  hunting.  From 
juicy  fruits  they  made  intoxicating  liquors  of  which  they 
were  very  fond.  They  were  cruel  to  their  enemies  and 
superstitious  in  their  religious  beliefs.  Athletic,  brave, 
and  patriotic,  they  were  keen  lovers  of  liberty.  In  some 
respects  they  are  comparable  with  the  Iroquois  of  North 
America. 

Their  Organization  and  Culture. — A group  of  Arau- 
canian  families  constituted  what  was  designated  a tribe. 
They  recognized  no  chief  except  in  war.  During  peaceful 
times  the  oldest  head  of  a family  or  the  bravest  warrior 
was  most  respected  by  the  Araucanians.  When  war 
seemed  imminent  they  chose  a chief  whom  they  designated  as 
toqui  to  manage  military  operations.  At  such  times  the  Arau- 
canians held  military  assemblies;  they  sent  an  arrow  dipped  in 
blood  from  group  to  group  as  a signal  that  war  had  been 
agreed  upon.  The  Araucanians  used  as  implements  of  war- 
fare the  bow  and  arrow,  lances,  wooden  clubs,  and  lassos 
weighted  by  stones.  They  were  implacable  warriors  who 
savagely  tormented  their  captives.  Intellectually  they  had  not 
progressed  far:  they  do  not  seem  to  have  been  able  to  count 
above  ten ; and  they  measured  time  by  the  movements  of  the 
sun  and  moon.  It  can  scarcely  be  said  that  they  possessed  a 
literature.  As  workmen  they  were  not  artistic.  Their  music 


i6 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


was  a melancholy  and  monotonous  chant.  Yet,  because  of 
their  energetic  and  warlike  patriotism,  Alonzo  de  Ercilla,  a 
noble  Spaniard  who  fought  against  the  Araucanians,  immor- 
talized them  in  an  epic  which  he  styled  La  Araucana. 

Arawakans. — In  1492  the  Arawakans  were  scattered 
from  the  headwaters  of  the  Amazon  to  its  mouth  and  also 
occupied  isles  of  the  Caribbean  Sea.  They  made  a liveli- 
hood by  farming  and  fishing:  maize,  manioc,  and  fish  were 
staples  in  their  diet.  They  displayed  much  skill  in  making 
earthen  vessels.  They  made  stone  hatchets  and  sabers  of 
hard  wood  to  use  in  war.  Eventually  the  Arawakans  be- 
came involved  in  a struggle  with  the  Cariban  Indians. 

Caribans. — The  Caribans  made  their  living  by  farming, 
hunting,  and  fighting.  It  was  their  custom  to  eat  adult 
males  whom  they  captured.  So  addicted  were  they  to 
this  abominable  practice  that  the  Spaniards  called  them 
“Caribs,”  meaning  cannibals.  Just  before  the  Spanish 
conquest  began,  the  fierce  Caribs  were  rapidly  spreading 
over  the  Antilles;  and  they  also  dominated  parts  of  the 
northeastern  coast  of  South  America. 

Tupians. — The  mode  in  which  the  Tupian  Indians  are 
scattered  about  South  America  has  furnished  a basis  for 
the  view  that  their  primitive  home  was  near  the  northern 
tributaries  of  la  Plata  River.  They  seem  to  have  made 
their  way  down  the  affluents  of  that  river  to  the  Atlantic 
and  then  to  have  proceeded  northward  to  the  Atlantic’s 
mouth.  At  the  opening  of  the  fifteenth  century  they  were 
found  some  distance  up  the  Amazon  River.  They  made  a 
livelihood  mainly  by  hunting  and  fishing.  Those  members 
of  the  Tupian  stock  who  were  located  in  the  south  near 
the  junction  of  the  Pilcomayo  and  Parana  Rivers  were 
noted  for  their  bravery  : they  called  themselves  Guaranies, 
which,  being  interpreted,  meant  warriors.  The  Guaranies 
were  cannibals. 

Calchaquians. — Neighbors  of  one  group  of  the  Tupians 
were  the  Calchaquian  Indians  who  are  sometimes  called 
the  Diaguites.  The  Calchaquian  Indians  were  located  in 
the  mountains  of  the  eastern  Andes.  They  had  reached  a 
higher  stage  of  culture  than  Indians  to  the  east.  Ordi- 
narily they  clad  themselves  in  a tunic  made  out  of  the  wool 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


17 


of  the  llama.  They  wore  their  hair  long,  tied  it  in  a knot, 
encircled  it  with  a band,  and  decorated  it  with  colored 
plumes.  Their  villages  were  generally  composed  of  stone 
houses  grouped  together — somewhat  after  the  fashion  of 
the  Pueblo  Indians — upon  a cliff  or  the  side  of  a ravine. 
The  Calchaquians  were  farmers  whose  chief  crop  was 
maize.  They  had  domesticated  the  llama,  the  turkey,  and 
certain  species  of  ducks.  They  had  a curious  custom  of 
burying  dead  children  in  funeral  urns.  Besides  urns  and 
vases,  they  manufactured  stone  hatchets,  basins,  and  pipes, 
as  well  as  spoons  of  wood  and  implements  of  copper.  A 
rude  fresco  ascribed  to  these  aborigines  depicts  them  as 
engaged  in  a fierce  struggle  with  the  Aymaran  Indians. 
Originally  they  had  a language  of  their  own  which  was 
eventually  displaced,  however,  by  the  language  of  the 
Incas  who  conquered  them. 

Pre-Inca  Civilizations. — Inca  civilization  arose  upon  the 
ruins  of  an  earlier  culture.  During  the  pre-Inca  age  sev- 
eral indigenous  cultures  flourished  in  western  South  Amer- 
ica. Among  them  were  the  Nazca,  the  Chimu  or  Yunca, 
and  the  culture  that  centered — in  a religious  aspect  at  least 
— around  Tiahuanaco.  Nazca  civilization  developed  in  the 
valleys  of  Chincha,  lea,  and  Nazca;  and  the  Yunca  civiliza- 
tion centered  around  Trujillo.  Farmers  and  fishermen, 
who  had  attained  distinction  in  the  making  of  pottery, 
spread  the  cultures  of  the  Yuncas  and  the  Nazcas.  Both 
those  peoples  were  addicted  to  human  sacrifices. 

Tiahuanaco. — The  chief  pre-Inca  civilization,  however, 
developed  upon  the  elevated  plateau  at  Tiahuanaco,  near 
the  southeastern  shores  of  Lake  Titicaca.  There  ruins  are 
still  found  of  what  were  perhaps  the  most  imposing  archi- 
tectural structures  of  pre-Columbian  America.  Among 
these  are  fragments  of  a temple  erected  to  a god  called 
Viracocha.  Near  the  temple  have  been  found  enormous 
stones  decorated  with  symbolic  figures  and  colossal  mono- 
lithic statues.  It  has  been  suggested  that  possibly  this 
city  was  the  religious  center  of  an  Empire  which  had  a 
political  capital  elsewhere. 

The  Aymarans. — With  regard  to  the  aborigines  that 
built  this  metropolis  there  has  been  a difference  of  opinion 


i8 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


among  scholars.  Careful  students  of  Peruvian  antiquities, 
basing  their  views  upon  the  belief  that  the  people  of  Tia- 
huanaco  had  developed  a distinct  type  of  architecture, 
have  ascribed  it  to  a people  called  the  Aymarans,  a large- 
chested people  who  deformed  their  children’s  heads  by 
compressing  them  between  boards.  A prominent  Peru- 
vian scholar  has  ascribed  it  to  the  Quechuan  Indians. 
Other  students  have  attributed  it  to  a mysterious  people 
distinct  from  either  the  Aymarans  or  the  Quechuans.  In 
any  case,  during  an  age  which  perhaps  antedated  the  ar- 
rival of  Pizzaro  by  one  thousand  years,  the  rulers  of  Tia- 
huanaco  had  spread  their  civilization  over  a large  section 
of  the  Andean  highlands.  During  that  epoch  there  also 
flourished  along  the  coast  some  less  important  aboriginal 
kingdoms,  notably  that  which  centered  around  the  sacred 
city  of  Pachacamac. 

Rise  of  the  Incas. — The  Tiahuanaco  civilization  was  over- 
thrown— possibly  by  savages — and  a period  of  anarchy 
succeeded.  During  that  period  in  various  districts  strong 
peoples  emerged  into  prominence  and  extended  their  influ- 
ence over  neighboring  territory.  Among  those  peoples 
were  the  warlike  Quechuans  inhabiting  the  valleys  around 
Cuzco.  The  name  Inca  seems  originally  to  have  been 
applied  to  their  chieftain  and  to  members  of  the  ruling 
family.  It  was  eventually  made  the  designation  of  the 
expanding  Quechuan  tribe. 

Inca  Conquests. — According  to  legend,  the  founder  of 
the  Inca  dynasty  was  Manco  Capac,  who  led  his  people 
from  Tampu-Tocco — which  is  supposed  to  have  been  at  a 
place  now  called  Machu  Picchu — to  the  fertile,  protected 
valley  of  Cuzco.  It  is  conjectured  that  probably  in  the 
mists  of  the  twelfth  century  those  people  began  to  extend 
their  influence  from  Cuzco  into  the  adjacent  valleys. 
Chieftains — who  became  less  and  less  legendary — under- 
took to  subjugate  the  neighboring  aborigines.  In  the 
fourteenth  century  the  Incas  apparently  undertook  to 
unify  their  conquests. 

Extent  of  the  Inca  Empire. — At  its  greatest  extent  the 
Empire  of  the  Incas  stretched  on  the  south  to  about  lati- 
tude 270,  on  the  north  it  extended  a short  distance  beyond 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


i9 


the  equator,  on  the  east  beyond  Lake  Titicaca,  and  on  the 
west  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  By  its  inhabitants  the  vast 
Empire  was  designated  Tahuantin  Suyo.  It  was  divided 
into  four  administrative  districts.  (1)  Chinchay  Suyo, 
which  extended  from  Cuzco  north  and  west  to  the  Pacific. 
(2)  Ccolla  Suyo,  which  included  the  basin  of  Lake  Titicaca 
and  stretched  south  to  the  river  Loa.  (3)  Anti  Suyo, 
which  stretched  east  of  Cuzco  and  included  certain  Andean 
slopes.  (4)  Ccunti  Suyo,  which  extended  from  Cuzco 
westward  to  the  Pacific  coast.  In  certain  regions  beyond 
these  districts  the  influence  of  the  Incas  had  been  felt, 
especially  to  the  east.  To  the  north  their  sway  had  not 
spread  much  farther  than  the  highlands  where  llamas  and 
alpacas  were  used  as  domestic  animals. 

Its  Population  and  Language. — The  exact  population  of 
Tahuantin  Suyo  about  1492  is  not  known.  No  census  of 
the  Empire  was  ever  taken.  Ruins  of  towns  and  fortresses 
indicate  that  its  population  was  most  dense  in  oases  near 
the  coast  and  in  fruitful  Andean  valleys.  A careful  Peru- 
vian scholar  has  estimated  that  its  population  was  from 
eight  to  ten  millions.  The  city  of  Cuzco,  the  capital  and 
metropolis,  possibly  contained  some  fifty  thousand  souls. 
There  were  a score  or  more  of  smaller  cities.  Various 
tongues  were  used:  besides  the  Ouechuan  speech,  which 
remained  the  language  of  the  Incas  and  also  became  the 
official  language  of  the  Empire,  the  people  of  certain  dis- 
tricts used  special  dialects.  Many  subjects  of  the  Incas 
continued  to  use  the  speech  of  the  conquered  Aymarans. 
Possibly  a million  inhabitants  of  the  Inca  Empire  spoke 
the  Ouechuan  language. 

Quechuan  Social  Conditions. — Quechuans  were  organ- 
ized into  clans  or  ayllus  that  occupied  villages.  The  coun- 
cil of  the  Quechuan  tribe  was  composed  of  delegates 
chosen  by  the  clans.  A clan  acknowledged  a common  an- 
cestry through  the  female  line.  Originally  each  clan  seems 
to  have  had  its  own  religious  cult  with  distinct  ceremonies 
and  social  obligations.  Even  after  the  process  of  consol- 
idation had  progressed,  members  of  the  same  clan  contin- 
ued to  furnish  mutual  aid  in  the  tillage  of  the  soil  and  the 
construction  of  houses.  Apparently  the  right  of  private 


20 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


property  existed  to  some  extent.  For  members  of  the 
upper  classes,  at  least,  could  bequeath  their  patrimonies. 
A father  might  leave  his  movable  property  to  his  sons. 
If  he  had  no  descendants,  his  property  went  to  the  State. 
The  Quechuans  were  densely  ignorant  of  hygiene.  Incas 
of  royal  blood — called  orejones  by  the  Spaniards — and  cer- 
tain privileged  classes  formed  a sort  of  nobility. 

The  Conquered  Tribes. — The  various  tribes  which  com- 
posed the  Inca  Empire  were  also  made  up  of  clans.  Each 
tribe  occupied  a more  or  less  definite  territory  within 
which  it  had  special  rights.  Sometimes  the  vanquished 
peoples  were  confederated  under  the  leadership  of  the 
Incas.  Upon  the  conquest  of  a certain  tribe,  its  lands 
were  ordinarily  divided  into  three  parts.  One  part  was 
assigned  to  the  inhabitants  for  their  livelihood:  every  in- 
dividual thus  had  the  use  of  a portion  of  land.  Each 
father  of  a family  had  the  right  to  a strip  of  land,  the  size 
of  which  depended  upon  the  number  of  his  children.  He 
was  allowed  to  keep  the  produce  that  was  necessary  for 
the  subsistence  of  his  family.  A second  part  of  the  con- 
quered territory  belonged  to  the  cult  of  the  Sun.  The 
third  part  was  the  property  of  the  Incas.  Produce  derived 
from  the  second  and  third  parts  was  used  for  the  support 
of  religious  officials  and  of  the  government.  The  Incas 
and  the  Sun,  with  a few  members  of  the  nobility,  owned 
most  of  the  herds  and  flocks.  Alpaca  wool  and  cotton 
were  distributed  among  certain  individuals  either  for  the 
manufacture  of  their  clothing  or  for  the  fabrication  of  tex- 
tiles for  the  use  of  the  government. 

Inca  Religion. — The  religion  of  the  Incas  was  founded 
mainly  upon  the  reverence  of  natural  phenomena — which 
were  sometimes  personified — and  the  worship  of  the  dead. 
Natural  objects  of  adoration  varied  according  to  the  region 
inhabited.  The  coastmen  adored  the  sea,  the  mountain- 
eers reverenced  lions  and  bears,  while  the  plateau  people 
worshiped  the  lightning  and  the  rainbow.  With  the  con- 
quests of  the  Incas  the  number  of  their  gods  increased; 
for  the  personified  forces  of  nature  which  were  adored  by 
subjugated  tribes  were  added  to  the  gods  in  the  Inca  pan- 
theon. Each  family  reverenced  its  dead,  whose  bones  were 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


21 


preserved  in  special  sepulchers.  Every  clan  adored  its 
dead  caciques  and  heroes.  Inca  rulers  were  the  objects  of 
special  reverence:  during  life  they  were  adored;  and  a 
species  of  worship  was  addressed  to  their  mummies.  Cer- 
tain cults  survived  the  Inca  conquest,  notably  the  mys- 
terious religion  of  Pachacamac.  Above  all,  the  Inca  tribe 
was  devoted  to  the  worship  of  the  Sun,  which  naturally 
became  the  religion  of  the  State.  All  the  gods  of  the  Em- 
pire were  declared  to  be  children  of  the  Sun.  It  is  believed 
by  some  students  of  the  ancient  Peruvians  that  at  Pacha- 
camac and  Cuzco  human  beings  were  occasionally  im- 
molated. 

Military  Organization. — The  military  organization  of 
the  Incas  was  of  paramount  importance,  for  the  army  and 
war  were  the  bases  of  their  power.  A fighting  and  farm- 
ing people,  no  sooner  had  they  conquered  a region  than 
they  undertook  to  cultivate  the  land.  At  the  apex  of  Inca 
organization  was  a species  of  military  nobility  that  defied 
death.  Common  soldiers  were  recruited  from  the  agri- 
cultural classes.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  custom  of  the 
Incas  to  keep  groups  of  those  soldiers  under  arms  for  a 
short  time  and  then  to  replace  them  by  others.  The  fam- 
ilies of  soldiers  who  were  engaged  in  military  service  were 
supported  and  their  fields  were  cultivated.  War  was 
waged  in  a barbarous  fashion.  After  a victory  the  soldiers 
often  became  inebriated.  Denizens  of  a conquered  terri- 
tory were  compelled  to  furnish  provisions  for  Inca  soldiers 
and  to  construct  forts.  Eventually  the  Empire  was  held 
together  by  a series  of  military  fortresses  which  were  or- 
dinarily located  at  strategic  points.  Sometimes  these 
fortifications  were  constructed  with  salients  and  angles  so 
as  to  permit  of  lateral  fire  upon  attacking  forces.  In  the 
construction  of  their  fortresses  the  Incas  occasionally  used 
stones  weighing  several  tons. 

Mitimaes. — Like  the  Romans,  the  Incas  planted  military 
colonies  within  territories  which  they  conquered.  Such 
colonies  were  styled  mitimaes.  Inca  military  colonists  were 
Quechuan  Indians  who  were  ordered  to  learn  the  language 
of  a vanquished  people  without  forgetting  their  own 
tongue.  They  acted  as  police  and  as  spies.  They  wore  a 


22 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


distinctive  dress  and  might  neither  return  to  their  native 
districts  nor  change  their  residences  without  permission. 
The  purpose  of  the  Incas  in  establishing  military  colonies 
was  to  decrease  or  to  destroy  opposition  to  their  rule  in 
the  conquered  districts. 

Roads. — Another  mode  by  which  the  Incas  consolidated 
their  conquests  was  by  the  construction  of  highways.  The 
inhabitants  of  conquered  regions  were  compelled  to  build 
roads  and  to  maintain  them.  From  Cuzco  roads  extended 
in  various  directions.  One  highway  proceeded  by  a ser- 
pentine route  northward  from  Cuzco  to  Quito  and  also 
southward  toward  the  region  inhabited  by  the  Araucanian 
Indians.  Another  ran  in  a southerly  direction  from  the 
Gulf  of  Guayaquil  to  the  desert  of  Atacama.  Those  main 
highways  were  connected  by  secondary  roads  that  de- 
scended from  the  mountains  to  the  coast.  In  connection 
with  their  roads  the  Incas  sometimes  built  bridges.  Inca 
highways  scaled  lofty  crags  by  stairways,  and  at  certain 
points  were  provided  with  storehouses  for  provisions  and 
munitions.  Still,  in  the  main,  they  were  mere  footpaths 
for  Indian  couriers. 

Architecture. — In  architecture  the  Incas  had  reached  a 
high  stage  of  development.  They  used  stone  in  the  con- 
struction of  their  chief  buildings.  They  carefully  fitted  or 
keyed  stones  together  by  means  of  irregularities  on  their 
inner  surfaces.  Lime  or  cement  they  used  seldom,  if  in- 
deed at  all.  A few  circular  or  semicircular  buildings  of  the 
Incas  have  been  found;  but  their  structures  were  generally 
rectangular  in  shape.  Their  walls,  doors,  and  windows 
ordinarily  converged  towards  the  top.  The  Incas  used  a 
number  of  clever  devices  in  their  buildings.  They  em- 
ployed lock  holes  to  fasten  the  bars  of  doors.  They  tied 
the  roofs  to  stone  cylinders  that  projected  from  the  gables. 
Inside  the  houses  they  used  such  cylinders  for  hooks  and 
supports,  as  well  as  for  ventilation  and  drainage.  Occa- 
sionally Inca  workmen  showed  some  engineering  skill. 
They  straightened  water  courses  and  dug  irrigating 
ditches  along  mountain  sides.  At  Sacsahuaman,  which  is 
upon  a crag  overlooking  Cuzco,  at  Ollantaytambo,  in  a 
valley  near  that  city,  and  at  Machu  Picchu,  an  almost  in- 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


23 


accessible  stronghold  northeast  of  that  capital,  have  been 
found  massive  and  imposing  remains  of  Inca  architecture. 

Arts  and  Crafts. — The  Incas  modeled  animal  forms  in 
clay.  Their  decorative  art  reached  its  highest  develop- 
ment in  pottery.  So  graceful  and  simple  are  the  lines  of 
Inca  vessels  found  at  Machu  Picchu  that  they  have  been 
compared  to  Grecian  vases.  Inca  workmen  made  many 
articles  out  of  bronze:  hatchets,  knives,  mirrors,  tweezers, 
needles,  spoons,  rings,  spangles,  bells,  and  bracelets.  They 
used  tin  with  bronze  in  casting  delicate  articles.  Surgical 
tools  they  manufactured  from  bronze  or  obsidian.  Occa- 
sionally the  Incas  used  those  instruments  to  trepan  skulls. 
Their  women  wove  colored  ponchos  in  unique  designs. 

Dancing  and  Music. — Aboriginal  customs  and  traditions 
were  preserved  by  the  Incas  in  dancing  and  music.  Dances 
took  place  at  private  and  public  entertainments  and  at 
religious  feasts,  as  the  feast  of  the  Sun.  Occasionally 
dances  were  used  to  incite  warriors  to  combat;  at  other 
times  they  were  employed  to  soothe  the  anger  of  irate 
chieftains.  They  were  also  used  to  portray  scenes  in  na- 
tional life.  The  music  of  the  Incas  was  ordinarily  com- 
posed of  a few  notes  in  a minor  key,  which  were  repeated 
over  and  over  again.  In  connection  with  dances  and  music, 
their  minstrels  chanted  songs  of  love  and  conquest.  A 
historical  canto  in  praise  of  an  Inca  has  been  translated 
from  the  Quechuan  language  into  Spanish.  Critics  have, 
however,  generally  presumed  that  comedies  and  tragedies 
ascribed  to  aboriginal  composers  were  later  adaptations  of 
the  Spanish  drama. 

Quipus. — In  one  most  important  respect  the  Incas  had 
lagged  behind  the  Aztecs.  Despite  rumors  of  an  Inca  sys- 
tem of  writing,  careful  scholars  have  reached  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  Incas  did  not  develop  an  alphabet  or  even  a 
system  of  hieroglyphics.  At  the  time  of  the  Spanish  con- 
quest the  chief  method  which  they  used  for  the  preserva- 
tion and  transmission  of  their  thoughts  was  the  so-called 
Quipu.  This  was  made  up  of  colored  and  knotted  strings 
of  different  lengths  which  were  variously  arranged.  Some- 
what after  the  fashion  of  an  English  tally,  those  strings 
were  used  to  keep  records  and  even  to  transmit  thoughts. 


24 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Unfortunately  the  conquistadors  wantonly  destroyed  the 
collections  of  quipus  at  the  capital  of  the  Incas. 

The  “Kingdom  of  Quito.” — Neighbors  of  the  Quechuans 
on  the  north  were  the  Canarian  and  other  Indian  stocks 
that  had  been  influenced,  if  not  indeed  conquered,  by  the 
Incas.  According  to  aboriginal  traditions,  the  equatorial 
plateau  was  originally  inhabited  by  the  Quitus  Indians; 
hence  the  adjacent  region  was  often  designated  the  “King- 
dom of  Quito.”  In  the  equatorial  region  of  the  west  coast 
various  cultures  intermingled.  Certain  Indians  living 
there  had  been  affected  by  the  culture,  at  least,  of  abo* 
rigines  whom  the  Spanish  conquerors  called  the  Muiscas. 

Habitat  of  the  Chibchan  Indians. — Those  Indians,  who 
became  known  in  history  as  the  Chibchans,  occupied  the 
most  northerly  area  of  high  culture  in  South  America. 
They  lived  east  of  the  Magdalena  River  upon  a plateau 
that  was  traversed  by  rivers  and  dotted  by  lakes.  The 
main  habitat  of  the  Chibchan  tribe  was  upon  the  fertile 
plateau  about  the  towns  of  Bacata  and  Tunja  with  the 
contiguous  valleys.  In  their  early  history  the  Chibchans 
were  apparently  divided  into  many  small  communities 
ruled  by  caciques.  Ultimately  the  number  of  caciques  was 
reduced  to  five,  who  began  a fight  for  supremacy.  Just 
before  the  advent  of  the  Spaniards  the  cacique  named 
Zipa,  who  was  located  at  Bacata,  became  involved  in  a 
desperate  struggle  with  the  cacique  called  Zaque,  whose 
capital  was  at  Tunja.  Declining  centers  of  Chibchan  cul- 
ture were  at  Sogamoso,  Tundama,  and  Guatabita. 

Their  Culture. — Although  some  of  the  Chibchans  lived 
in  a comparatively  cold  region,  yet  they  had  developed  a 
high  culture.  Their  chief  occupation  was  agriculture; 
their  crops  were  mainly  cotton,  corn,  fruits,  and  potatoes. 
They  manufactured  coarse  cloth,  and  mined  salt,  copper, 
and  emeralds.  By  commerce  with  neighboring  aborigines 
they  secured  other  products.  They  made  various  articles 
out  of  beaten  gold.  In  the  early  sixteenth  century  Bacata 
had  possibly  twenty  thousand  inhabitants. 

Architecture. — Chibchan  houses  were  ordinarily  round 
with  pyramidal  or  conical  roofs.  Their  walls  were  made 
out  of  tree  trunks  set  in  the  earth  which  were  plastered 


THE  ENVIRONMENT  . 


25 


with  a mixture  of  mud  and  straw.  The  size  and  character 
of  the  houses  varied  according  to  the  social  standing  of 
their  occupants.  Doors  and  windows  were  small  and  few 
in  number.  Protected  by  a wall  and  by  rude  fortifications, 
Bacata  contained  the  home  or  “palace”  of  the  Zipa,  which 
was  reputed  to  have  a dozen  doors. 

Art. — Very  few  remains  of  stone  buildings  constructed 
by  the  Chibchans  have  been  found.  They  made  various 
types  of  pottery,  which  were  often  decorated  in  dark  col- 
ors. In  alloys  of  variable  proportions  of  gold,  silver,  and 
copper,  they  cast  statuettes  which  they  chiseled  by  means 
of  copper  tools.  A gold  urn  found  by  the  conquistadors 
in  Tunja  weighed  about  thirty  pounds.  Strangely  enough 
— although  many  Chibchans  lived  in  a region  which  pos- 
sessed a wonderfully  diversified  flora — no  representations 
of  trees,  leaves,  or  flowers  have  been  found  on  their 
pottery.  There  is  no  evidence  to  prove  that  they  had  de- 
veloped the  art  of  transmitting  their  ideas  beyond  the 
drawing  of  rude  pictographs. 

Religion. — Their  priests  apparently  composed  a caste. 
Tradition  ascribed  to  a creative  god  called  Bochica  the 
origin  of  their  civilization.  The  Chibchan  religion  was  a 
species  of  nature  worship.  Every  home  had  its  fetish : 
every  house  possessed  its  idol  of  clay,  wood,  wax,  copper, 
silver,  or  gold.  Mountains,  rocks,  trees,  shrubs,  and  es- 
pecially streams  and  lakes,  were  supposed  to  be  inhabited 
by  divine  beings.  They  were  accordingly  venerated. 
Lake  Guatabita  was  the  scene  of  peculiar  religious  rites. 
The  festive  sacrifices  that  were  offered  to  the  gods  upon 
the  selection  of  a new  ruler  furnished  a basis  for  the  allur- 
ing myth  of  El  Dorado. 

El  Dorado. — According  to  a story  handed  down  by 
Spanish  chroniclers,  upon  coronation  day  the  young  chief 
was  taken  to  the  shores  of  Lake  Guatabita.  There  he 
embarked  on  a boat  which  was  laden  with  gold  and  em- 
eralds. After  being  clad  in  festive  robes  by  the  priests, 
the  prince  was  smeared  with  sticky  earth  and  covered  with 
gold  dust.  In  the  middle  of  Lake  Guatabita — so  ran  the 
legend — the  monarch  offered  his  precious  treasure  to  the 
gods  by  emptying  it  into  the  lake  amid  the  rejoicings  of 


26 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


his  people.  From  this  story  arose  the  legend  of  the  gilded 
man,  which  lured  adventurers  to  make  expeditions  in 
search  of  a country  where  gold  was  plentiful. 

Human  Sacrifices. — Far  from  attractive  was  the  Chib- 
chan  practice  of  human  sacrifices.  Those  sometimes  took 
place  at  sunrise.  Occasionally  a victim  was  bound  to  poles 
and  shot  to  death  by  arrows.  At  times  captive  children 
seem  to  have  been  sacrificed.  When  a cacique  died,  slaves 
and  women  were  often  interred  alive  beside  his  body, 
which  was  adorned  with  jewels  and  anointed  with  a pre- 
servative balsam. 

Culture  of  “Middle  America.” — The  Chibchan  stock  also 
occupied  a portion  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  and  Central 
America.  To  the  north  of  the  Chibchans  was  an  area 
where  dififerent  cultures  mingled  and  affected  Indians  that 
were  in  a lower  stage  of  development.  Possibly  the  most 
noteworthy  of  the  aborigines  that  were  located  in  this  in- 
termediate area  were  the  Cunan  and  the  Ulvan  Indians — 
both  probably  related  to  the  Chibchans — and  the  Mosqui- 
toan  Indians.  Three  Indian  stocks  of  “Middle  America” 
developed  high  civilizations.  Those  were  the  Mayan,  the 
Zapotecan,  and  the  Nahuatlan  Indians  who  lived  mainly 
upon  the  highland  or  a favored  peninsula.  On  the  north- 
ern outskirts  of  the  Nahuatlans  were  some  related  peoples 
possessing  a low  culture.  Among  these  were  Indians 
designated  by  the  Spanish  conquerors  as  “Chichimecs” 
whom  ethnologists  have  classified  linguistically  with  the 
Nahuatlans.  Farther  to  the  north  were  other  Indians: 
as  the  Yaqui  and  the  Piman  who  have  been  grouped  by 
ethnologists  with  the  Nahuatlan  stock;  and  the  Yuman 
whose  culture  resembled  that  of  Indians  inhabiting  the 
southwestern  part  of  the  present  United  States.  Hover- 
ing upon  the  northern  borders  of  present  Mexico  were  the 
Athapascans  that  included  the  vengeful  Apaches. 

The  Mayans. — In  1492  the  habitat  of  the  Mayans  was 
the  Peninsula  of  Yucatan.  Upon  the  northwest  their  in- 
fluence extended  to  the  Isthmus  of  Tehauntepec,  while 
on  the  southwest  it  almost  reached  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
The  Empire  of  the  Mayans  early  included  almost  all  of 
Central  America.  Their  history  has  been  divided  into  two 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


27 


periods:  the  “Old  Empire,”  including  the  period  from  the 
earliest  times  until  about  600  a.d.;  and  the  “New  Em- 
pire,” including  the  period  from  600  to  the  Spanish  con- 
quest. The  oldest  Mayan  culture  had  its  site  in  certain 
portions  of  present  Mexico  and  Central  America.  From 
the  fifth  to  the  seventh  centuries  was  the  most  flourishing 
period  of  Mayan  power.  Expanding  to  the  north  the 
Mayans  emigrated  to  Yucatan,  where  they  established  an 
Empire  that  lasted  until  the  Spanish  conquest. 

Their  Ruined  Cities. — Ruined  cities  found  in  Yucatan 
and  Central  America  show  the  character  of  the  Mayan 
Indians.  Important  seats  of  their  civilization  were  Tikal, 
Copan,  Palenque,  Quirigua,  Chichen  Itza,  and  Uxmal. 
Upon  those  sites  were  found  the  ruins  of  stone  buildings 
that  had  apparently  been  used  for  religious  purposes. 
Located  at  strategic  points,  certain  cities  were  protected 
by  walls  and  fortresses.  Temples  constructed  of  sandstone 
were  often  built  upon  hills  or  mounds.  It  is  believed  that 
centuries  ago  each  of  the  ruined  cities  was  the  site  of  a 
large  town  containing  many  inhabitants. 

Organization. — Scant  evidence  has  been  found  regard- 
ing the  organization  of  the  Mayans.  It  appears,  however, 
that  they  were  arranged  in  exogamous  clans  in  which 
descent  was  traced  in  the  male  line.  The  clans  were 
located  in  villages;  and  every  clan  was  headed  by  a chief. 
Land  was  the  collective  property  of  each  family : appar- 
ently the  labor  of  tilling  the  soil  was  performed  in  com- 
mon. Every  village  had  a hereditary  military  leader. 
Justice  was  administered  by  village  officials. 

Art. — -Although  the  homes  of  the  Mayans  were  ordi- 
narily only  wooden  huts  covered  with  straw  or  palm 
leaves,  yet  they  were  fine  artisans.  Among  them  the  man- 
ufacture of  pottery  was  highly  advanced.  Especially  did 
they  excel  in  the  decorative  art.  Their  vases  were  occa- 
sionally decorated  with  human  masks.  Frequently  their 
flasks  were  adorned  with  profiles  and  with  hieroglyphics 
in  relief.  The  discovery  of  Mayan  vases  bearing  animal  or 
human  representations  has  led  to  the  conclusion  that  those 
vessels  were  probably  used  in  religious  rites.  In  Mayan 
temples  many  walls  were  covered  with  designs  in  stucco  or 


28 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


in  relief  on  stone.  Huge  statues  of  men,  richly  carved 
wooden  panels,  and  poorly  executed  paintings  of  animals, 
have  been  found  in  ruined  cities  of  the  Mayans.  Interior 
decorations  of  their  temples  sometimes  depict  divinities 
and  priests. 

Religion. — Whether  or  not  their  rulers  belonged  to  the 
priestly  class,  it  is  evident  that  in  the  life  of  the  Mayans 
the  religious  element  played  an  important  part.  They  had 
several  different  divinities.  Their  chief  gods  were  Itzamna, 
the  god  of  the  east  or  of  the  rising  sun;  and  Kukulkan, 
the  god  of  order — the  patron  of  arts  and  crafts.  Their 
dominant  form  of  religion  was  a species  of  sun  worship. 
The  sun  was  often  represented  in  their  decorations  by  a 
feathered  snake  named  Quetzal.  To  the  Mayans  the 
world  was  an  arena  of  conflict  between  two  opposing 
forces : — the  sun,  which  was  the  source  of  light  and  life, 
and  the  night,  which  was  emblematic  of  darkness  and 
death.  Although  ordinarily  the  offerings  to  their  gods 
consisted  of  fruits  of  the  land,  yet  occasionally  slaves  or 
children  were  sacrificed.  A most  striking  pictorial  decora- 
tion of  the  Mayans  represents  a man  being  sacrificed  to 
Kukulkan.  Yet  they  do  not  seem  to  have  made  that  hor- 
rible combination  of  war  and  human  sacrifice  which  was 
an  essential  feature  of  the  Aztec  cult. 

Astronomy. — The  religious  rites  of  the  Mayans  were 
based  upon  astronomical  observations.  Their  priests 
studied  the  heavens  carefully.  So  accurate  were  their  cal- 
culations that  they  coordinated  the  lunar  month  with  the 
solar  calendar.  In  Mayan  temples  much  use  was  made  of 
the  cross,  as  a symbol  of  the  four  quarters  of  the  heavens. 

Hieroglyphics. — The  Mayans  had  learned  how  to  pre- 
serve and  transmit  their  thoughts  by  writing.  As  yet, 
their  hieroglyphics  are  not  fully  intelligible,  but  they  have 
been  serviceable  in  setting  limits  to  Mayan  civilization. 
In  the  Mayan  system  of  writing,  phonetic  symbols  were 
evidently  displacing  ideographic  symbols.  The  arithmetic 
of  the  Mayans  has  been  reconstructed  with  so  much  suc- 
cess that  it  has  helped  to  determine  the  age  when  their 
culture  flourished.  Their  elaborately  carved  monoliths 
have  been  designed  as  five-year  “almanacs  in  stone.” 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


29 


Disruption  of  the  Mayan  Empire. — Long  before  the 
Spaniards  saw  the  Yucatanese  coast,  the  Mayan  civiliza- 
tion— which  is  supposed  to  mark  the  highest  point  of  de- 
velopment reached  by  aboriginal  Americans — had  fallen’ 
into  decay.  Because  of  climatic  changes  which  promoted 
the  growth  of  dense  forests,  because  of  the  degeneration 
of  the  Mayans,  or  because  of  a combination  of  unfavorable 
circumstances,  their  Empire  broke  up  into  little  kingdoms, 
while  their  language  split  into  several  dialects. 

Zapotecans. — North  of  the  Mayans  were  located  other 
tribes  that  had  attained  a comparatively  high  develop- 
ment. Probably  the  most  important  of  the  Indian  stocks 
occupying  the  territory  between  the  Mayans  and  the 
Aztecs  was  the  Zapotecan.  The  center  of  Zapotecan  cul- 
ture was  the  city  of  Mitla;  her  architecture  still  demon- 
strates the  skill  of  her  workmen.  With  stone  tools  those 
aborigines  hewed  massive  blocks  out  of  quarries  and  con- 
structed buildings  which  vie  with  those  of  the  Incas.  The 
use  of  stucco  mosaics  by  the  Zapotecans  indicates  that  they 
had  been  affected  by  Mayan  civilization. 

Toltecs. — For  many  years  the  originators  of  Mexican 
and  Central  American  culture  were  supposed  to  have  been 
the  Toltecs.  Critical  students  of  Indian  civilizations,  how- 
ever, have  destroyed  that  tradition.  It  is  now  believed 
that  about  the  year  1000  a.d.  there  existed  upon  the 
plateau  of  Anahuac  a tribe  known  as  the  Toltecs — whose 
home  was  about  the  city  of  Tula — who  had  probably  de- 
rived their  culture  from  the  Mayans.  The  state  of  the 
Toltecs  was  merely  a small  kingdom  whose  culture  was 
related  to  the  Nahuatlan  civilization.  Even  more  than  the 
Zapotecans,  the  Toltecs  seem  to  derive  their  chief  impor- 
tance from  the  fact  that  they  served  to  transmit  the  civili- 
zation of  the  Mayans  to  the  Nahuatlans. 

Nahuatlans.  — The  Nahuatlans  were  related  tribes, 
whose  members  upon  the  eve  of  the  Spanish  conquest  held 
sway  from  the  Isthmus  of  Tehauntepec  to  the  Panuco 
River.  Their  legends  affirm  that  their  early  home  was  on 
a great  water  in  the  far  north.  Evidently  the  Nahuatlans 
secured  from  the  Mayans  a knowledge  of  writing,  archi- 


30 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


tecture,  and  calendars,  besides  certain  religious  ideas,  as 
the  cult  of  Quetzalcoatl,  the  feathered  snake. 

Aztecs. — Of  the  Nahuatlan  peoples  the  last  to  reach  the 
pleasant  central  valley  in  the  plateau  of  Anahuac  were  the 
Mexicas  or,  as  they  were  commonly  called,  the  Aztecs. 
It  was  perhaps  about  1325  when  they  settled  upon  two 
small  islands  in  Lake  Tezcoco  under  a chief  named  Tenoch. 
As  the  Aztecs  eventually  triumphed  in  the  struggle  for 
subsistence,  the  city  of  Tenochitlan  became  the  center  of 
their  power.  Gradually  they  extended  their  influence  and 
authority  over  adjacent  peoples.  With  the  people  of  two 
other  tribes  or  pueblos,  the  Tezcocans  and  the  Tlacopans, 
they  organized  a confederacy  which  subjugated  peoples 
who  were  far  distant  from  Anahuac.  At  its  largest  extent 
— including  some  tribes  that  had  been  enveloped  but  not 
subdued  by  the  Aztecs — their  Empire  stretched  from 
Yucatan  almost  to  the  river  Panuco  and  from  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  On  the  north  the  Aztec 
Empire  was  bounded  by  the  Tarascan  and  Otomian  In- 
dians and  by  the  Chichimecs. 

Their  Stage  of  Development. — Much  dispute  was  waged 
about  the  exact  stage  of  civilization  reached  by  the  Aztecs. 
Basing  their  views  upon  the  imaginative  accounts  of  Span- 
ish chroniclers,  early  historians  of  the  Aztecs  conveyed  an 
exalted  notion  of  their  culture.  As  a reaction  some  writers 
have  aimed  to  reduce  them  to  the  level  of  other  North 
American  Indians.  In  recent  years,  however,  the  tendency 
has  been  to  consider  the  Aztec  civilization  as  a highly 
developed  form  of  an  indigenous  culture. 

The  Aztec  Confederacy. — A prime  object  of  the  Aztec 
confederacy  was  to  wage  war.  Each  of  the  confederated 
tribes  possessed  an  independent  organization  and  had  a 
right  to  certain  land.  Upon  this  territory  the  town  from 
which  the  respective  tribe  took  its  name  was  located.  Each 
tribe  might  wage  war  on  its  own  account  and  levy  tribute 
upon  the  territory  which  it  conquered.  Taught  how  to 
fight  at  an  early  age,  the  men  of  all  the  tribes  were  war- 
riors. Military  officers  were  elected  by  the  tribe  or  by 
the  clans.  The  clan  was  the  military  unit. 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


3i 


In  War  Times. — The  arrangement  in  a war  waged  by 
the  three  confederates  was  that  the  Aztecs  should  receive 
two-fifths  of  the  spoils,  the  Tezcocans  two-fifths,  and  the 
Tlacopans  one-fifth.  In  time  of  joint  action  the  Aztec  war 
chief  was  the  commander  in  chief  of  the  combined  forces; 
but  when  the  war  had  terminated  the  tribes  resumed  their 
independent  military  organizations.  A council  aided  and 
advised  the  war  chief,  who  almost  possessed  the  powers 
of  an  Emperor.  Conquered  tribes  had  to  furnish  tribute 
to  the  confederates.  Apparently  the  Aztec  conquests  ex- 
tended from  about  20°  latitude  on  the  north  to  a line  some 
distance  beyond  the  frontier  of  the  Mayans. 

The  Aztec  Tribe. — The  Aztec  tribe  was  composed  of 
twenty  clans.  Each  clan  occupied  a number  of  communal 
houses.  A clan  was  governed  by  a council  composed  of 
elected  chiefs.  Ordinarily  each  clan  had  a political  as  well 
as  a military  chief.  Aztec  clans  were  organized  into  four 
phratries  which  were  commanded  by  their  respective  war 
captains.  Lands  were  reserved  for  the  use  of  temples, 
markets,  and  other  public  buildings.  A section  of  tribal 
territory  was  assigned  to  each  clan.  The  territory  of  a 
clan  was  divided  into  portions  which  were  allotted  to  the 
married  men  for  agricultural  purposes.  Originally  the 
title  to  the  land,  however,  remained  in  the  clan:  the  tiller 
of  the  soil  could  neither  sell  his  allotment  nor  transfer  it. 
Tribal  officials — who  could  not  till  their  own  allotments — 
were  given  the  products  of  lands  which  were  cultivated  for 
them  by  a dependent  class.  Public  lands  were  set  apart 
for  clan  councils  and  for  officials  of  temples  and  other 
public  buildings. 

Its  Government. — The  central  government  of  the  Aztec 
tribe  was  vested  in  a council  composed  of  twenty  members 
representing  the  different  clans.  It  settled  disputes  and 
initiated  men  into  office.  The  Aztecs  had  two  chiefs:  the 
civil  chief  known  as  the  “snake-woman,”  who  was  elected 
for  life  by  the  council;  and  the  war  chief,  known  as  the 
“chief  of  men,”  who  was  selected  by  the  civil  and  religious 
leaders  of  the  tribe.  Just  before  the  Spanish  conquest  the 
Aztec  war  chief  exercised  some  important  religious  func- 
tions and  was  consequently  viewed  with  great  veneration. 


32 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Mexico  City. — Tenochtitlan  or,  as  it  was  later  styled, 
Mexico  City,  was  the  stronghold  of  the  Aztecs  and  the 
center  of  their  culture.  The  marshy  islands  upon  which 
it  had  been  built  were  linked  to  the  mainland  by  three 
long  causeways  with  gates  that  regulated  the  flow  and  the 
depth  of  the  water.  From  a neighboring  hill  potable  water 
was  conveyed  to  the  city  by  an  aqueduct.  Mexico  City 
was  arranged  around  a great  square  that  was  surrounded 
by  a stone  wall  which  had  gates  leading  to  the  three  cause- 
ways. Trade  was  carried  on  where  trees  shaded  the  nar- 
row streets  and  also  in  the  great  square  where  public 
gatherings  were  held.  In  and  around  that  square  were 
large  communal  structures,  official  buildings  called  tecpans, 
armories  or  “houses  of  javelins,”  and  pyramidal  temples, 
which  included  educational  buildings  and  the  residences 
of  priests.  Communal  buildings  were  one  or  two  stories 
high  with  low  parapets.  The  main  tecpan  was  capped  by 
observation  towers.  Temples  were  mounted  by  steps: 
they  were  crowned  by  wooden  oratories  as  well  as  by  sac- 
rificial stones.  Inhabitants  of  the  capital  city  appear  to 
have  had  a different  status  from  those  of  the  adjacent 
towns.  Estimates  of  the  population  of  Mexico  City  at  the 
time  of  the  conquest  vary  widely.  Possibly  it  contained 
fifty  thousand  souls. 

Aztec  Religion. — As  the  culture  of  the  Aztecs  was  essen- 
tially urban,  so  was  Mexico  City  their  religious  center. 
Their  religion  was  a species  of  idolatry:  they  worshiped 
gods  of  wood  and  stone.  The  largest  temple  in  the  great 
square  was  dedicated  to  the  cult  of  Huitzilopochtli,  the 
god  of  war.  Some  three  hundred  feet  long  at  the  base, 
it  was  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  high.  A Spanish 
chronicler  described  it  as  the  altar  upon  which  human  sac- 
rifices were  offered  by  priests  who  smelt  of  blood  and 
sulphur.  Tezcatlipoca  was  the  god  of  the  breath  of  life — 
the  racial  god  of  the  Nahuatlans — whose  cult  was  prac- 
ticed in  the  same  temple  as  that  of  the  god  of  war.  Tlaloc 
was  the  Aztec  god  of  rain  and  fertility.  Quetzalcoatl  was 
the  feathered  god  of  order,  enlightenment,  and  humane- 
ness— the  fair  god  of  romance. 

A most  abominable  feature  of  the  Aztec  religion  was 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


33 


the  terrible  custom  of  offering  human  sacrifices  to  Huit- 
zilopochtli.  Upon  the  summit  of  the  chief  temple  captives 
and  children  were  at  special  times  stretched  upon  sacri- 
ficial stones,  their  breasts  were  opened  at  one  fell  blow, 
and  their  bleeding  hearts  were  thrust  into  a receptacle  as 
a sacrifice  to  the  awful  deity!  Terror  caused  by  the  cult 
of  human  sacrifice  strengthened  the  prestige  of  the  Aztecs 
among  the  neighboring  peoples.  Occasionally  a warrior 
destined  for  the  sacrifice  was  fastened  to  the  altar  and 
then  allowed  to  fight  with  Mexican  warriors  until  he  suc- 
cumbed. After  the  Roman  analogy,  the  Spaniards  desig- 
nated such  a combat  the  gladiatorial  sacrifice. 

Classes. — Among  the  Aztecs  there  were  various  classes, 
which  somewhat  resembled  castes.  Full-fledged  citizens 
might  or  might  not  belong  to  what  the  Spanish  conquerors 
called  the  “noble”  class.  Those  Aztecs  who  refused  to 
marry  or  to  till  the  soil  were  excluded  from  their  respective 
clans.  Although  they  could  scarcely  be  designated  slaves, 
yet  they  formed  a dependent  class.  Merchants  belonged 
to  a special  group;  they  made  distant  expeditions  not  only 
for  trading  purposes  but  also  to  gather  information  about 
neighboring  territories:  in  fact,  they  acted  as  spies. 
Mechanics  did  not  belong  to  a close  caste;  for  a son  was 
not  compelled  to  learn  his  father’s  trade.  Still,  certain 
artisans,  as  goldsmiths,  and  silversmiths,  were  held  in 
special  esteem.  Aztecs  who  had  performed  certain  rites 
or  who  had  distinguished  themselves  in  war  were  accorded 
honorary  titles.  Although  such  titled  leaders  could  scarcely 
be  considered  a noble  class,  yet  from  them  the  Aztecs  often 
selected  their  chiefs.  It  appears  that  at  the  time  of  the 
Spanish  conquest  the  Aztecs  were  experiencing  a social 
transformation,  as  the  father  had  acquired  the  right  to 
transmit  property  to  his  son. 

Occupations. — The  chief  occupation  of  the  Aztecs  was 
agriculture.  Some  manufacturing  was  carried  on;  and 
certain  towns  even  produced  special  products.  Aztecs 
were  deft  artisans.  They  manufactured  textiles  out  of  a 
great  variety  of  materials  which  they  dyed  in  rich  tints. 
They  colored  feather  plumes  beautifully.  From  stone — 
particularly  obsidian — they  made  the  tips  of  lances,  arma- 


34 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


tures,  and  mirrors.  Excellent  examples  of  their  pottery 
have  been  preserved : among  them  many  fine  bowls,  as 
well  as  amorphous,  cylindrical,  and  globular  vases.  Some- 
times the  Aztecs  decorated  their  vases  with  symbolic  de- 
signs or  adorned  them  in  relief.  They  sculptured  in  stone, 
carving  bas-reliefs  on  their  temples  and  statues;  they  had 
attained  a high  degree  of  skill  in  cutting  precious  stones, 
and  even  manufactured  mosaics  from  turquoise.  Of  the 
metals  they  used  copper,  tin,  silver,  and  gold.  As  the  gold 
jewelry  was  melted  by  avaricious  Spaniards,  very  few 
golden  trinkets  of  Aztec  workmanship  have  been  pre- 
served. 

Picture  Writing. — Aztec  civilization  reached  its  culmi- 
nating point  in  the  so-called  “picture  writing.”  Upon  the 
skins  of  animals  or  upon  paper  made  from  the  fiber  of  an 
agave,  the  Aztecs  drew  paintings  which  conveyed  ideas. 
To  draw  the  design  they  used  a pointed  instrument — pos- 
sibly the  thorn  of  an  agave — and  the  design  was  tinted 
with  vegetable  or  mineral  colors.  Although  many  of  the 
picture  writings  were  wantonly  destroyed,  yet  some  pre- 
cious codices  dating  from  the  pre-Columbian  epoch  have 
been  preserved.  Their  character  varies  somewhat  accord- 
ing to  the  epoch  to  which  they  belong.  Among  them  are 
drawings  which  depict  the  migrations  of  the  Aztecs  in 
northern  Mexico,  their  religious  rites  and  domestic  scenes, 
the  payment  of  tribute  by  subject  tribes,  and  the  advent 
of  the  white  strangers.  Aztec  hieroglyphs  were  often  com- 
posed of  descriptive  figures — like  illustrations  in  books — 
and  of  signs,  which  evidently  had  the  values  of  actual  writ- 
ing. Comparable  to  charts  or  plans  accompanied  by 
written  explanations,  they  were  composed  of  two  ele- 
ments: the  figurative;  and  the  ideographic.  The  system 
has  been  likened  to  writing  in  rebus  form.  The  Aztecs 
had  indeed  taken  a timid  step  toward  a phonetic  system 
of  writing. 

Summary. — With  many  river  valleys  and  low  plains 
South  America  possessed  a relatively  large  area  that  was 
adapted  to  agriculture.  Yet  narrow  plains  with  a regular 
coast  line  were  often  bordered  by  abrupt  highlands  that 
hindered  communication  with  the  interior.  Some  great 


THE  ENVIRONMENT 


35 


river  valleys  were  covered  with  dense  forests  which  could 
scarcely  be  traversed  except  by  river  courses,  and  which 
at  times  were  plagued  with  disease.  Passes  in  high  moun- 
tain ranges  were  often  very  difficult  to  scale.  Here  and 
there  swift  rivers  afforded  abundant  water  power;  but 
ordinarily  the  plains,  the  hills,  and  the  mountains  lacked 
coal.  Of  the  great  river  systems  upon  the  eastern  coast, 
two  were  poor  doorways  for  Europeans  because  they  were 
in  the  equatorial  region.  Not  a few  of  the  best  harbors 
of  Latin  America  were  “mountain-locked.”  Such  obstacles, 
which  confronted  man  in  many  sections  of  South  America, 
help  to  explain  why  the  highest  aboriginal  cultures  were 
seated  upon  the  fertile  plateaus  in  or  near  the  tropics 
where  the  climate  was  springlike.  There  the  Indians  had 
developed  the  highest  form  of  political  organization  known 
to  pre-Columbian  America — a type  of  primitive  Confeder- 
ation. But  partly  because  of  natural  obstacles,  and  partly 
because  of  lack  of  transportation  facilities,  the  Aztecs  and 
the  Incas  were  isolated.  Little  or  no  communication  took 
place  between  them : the  Aztecs  knew  nothing  about  the 
potato  or  the  llama,  while  the  Incas  had  not  developed  the 
act  of  picture  writing.  Physiographic  and  climatic  condi- 
tions rendered  large  portions  of  South  America  more  or 
less  inaccessible  to  men  from  temperate  countries  of 
Europe.  The  aboriginal  race  was  thus  not  so  easily  over- 
whelmed as  in  the  English  colonies  of  North  America. 
Early  colonies  of  Spanish  and  Portuguese  in  America  were 
much  influenced  by  the  physical  environment  and  by  the 
customs  of  aborigines.  In  the  lands  of  the  Aztecs,  the 
Chibchans,  and  the  Incas,  the  conquistadors  planted  settle- 
ments near  the  sites  of  Indian  towns  and  villages. 


CHAPTER  II 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 

The  Iberian  Peninsula. — Jutting  far  into  the  Atlantic, 
the  Iberian  Peninsula  is  the  natural  home  of  a people  that 
seeks  its  fortune  upon  the  sea.  There  is  no  physiographic 
basis  for  the  existing  political  division  of  the  peninsula. 
During  the  Middle  Ages,  however,  because  of  historic  rea- 
sons, it  became  the  abode  of  two  distinct  nationalities.  Yet 
as  they  were  subject  to  similar  geographic  influences,  and 
as  they  sprang  from  almost  identical  stocks,  the  Spanish 
and  the  Portuguese  peoples  had  some  common  character- 
istics. 

Its  Physiography. — The  Iberian  Peninsula  is  geograph- 
ically multum  in  parvo.  Its  physiography  is  determined  by 
mountains,  plateaus,  and  river  systems.  To  the  north  the 
lofty  Pyrenees  almost  isolate  it  from  France.  On  the  north- 
west the  Cantabrian  Mountains,  which  skirt  the  coast  at 
some  distance  from  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  delimit  a physio- 
graphic province  that  is  mainly  inhabited  by  people  called 
Basques.  From  the  junction  of  the  Pyrenees  and  the  Can- 
tabrian Mountains  the  Iberian  or  Celtiberian  range  runs 
to  the  southeast  and  then  to  the  west  where  it  joins  the 
Sierra  Nevada  or  Pentibetica  Mountains.  Those  moun- 
tain ranges  thus  divide  the  peninsula  roughly  into  four 
physiographic  provinces  which  are  subdivided  into  smaller 
provinces  by  minor  ranges  and  by  the  Ebro,  the  Guadal- 
quivir, the  Guadiana,  the  Tagus,  and  the  Duoro  rivers. 
With  high  mountains  and  plateaus  that  slope  more  or  less 
gradually  to  the  sea,  the  Iberian  Peninsula  has  marked 
contrasts  in  climate.  Those  contrasts  accentuate  the 
physiographic  differences. 

The  “Spanish  Race”  and  Language. — The  isolation  of 
certain  physiographic  provinces  of  Spain  was  partly  re- 

36 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


37 


sponsible  for  the  absence  of  a fixed  national  type.  As  a 
leading  Spanish  historian  has  emphatically  declared,  there 
is  in  the  true  sense  no  “Spanish  race.”  In  the  veins  of  the 
modern  Spaniard  there  mingle  the  blood  of  several  differ- 
ent peoples  or  races.  For  Iberians,  Celts,  Phoenicians, 
Greeks,  Carthaginians,  Romans,  Visigoths,  and  Vandals 
had  invaded  and  occupied  portions  of  the  Iberian  Penin- 
sula. At  an  early  period  the  Jews  became  a noticeable  ele- 
ment in  the  population.  Most  significant  was  the  conquest 
of  the  peninsula  by  the  Moslems  in  the  eighth  century. 
This  added  another  element  to  its  population  and  left  an 
enduring  impress  upon  its  civilization.  Although  the  dia- 
lect spoken  in  that  portion  of  northern  Spain  named  Cas- 
tile had  by  the  opening  of  the  fifteenth  century  become 
predominant  at  court  and  in  literary  circles,  yet  in  certain 
regions  there  existed  linguistic  peculiarities — some  of 
which  persist  to  the  present  day. 

Spain  in  the  Fifteenth  Century. — In  the  early  fifteenth 
century  the  Iberian  Peninsula  was  not  a coherent  political 
entity.  Over  the  embattled  city  of  Granada  there  still 
waved  the  Moslem  Crescent.  The  little  Kingdom  of  Na- 
varre was  independent.  The  kingdoms  of  Castile  and 
Leon  had  indeed  become  united  under  one  crown,  but  their 
sovereign  ruled  over  some  provinces  that  had  once  been 
Christian  or  Mohammedan  principalities.  Portugal  had 
been  hewn  out  of  the  side  of  the  Castilian  state.  Incorpo- 
rated with  the  Kingdom  of  Aragon  was  the  region  called 
Catalonia  and  also  the  Moslem  principality  of  Valencia. 
In  Aragon,  and  possibly  to  a less  extent  in  Castile,  former 
principalities  retained  their  own  customs,  laws,  and  admin- 
istrative systems.  The  marriage  in  1469  of  Princess  Isa- 
bella, the  leading  claimant  to  the  Castilian  throne,  to  Prince 
Ferdinand,  the  heir  to  the  throne  of  Aragon — an  event 
that  was  followed  some  years  later  by  the  recognition  of 
Isabella’s  title  as  Queen  of  Castile,  and  by  the  accession  of 
Ferdinand  to  the  kingship  of  Aragon — united  those  king- 
doms into  a dyarchy. 

Unifying  Forces. — Subsequently  several  forces  or  events 
promoted  the  unification  of  Spain.  Prominent  among  these 
were  the  masterful  and  gracious  personalities  of  Ferdinand 


38 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


and  Isabella,  “the  Catholic  Monarchs.”  The  formation  or 
adaptation  of  special  institutions  of  government  also  stim- 
ulated unification.  Spain’s  territorial  unity  was  ensured  by 
the  conquest  of  Granada  in  1492,  by  the  acquisition  of  the 
border  counties  of  Cerdagne  and  Roussillon,  and  by  the 
conquest  of  Navarre.  A spirit  of  religious  unity  was  en- 
couraged by  the  subjugation  of  the  Moslems. 

Increase  of  Royal  Power. — During  the  reign  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella,  1479-1516,  there  took  place  a great  in- 
crease of  royal  power.  Their  hands  which  sternly  re- 
pressed rebellious  nobles  also  checked  the  activity  of  legis- 
lative assemblies  in  Aragon  and  Castile.  The  Castilian 
Cortes — composed  of  representatives  of  clergy,  nobles,  and 
representatives  of  towns  and  cities — which  had  been  de- 
veloping into  a bicameral  legislature  that  suggested  laws 
to  the  sovereign  or  endorsed  his  fiscal  proposals,  was  grad- 
ually allowed  to  fall  into  disuse. 

The  Councils. — The  central  government  exercised  an  in- 
creasing authority  especially  through  the  development  of 
the  royal  council  which  was  ordinarily  called  the  Council 
of  Castile.  The  factious  barons,  who  had  secured  predomi- 
nance in  this  council,  were  so  reduced  in  number  that  con- 
trol was  virtually  vested  in  officials  and  lawyers  of  the 
crown.  This  council  was  composed  of  about  a dozen  mem- 
bers. It  advised  the  monarch  about  appointments,  grants, 
and  the  patronage.  In  some  matters  it  evidently  pro- 
ceeded upon  its  own  authority.  Acting  as  the  supreme 
court  of  justice  in  Castile,  it  promoted  centralization.  With 
the  increasing  complexity  of  administration  other  councils 
came  into  existence:  among  these  were  the  Council  of 
Aragon,  the  Supreme  Council  of  the  Inquisition,  and  the 
Council  of  the  Indies.  The  age  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
has  indeed  been  designated  the  age  of  councils. 

Audiencias. — The  Catholic  Monarchs  displayed  a ten- 
dency to  assign  more  and  more  of  the  judicial  functions  of 
the  Council  of  Castile  to  a tribunal  designated  an  audiencia 
that  had  served  as  the  supreme  court  of  the  nation  under 
the  royal  council.  In  1480  the  monarchs  definitively  es- 
tablished the  seat  of  that  tribunal  at  Valladolid  and  pro- 
vided that  it  should  have  both  civil  and  criminal  jurisdic- 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


39 


tion.  Another  audiencia,  which  was  founded  at  Ciudad 
Real  in  1494  and  transferred  to  Granada  in  1505,  had  juris- 
diction over  the  southern  portion  of  Spain,  the  Tagus  River 
serving  as  a boundary  line  of  the  two  audiencias.  Subse- 
quently a third  audiencia  was  established  in  Galicia;  and 
later  audiencias  were  created  in  other  sections  of  Spain. 
Yet  the  audiencia  of  Valladolid  was  considered  the  most 
important  tribunal:  it  continued  to  enjoy  the  highest  pres- 
tige. Its  judges  held  their  offices  by  royal  appointment 
for  one  year.  The  royal  prosecutor,  who  according  to  cus- 
tom was  a member  of  this  tribunal,  was  frequently  in- 
structed to  see  that  the  prerogatives  and  revenues  of  the 
crown  should  be  kept  intact.  In  1499  an  elaborate  ordi- 
nance made  stipulations  concerning  the  jurisdiction  of 
Castilian  audiencias  and  described  the  cases  which  they 
should  consider. 

Viceroys. — Another  important  institution — which  de- 
veloped largely  under  Aragonese  auspices — was  the  vice- 
roy. As  early  as  1323  the  King  of  Aragon  had  appointed 
a viceroy  to  represent  him  in  Sardinia.  Although  that 
official’s  term  was  strictly  limited  to  three  years,  yet  he 
was  an  almost  absolute  ruler  under  the  crown,  except  in 
fiscal  matters.  In  Sicily  the  Aragonese  viceroy  also  played 
an  important  role,  especially  in  judicial  matters,  and  a 
practice  developed  of  sending  appeals  from  his  decisions 
to  Spain.  More  nearly  the  prototype  of  the  viceroys  later 
dispatched  to  the  New  World  was  the  viceroy  of  Naples. 
Created  early  in  the  sixteenth  century,  he  was  aided  in  his 
administration  by  a special  council  that  was  dominated  by 
Spaniards.  In  Castile  the  title  of  viceroy  was  sometimes 
given  with  that  of  governor  to  the  rulers  of  outlying  ter- 
ritories. 

Captains  General. — Two  institutions  of  Castile  deserve 
more  than  passing  notice,  the  captain  general  and  the 
adelantado.  During  the  medieval  age  captains  general  or 
governors — as  they  were  sometimes  called — who  were  ap- 
pointed directly  by  the  King,  controlled  extensive  territories 
in  Castile.  They  exercised  military,  as  well  as  civil,  functions. 
In  the  thirteenth  century  the  Castilian  King  suppressed  the 
captains  general  and  replaced  them  by  agents  called  adelan- 


40 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


tados,  who  were  intrusted  with  more  civil  than  military  au- 
thority. 

Adelantados. — Upon  Alphonso  de  Lugo,  who  success- 
fully completed  the  conquest  of  the  Canary  Islands,  the 
Catholic  Monarchs  conferred  about  1497  the  title  of  adelan- 
tado  of  all  the  Canaries.  That  adelantado  held  the  supreme 
political  authority ; and  the  office  was  declared  to  be  hereditary 
in  his  family.  It  was  one  of  his  duties  to  distribute  portions 
of  land  among  his  followers. 

The  Residencia. — The  institution  or  process  styled  the 
residencia  developed  in  Spain  in  the  fifteenth  century.  Appar- 
ently this  process  was  first  applied  to  a royal  official  designated 
the  corregidor.  It  became  customary  to  require  him  to  remain 
at  his  post  for  fifty  days  after  his  appointment  had  expired 
in  order  that  complaints  might  be  brought  against  him  and 
justice  dispensed.  During  the  reign  of  the  Catholic  Monarchs 
that  procedure  was  essentially  modified.  The  period  of  the 
residencia  was  decreased  to  thirty  days,  and  checks  were  pro- 
vided to  prevent  evasion.  A special  judge  was  charged  to 
make  known  the  test  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  particular  dis- 
trict. He  was  to  search  for  the  truth  and  to  make  a written 
report  to  the  Council  of  Castile.  Early  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
I,  1516—1556,  the  residencia  was  applied  to  other  royal  officials, 
such  as  governors.  This  inquest  was  obviously  intended  to 
promote  the  efficiency  and  honesty  of  crown  officials;  and,  in 
time,  if  not  at  once,  it  became  another  instrument  of  royal 
power. 

Castilian  Cities. — Municipal  government  in  Castile  had 
reached  its  highest  development  about  the  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century.  That  regime  centered  about  the 
municipal  assembly  or  council  which  made  regulations  for 
the  management  of  the  city.  A concejo  was  usually  composed 
of  property  owners  or  the  heads  of  families  within  the  city 
limits.  It  annually  invested  the  magistrates  of  the  city  or  town 
who  sometimes  held  office  by  virtue  of  special  privilege.  The 
most  important  of  the  magistrates  were  the  regidores,  who 
acted  as  municipal  overseers.  Alcaldes  served  as  judges  in 
civil  and  criminal  cases.  An  algnacil  performed  the  functions 
of  a police  officer.  The  algnacil  mayor  led  the  city’s  soldiers 
to  war,  while  the  alferez  carried  the  municipal  standard.  In 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


4i 


conjunction  with  various  other  officers,  who  performed  minor 
duties,  those  magistrates  were  ordinarily  styled  the  ayunta- 
miento. 

Isabella’s  Reforms. — The  decay  of  Castilian  cities  which 
was  apparent  upon  the  accession  of  Queen  Isabella  induced 
her  to  institute  far-reaching  reforms  in  the  municipal 
regime.  Isabella  acquired  control  over  the  appointment  of 
members  of  the  ayuntamiento  by  placing  their  offices  on  sale. 
She  increased  the  authority  of  the  corregidores  who  after  1480 
were  sent  out  annually  to  inspect  the  cities.  On  June  9,  1500, 
a royal  ordinance  was  issued  which  described  the  corrcgidor’s 
functions  in  detail. 

The  Corregidor  and  the  Visitador. — The  corrcgidor  was 
instructed  that  upon  arriving  in  his  district  he  was  to  guard 
against  encroachments  upon  the  privileges  of  the  particular 
city.  He  was  directed  to  exercise  executive  and  police 
authority  and  to  secure  the  impartial  administration  of  jus- 
tice to  all  men.  In  reality  he  served  as  the  royal  agent 
in  a particular  region.  When  the  corregidor  became  rooted 
in  a certain  district  the  Catholic  Monarchs  established  the  cus- 
tom of  sending  a visitador  or  inspector  to  examine  into  the 
administration  of  justice  and  finance. 

Legal  Codes. — Ferdinand  and  Isabella  also  promoted 
legal  reforms.  In  the  fourteenth  century  Alphonso  X of 
Castile  had  codified  the  most  important  laws  of  his  King- 
dom in  the  Fuero  Real  or  Royal  Charter  and  had  supervised 
the  preparation  of  the  Sicte  Partidas  which  was  a compilation 
of  Spanish,  canon,  and  Roman  law  that  was  imbued  with  the 
spirit  of  Roman  absolutism.  To  standardize  the  Spanish  laws 
the  Catholic  Monarchs  entrusted  the  task  of  collecting  the 
ordinances  and  decrees  that  had  been  issued  since  the  age  of 
King  Alphonso  to  a jurist  named  Diaz  de  Montalvo.  During 
the  years  from  1480  to  1484  Montalvo  prepared  a collection 
of  those  decrees  that  was  known  as  the  Ordenanzas  Reales. 
The  “Ordinance  of  Montalvo,”  however,  did  not  reconcile 
conflicts  between  the  decrees  and  the  codes.  In  response  to 
protests  at  the  ambiguity  and  confusion  prevailing  in  the  exist- 
ing legislation  of  Spain,  in  1505  the  Cortes  of  Toro  issued 
eighty-three  interpretative  laws  which  were  ordinarily  styled 
the  Leyes  de  Toro.  A thorough  codification  of  Spanish  law 


42 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


was  not  completed,  however,  until  the  reign  of  Philip  II, 

1 556 — 1 59B,  when  the  code  known  as  the  Nueva  Recopilacion 
was  promulgated. 

Castilian  Fueros. — In  Castile  the  fucros  were  constituent 
elements  of  law.  In  a special  sense  a fiiero  meant  a grant  of 
privilege  by  a King  to  the  inhabitants  of  a certain  city  or  town. 
Although  such  grants  were  at  times  made  to  rural  districts 
within  the  realm,  yet  they  were  more  frequently  conceded  to 
promote  the  settlement  of  devastated  regions  which  had  just 
been  torn  from  the  Moslems.  As  those  regions  were  located 
within  a debatable  land  that  was  subject  to  hostile  irruptions, 
special  privileges  were  offered  in  the  fueros  to  prospective 
settlers.  Towns  planted  on  the  frontiers  of  Castile  were  gen- 
erally invested  by  their  charters  with  some  autonomy.  The 
fiiero  of  a Castilian  city  in  the  borderlands  was  thus  often  a 
species  of  constitution.  In  time  there  was  a tendency  to  make 
these  charters  conform  to  a general  type : occasionally,  as  in 
France,  the  charter  of  a certain  city  was  used  as  a model.  A 
concession  often  made  by  a municipal  flier 0 was  the  right  to 
convoke  a meeting  of  the  inhabitants.  This  assembly  directly 
or  indirectly  elected  the  ayuntamicnto. 

The  Siege  of  Granada. — Most  influential  in  its  effects 
upon  national  unity  was  the  crusade  against  the  Moslems. 
From  their  impregnable  stronghold  in  the  Asturias,  and 
from  the  Spanish  March — subsequently  designated  Cata- 
lonia— the  Spaniards  during  long  centuries  had  driven  the 
Moslems  farther  and  farther  south.  In  the  spring  of  1490 
soldiers  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  encamped  upon  the  plain 
near  the  last  Moslem  stronghold — the  city  of  Granada. 
During  the  winter  of  1491-1492  they  constructed  a few 
miles  west  of  Granada  a fortified  camp  which  they  named 
Santa  Fe.  After  some  chivalric  encounters  between  Chris- 
tians and  Moslems,  negotiations  for  the  surrender  of 
Granada  were  begun  in  October,  1491.  As  a result  of  con- 
ferences between  their  commissioners,  on  November  25, 
1491,  the  terms  of  the  surrender  of  Granada  were  framed. 

Its  Capitulation. — The  capitulation  of  Granada  con- 
tained generous  pledges  to  the  vanquished.  The  Christians 
promised  that  the  Moslems  should  be  allowed  to  retain 
their  religion,  their  mosques,  their  law,  their  property,  and 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


43 


their  distinctive  dress.  For  the  time  being,  they  were  to 
be  ruled  by  their  own  magistrates  or  by  Jews  who  had  held 
public  office.  The  tribute  that  might  be  levied  upon  the 
vanquished  people  was  restricted  to  certain  specified  taxes. 
Those  Mohammedans  who  desired  to  leave  Spain  were  to 
be  provided  with  free  transportation  to  northern  Africa. 
They  should  be  allowed  to  pass  freely  through  Spanish 
territory  without  being  molested  in  person  or  property. 
In  no  case  should  they  be  forced  to  become  Christians. 
On  January  2,  1492,  the  Alhambra  was  occupied  by  the 
jubilant  soldiers  of  the  Cross. 

Annexation  of  Cerdagne  and  Roussillon. — The  conquest 
of  Granada  was  supplemented  by  the  acquisition  of  Cer- 
dagne and  Roussillon.  Upon  the  accession  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  Cerdagne  and  Roussillon  were  in  the  possession 
of  the  French  King  who  had  held  them  some  thirty  years; 
for  John  II  of  Aragon  had  transferred  them  to  Louis  XI 
for  300,000  crowns.  By  the  Treaty  of  Barcelona  in  1493 
Charles  VIII  of  France  restored  Cerdagne  and  Roussillon 
to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  upon  the  condition  that  those 
monarchs  should  not  make  any  matrimonial  alliances  with 
the  King  of  the  Romans  without  his  consent,  and  further 
that  they  should  deem  themselves  to  be  the  enemies  of 
all  powers  who  should  be  at  war  with  France,  except  the 
Papacy. 

Of  Navarre. — Lying  like  a saddlebag  upon  the  Pyrenees, 
the  little  Kingdom  of  Navarre  had  been  long  coveted  by 
both  France  and  Spain.  By  treaties  which  were  negotiated 
between  1476  and  1500  the  Catholic  Monarchs  brought  the 
rulers  of  that  mountain  Kingdom  under  their  tutelage. 
The  death  in  1512  of  Gaston  de  Foix,  who  claimed  the 
Navarrese  throne  against  the  ruling  dynasty  of  Albret, 
precipitated  a crisis;  for  Gaston’s  claim  passed  to  his  sister 
Germaine,  the  second  wife  of  Ferdinand.  Louis  XII  of 
France  accordingly  felt  compelled  to  negotiate  a treaty 
at  Blois  with  Jean  d’Albret,  king  of  Navarre.  A false  ver- 
sion of  this  treaty,  which  was  fabricated  by  King  Ferdi- 
nand, represented  that  it  arranged  for  a joint  attack  by  the 
Aragonese  and  French  upon  the  Castilian  borderlands. 
On  July  21,  1512,  a Spanish  army  consequently  invaded 


44 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Navarre,  Jean  d’Albret  fled,  and  the  Duke  of  Alva  cap- 
tured Pamplona.  To  strengthen  his  claim  the  wily  Fer- 
dinand induced  Pope  Julius  II  to  issue  a bull  of  excommu- 
nication against  the  dynasty  of  Albret,  declaring  that  it 
was  deprived  of  its  sovereign  rights  and  that  its  subjects 
were  absolved  from  their  allegiance.  In  a Cortes  at  Burgos 
in  1515  Ferdinand  solemnly  declared  that  Navarre  was 
incorporated  with  Castile.  Before  Ferdinand’s  death  the 
entire  peninsula — with  the  exception  of  Portugal — was 
thus  united  under  one  crown. 

Effects  of  Unification. — The  establishment  of  the  terri- 
torial unity  of  Spain  was  bound  to  have  great  effects. 
Especially  was  this  true  of  the  much-heralded  conquest 
of  Granada.  A crusade  of  centuries  against  the  Moslems 
had  deeply  influenced  the  life  and  habits  of  the  Spanish 
people.  It  had  stimulated  their  military  spirit  at  the  fre- 
quent expense  of  the  arts  of  peace.  Near  the  borderlands 
Castilian  cavaliers  had  ofttimes  lodged  under  the  same 
roof  with  their  armed  steeds,  in  order  that  they  might  sally 
forth  promptly  at  the  battle  cry  of  Sant  lago.  Although, 
as  the  Castilian  arms  spread  southward,  the  arts  of  civili- 
zation revived  and  flourished  within  the  regions  that 
seemed  secure  from  Moslem  attack,  yet  the  crusading  spirit 
was  kept  alive.  Spaniards  of  the  upper  class,  especially 
nobles,  came  to  view  menial  occupations  as  low  and  mean : 
they  deemed  that  agriculture  and  manufactures  should  be 
left  to  captives,  to  serfs,  and  to  the  lower  classes.  The 
conquest  of  Granada  intensified  the  deep  religious  spirit 
of  Aragonese  and  Castilians.  Trained  to  fight  the  battles 
of  the  Cross  against  the  Crescent,  they  developed  a prose- 
lyting ardor  that  was  destined  to  endure  long  after  the 
fall  of  Granada.  Out  of  long  experience  the  Castilian  lan- 
guage gained  a proverb:  namely,  that  Spaniards  who 
wished  to  make  their  fortunes  should  seek  the  Church, 
the  sea,  or  the  King’s  house. 

The  Inquisition  in  Spain. — The  intense  religious  spirit 
engendered  by  the  Moslem  crusade  stimulated  the  activity 
of  the  Inquisition.  That  institution  had  been  established 
in  Aragon  and  Navarre  in  1238.  There  it  was  used  against 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


45 


heretics  and  Moslems  who  had  ostensibly  accepted  the 
Catholic  faith.  Soon  after  their  accession  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  decided  to  introduce  the  Inquisition  into  Castile. 
Their  ambassador  at  the  Holy  See  persuaded  Pope  Sixtus 
IV  to  grant  them  extraordinary  powers.  A bull  of  Novem- 
ber, 1478,  authorized  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  to  appoint 
inquisitors  who  were  given  jurisdiction  over  heretics.  Two 
years  later  a tribunal  of  this  so-called  “New  Inquisition” 
was  installed  at  Seville.  Inquisitorial  tribunals  were  sub- 
sequently located  at  other  Castilian  cities,  while  tribunals 
of  the  “Old  Inquisition”  in  various  parts  of  Spain  were 
revived  or  reenforced.  Meantime  the  Pope  authorized 
the  creation  of  a Council  of  the  Inquisition,  which  was 
given  jurisdiction  over  all  matters  concerning  the  faith, 
and  which  ultimately  established  its  independence  of  the 
Holy  See. 

Its  Influence. — Under  the  direction  of  Tomas  de  Tor- 
quemada,  the  Spanish  Inquisition  soon  became  an  instru- 
ment of  religious  repression  and  persecution.  In  theory 
the  only  persons  exempted  from  its  jurisdiction  were  the 
bishops.  Through  its  rigorous  procedure,  its  unfair  rules 
of  evidence,  its  ubiquitous  familiars  and  other  agents,  and 
its  edict  of  faith — which  made  every  person  a spy  upon  his 
neighbor — it  tried  to  extirpate  heresy  from  the  soil  of 
Spain.  It  was  used  particularly  against  those  Jews  and 
Moors  who  professed  Christianity.  Besides  its  attempts 
to  eradicate  unorthodox  belief,  the  Inquisition  exercised 
a censorship  over  books  and  manuscripts  which  had  a 
stifling  effect  upon  freedom  of  thought. 

Church  Organization. — The  Spanish  Church  had  gen- 
erally discarded  the  ritual  used  by  its  communicants  in  the 
Gothic  age  and  had  adopted  the  ritual  approved  by  Rome. 
In  1492  there  were  in  Spain  seven  archbishoprics  and  forty 
bishoprics.  At  the  head  of  the  regular  clergy  of  each  dio- 
cese was  a bishop,  who  was  subject  to  the  supervision  of 
an  archbishop  and  of  Papal  legates.  Spanish  priests  pos- 
sessed the  fuero  or  right  known  as  “benefit  of  clergy,”  which 
entitled  them  to  exemption  from  civil  jurisdiction,  at  least 
in  religious  cases.  From  time  to  time  councils  were  held 
by  the  clergy  of  dioceses  and  provinces. 


46 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Religious  Orders. — Various  religious  orders  played  in- 
fluential roles  in  Spanish  life.  At  the  accession  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella  two  orders  were  especially  important, 
the  Franciscans  and  the  Dominicans.  The  Franciscans 
were  accustomed  to  make  pilgrimages  while  begging  alms 
and  preaching  repentance.  The  Dominicans — who  had 
been  founded  by  St.  Dominic  for  the  purpose  of  convert- 
ing the  Albigensians — were  especially  interested  in  the 
extirpation  of  unorthodox  belief.  In  the  latter  part  of  the 
thirteenth  century  there  were  in  Spain  some  two  thousand 
Dominican  and  Franciscan  monasteries.  In  addition  there 
were  monasteries  of  Benedictines.  Possibly  the  most  im- 
portant order  of  all,  the  Company  or  Society  of  Jesus,  was 
founded  after  the  death  of  King  Ferdinand.  Eventually 
the  militant  Jesuits  developed  many  interests:  they  sup- 
ported the  Papal  prerogative,  strove  to  uproot  heresy, 
founded  seminaries  and  colleges,  and  planted  missions. 

Wealth  of  the  Clergy. — Not  only  were  the  clergy,  regu- 
lar and  secular,  exempt  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  state 
in  some  matters;  but  they  were,  on  the  accession  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella,  also  exempt  from  the  payment  of  cer- 
tain taxes.  Against  this  practice  of  immunity,  which  often 
became  a glaring  abuse,  the  Catholic  Monarchs  set  their 
faces.  They  prohibited  archbishops  and  bishops  from  en- 
grossing national  revenues.  They  tried  to  prevent  certain 
religious  orders  from  obtaining  bequests  of  property  from 
wealthy  laymen.  For  by  such  methods  the  Church  of 
Spain  had  acquired  control  of  immense  remunerative  prop- 
erties. In  the  age  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  Spanish  writ- 
ers declared  that  the  archbishop  of  Toledo  had  a revenue 
of  some  80,000  ducats,  that  the  total  income  of  the  secular 
clergy  amounted  to  4,000,000  ducats  and  that  the  regular 
clergy  was  equally  rich. 

Immorality. — Partly  as  a result  of  their  opulence,  and 
partly  as  an  inheritance  from  Moslem  days,  members  of 
the  regular  clergy  frequently  kept  concubines.  In  1478 
an  ecclesiastical  assembly  denounced  the  scandalous  lives 
of  some  monks.  Two  years  later  the  Catholic  Monarchs 
confirmed  a previous  law  prescribing  punishments  for  con- 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


47 


cubinage:  for  the  first  offense,  a fine;  for  the  second,  exile; 
and  for  the  third,  one  hundred  lashes.  The  great  Fran- 
ciscan Cardinal  Ximenes  visited  the  monasteries  of  his 
order  and  punished  violators  of  that  law  remorselessly. 
Three  or  four  hundred  Franciscans  consequently  emi- 
grated to  Africa,  where  they  embraced  the  Mohammedan 
faith.  Queen  Isabella  tried  to  improve  the  morals  of  the 
secular  clergy  by  a deliberate  and  sustained  effort  to  select 
those  ecclesiastics  from  townsmen  and  lesser  nobles. 

Church  and  State  under  Catholic  Monarchs. — By  the 
establishment  of  the  New  Inquisition  the  Catholic  Mon- 
archs acquired  an  influence  over  religious  officials  who  were 
charged  with  the  persecution  of  heretics.  Ultra-Catholic 
though  they  were,  they  exalted  their  authority  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  Papacy.  At  the  time  of  their  accession  the 
Pope  exercised  the  right  to  appoint  ecclesiastics — some  of 
whom  were  foreigners — to  vacant  sees  in  Spain.  During 
a dispute  over  an  appointment  to  a vacancy  in  the  bishop- 
ric of  Cuenca,  however,  the  Catholic  Monarchs  asserted 
the  prerogative  of  the  crown  to  make  such  appointments 
and  secured  from  Pope  Sixtus  IV  an  acknowledgment  of 
their  right  to  make  nominations  to  important  ecclesias- 
tical sees  that  might  fall  vacant.  As  a matter  of  course, 
the  Pope  appointed  such  nominees.  By  engrossing  the 
rents  of  nominees  who  were  displeasing  to  them  and  in 
other  ways,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  succeeded  in  obtaining 
control  over  the  appointment  of  candidates  to  smaller  bene- 
fices. As  a reward  for  their  services  in  the  crusade  against 
the  Moslems,  the  Pope  conceded  to  those  monarchs  the 
right  of  patronage  over  all  the  churches  of  the  former 
Kingdom  of  Granada. 

Under  the  House  of  Austria. — It  was  only  a logical 
result  of  the  policy  pursued  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  that 
under  monarchs  of  the  House  of  Austria,  who  came  into 
power  in  1516,  the  Pope  was  compelled  to  agree  that  no 
bulls  should  be  published  by  his  nuncio  in  Spain  without 
the  consent  of  the  Spanish  King.  The  tendency  to  increase 
the  power  of  the  King  in  ecclesiastical  matters  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  Pope  became  stronger  and  stronger.  Ulti- 


48 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


mately  the  ideal  which  the  Catholic  Monarchs  had  cher- 
ished of  a strong  national  church  under  royal  control  was 
well-nigh  realized. 

Influence  of  the  Church. — The  Church  had  a pervasive 
effect  upon  Spanish  life  and  customs  which  was  possibly 
most  noticeable  under  the  Austrian  monarchs.  Despite 
legal  prohibitions,  many  large  estates  fell  into  her  hands. 
Many  able-bodied  men  withdrew  from  industrial  occupa- 
tions to  live  a cloistered  life.  The  religious  spirit  was  partly 
responsible  for  an  increase  in  the  number  of  feast  days 
that  reduced  the  industrial  productiveness  of  the  Spanish 
people.  Not  without  justification  have  Spaniards  of  the 
era  of  discovery  and  colonization  been  accused  of  excessive 
religiousness. 

The  Population  of  Spain. — Exact  figures  regarding  the 
population  of  Spain  upon  the  accession  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  are  not  available.  The  Spanish  economist  Col- 
meiro  estimated  the  population  of  Spain  under  the  Cath- 
olic Monarchs  at  10,000,000,  which  seems  excessively  high. 
A German  historian  figured  that  there  were  in  Castile 
7,500,000  and  in  Aragon  only  1,000,120  inhabitants — a 
calculation  which  certainly  did  not  properly  distribute  the 
population  between  the  two  kingdoms.  In  1482  Alfonso 
de  Quintanilla  reported  to  the  Catholic  Monarchs  that 
there  were,  exclusive  of  Granada,  1,500,000  resident  prop- 
erty holders  in  Castile.  With  an  estimate  that  the  relative 
proportion  of  resident  property  holders  to  inhabitants  was 
one  to  four,  the  total  population  of  Castile  would  be  6,000,- 
000.  Estimating  the  population  of  Granada  and  the  east- 
ern kingdom  at  1,500,000  or  2,000,000,  a total  for  Spain 
is  reached  of  7,500,000  or  8,000,000,  which  is  presumably 
rather  high.  The  Spanish  historian  Altamira  holds  that 
in  1594  the  inhabitants  of  Spain,  which  by  that  date  had 
annexed  Portugal  as  well  as  Navarre,  numbered  some 
8,000,000  souls. 

Upper  Class. — The  chief  social  strata  in  Spain  were  the 
upper,  middle,  and  lower  classes.  The  upper  class  was 
composed  of  nobles  and  higher  clergy.  Despite  the  weak- 
ening of  its  power  and  prestige  by  the  monarchs  the  upper 
class  continued  to  enjoy  large  privileges.  Its  members 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


49 


possessed  enormous  properties,  upon  which  there  lived 
numerous  peasants  in  a servile  condition.  Many  nobles 
and  ecclesiastics  lived  in  castles  or  other  mansions  with 
stores  of  gold  and  silver  plate  and  jewels  and  with  stables 
that  were  well  filled.  The  most  frequent  noble  titles  were 
count,  duke,  and  marquis.  Among  the  lower  nobility  the 
most  common  title  was  hijodalgo  or  simply  caballero.  All  of 
those  nobles  enjoyed  numerous  privileges,  such  as  exemption 
from  certain  taxes. 

Middle  Class. — Under  the  Catholic  Monarchs  the  posi- 
tion of  the  middle  class  was  improved  in  various  ways. 
The  increasing  attention  paid  to  commerce  and  industry 
encouraged  some  members  of  the  lower  nobility  to  enter 
the  ranks  of  the  mercantile  class;  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  movement  of  emancipated  peasants  from  the  lower  into 
the  middle  class — which  was  under  way  before  the  acces- 
sion of  Isabella — went  on  at  a rapid  pace.  A royal  ordi- 
nance of  1480  confirmed  to  Castilian  peasants  the  right  to 
leave  the  estates  of  nobles  and  to  take  with  them  their  own 
properties  and  products. 

Lower  Class. — In  Aragon,  especially  in  Catalonia,  where 
feudal  or  quasi-feudal  customs  had  secured  a firmer  root 
than  elsewhere  in  Spain,  the  serfs  secured  their  emancipa- 
tion with  more  difficulty.  By  virtue  of  a decision  rendered 
by  King  Ferdinand  in  i486,  however,  the  services  due 
from  Aragonese  peasants  to  their  lords  were  replaced  by 
money  payments;  and  emancipated  serfs  were  placed 
under  the  King’s  jurisdiction.  A firm  basis  was  thus  laid 
for  a class  of  free  peasants. 

Occupations. — In  general,  the  nobles  either  held  offices 
or  dwelt  upon  their  hereditary  estates.  Ordinarily  they 
viewed  all  manual  labor  with  contempt.  The  main  occu- 
pations of  the  lower  classes  were  agriculture,  manu- 
factures, commerce,  and  sheep-raising.  Over  these  occu- 
pations the  Spanish  sovereigns  exercised  a supervision 
that  was  paternalistic.  In  1500  they  made  the  senior 
member  of  the  Council  of  Castile  the  president  of  the  Mcsta 
or  guild  of  sheep  owners.  His  duty  was  to  manage  the 
aflfairs  of  that  guild  and  to  act  as  a link  between  it  and  the 
crown.  Further,  the  Catholic  Monarchs  caused  new  regu- 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


50 

lations  to  be  framed  for  its  administration.  Accordingly 
the  Mesta  had  the  support  of  the  crown  in  its  contentions 
with  the  agricultural  interests  of  Castile.  The  extension 
of  the  privileges  enjoyed  by  the  Mesta  in  the  end  of  the 
fifteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  centuries  in- 
dicated that  agriculture  was  on  the  decline.  At  times 
there  was  apparently  a lack  of  agricultural  produce  in 
Castile  and  many  fields  lay  untilled.  To  an  extent  agri- 
culture was  also  injured  by  the  increased  interest  which 
developed  in  manufactures. 

Economic  Tendencies. — Granada,  Seville,  Cordova,  To- 
ledo, Segovia,  and  Leon  became  flourishing  centers  of  in- 
dustry. Seville  and  Cordova  became  noted  for  the  manu- 
facture of  arms,  especially  swords.  Silk  manufactures 
flourished  in  the  southern  cities.  To  promote  the  manu- 
facture of  woolen  cloth  the  Catholic  Monarchs  decreed 
that  not  over  two-thirds  of  the  wool  produced  in  Spain 
should  be  exported,  and  that  woolen  cloth  should  not  be 
imported.  They  also  tried  to  influence  commercial  devel- 
opment. With  the  exception  of  municipal  dues,  internal 
customs  within  Castile  were  abolished.  Foreigners  were 
strictly  prohibited  from  taking  gold  or  silver  out  of  Castile. 
In  1500  the  exportation  of  merchandise  in  foreign  vessels 
from  a Spanish  port  was  forbidden,  if  there  were  Castilian 
vessels  in  the  same  harbor.  Subsidies  were  offered  to 
persons  who  constructed  ships  of  six  hundred  tons  burden. 
Castilian  commercial  agents  were  scattered  through  many 
foreign  countries.  In  important  cities  merchants  selected 
officials  called  consuls  who  undertook  to  settle  disputes 
about  commercial  matters.  As  a result  the  crown  under- 
took to  establish  institutions  called  consulates.  These 
were  local  councils  composed  of  merchants  who  were  em- 
powered by  royal  grant  to  make  regulations  to  promote 
commerce  and  even  to  try  cases  relating  to  trade.  A 
model  grant  of  this  sort  was  made  by  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella on  June  21,  1494,  to  the  merchants  of  Burgos. 

Quasi-feudal  Conditions. — Although  feudalism  scarcely 
existed  in  the  Iberian  Peninsula  as  it  did  in  France,  yet 
in  certain  parts  of  Spain  conditions  existed  which  partook 
•of  a feudal  character.  This  was  especially  true  of  Cata- 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


51 


Ionia,  where  estates  were  held  of  the  Aragonese  King  by 
a quasi-feudal  tenure.  Ordinarily,  however,  in  medieval 
Spain  lands  were  not  held  upon  condition  of  military  ser- 
vice; the  functions  of  government  were  not  partitioned  out 
as  in  a feudal  state;  and  the  government  was  not  organ- 
ized in  hierarchical  form.  The  relations  existing  between 
a lord  and  his  vassal  were  often  personal  rather  than  feudal 
or  semi-feudal.  Yet  at  this  epoch  there  existed  in  Spain 
large  estates  which  were  regularly  tilled  by  a vassal  peas- 
antry or  by  peasants  who  were  just  emerging  from  serf- 
dom. Even  in  Castile  small  proprietors  and  free  peasants 
sometimes  commended  themselves  to  the  protection  of  a 
neighboring  noble  by  a practice  that  was  designated  the 
encomienda. 

Repartimientos. — A practice  that  developed  hand  in 
hand  with  the  reconquest  of  Spain  is  worthy  of  special 
notice.  This  was  the  custom  of  dividing  lands  among  the 
followers  of  the  conquering  kings.  As  early  as  the  con- 
quest of  the  Balearic  Islands  by  James  I of  Aragon  in  1230, 
the  practice  was  adopted  of  partitioning  among  the  con- 
quistadors the  land  which  was  taken  from  the  Moslems. 
King  James  followed  the  same  custom  when  he  subdued 
the  Mohammedan  Kingdom  of  Valencia.  Strips  of  land 
which  he  allotted  to  his  followers  in  regions  taken  from 
the  infidels  were  termed  repartimientos.  In  their  conquests 
of  the  principalities  of  Murcia  and  Seville  a similar  policy 
was  adopted  by  Castilian  monarchs:  the  lands,  as  well  as 
the  estates  and  houses  vacated  by  the  Moslems,  were  di- 
vided among  Christian  cavaliers.  Presumably  captive 
Moslems  and  their  serfs  were  at  times  transferred  with 
the  partitioned  lands. 

The  Jews. — For  many  years  before  the  accession  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  the  Jews  had  played  an  important 
role  in  the  social  and  intellectual  life  of  Spain.  Either 
because  of  the  growing  spirit  of  unity  or  because  of  the 
increase  in  crusading  fervor,  racial  and  religious  antagon- 
ism toward  the  Jews  increased  rapidly  in  Spain  during  the 
fifteenth  century.  Frequent  attempts  were  made  to  con- 
vert them  to  Christianity.  Jews  who  were  converted  by 
force  were  often  contemptuously  designated  “Marranos." 


52 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


In  1479  and  !48o  the  Cortes  renewed  obsolete  laws  con- 
cerning the  Jews.  They  were  prohibited  from  wearing 
silk  dresses  and  jewels.  They  were  ordered  to  live  in 
separate  quarters  in  the  towns  and  cities;  and  their  rela- 
tions with  the  Christians  were  restricted  in  divers  ways. 

Their  Expulsion. — Apparently  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews 
from  Andalusia  was  seriously  considered  by  Queen  Isa- 
bella about  1480.  Not  until  after  the  fall  of  Granada,  how- 
ever, did  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  make  their  momentous 
decision.  In  March,  1492,  a decree  was  promulgated 
which  provided  for  the  expulsion  of  professed  Jews  from 
the  kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Aragon  within  three  months. 
The  motive  adduced  for  this  extreme  measure  was  the 
great  injury  caused  the  Christians  by  their  relations  with 
the  Jews;  it  was  alleged  that  Jews  had  seduced  many 
Spaniards  from  the  Catholic  faith.  The  decree  provided 
that  the  Jews  might  sell  or  dispose  of  their  movable  prop- 
erty freely;  they  were  declared  to  be  under  the  royal  pro- 
tection ; but  they  were  prohibited  from  taking  gold  or 
silver  with  them.  Baptism  apparently  precluded  expul- 
sion. Soon  there  fled  to  Africa,  Italy,  and  Portugal  a 
multitude  of  Jews  who,  according  to  a conservative  esti- 
mate, numbered  about  165,000.  About  20,000  died  be- 
cause of  mistreatment.  In  all,  Spain  lost  some  185,000 
inhabitants:  physicians,  scholars,  farmers,  skillful  artisans 
— the  best  types  that  she  could  possess. 

The  Moslems  and  the  Moriscoes. — The  solution  of  an- 
other racial  and  religious  problem  again  carries  this  ac- 
count into  the  age  of  the  Austrian  monarchs.  Despite  the 
provisions  concerning  the  Moslems  in  the  capitulation  of 
Granada,  the  Spaniards  soon  made  attempts  to  convert 
them  by  force.  Some  additions  were  thus  made  to  the 
so-called  Moriscoes  or  converted  Moslems.  A commission 
appointed  by  Charles  I decided  that  Moslems  who  had 
been  baptized  should  be  considered  as  Christians. 

The  Development  of  Antagonism. — In  April,  1525,  King 
Charles  issued  a decree  approving  this  decision  and  declar- 
ing that  any  mosque  in  which  mass  had  once  been  cele- 
brated became  thereby  a Christian  church.  Meantime, 
the  Papacy  stimulated  antagonism  to  the  unconverted 


) 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND  53 

Moslems  who  were  denominated  Mudejares.  In  Novem- 
ber, 1525 — despite  the  opposition  of  some  nobles — the 
King  issued  a decree  announcing  that  within  a short  time 
all  Mudejares  who  would  not  accept  the  Catholic  faith 
should  be  expelled  from  Spain  unless  they  wished  to  be- 
come slaves.  As  a result  many  Mudejares  were  converted, 
some  arose  in  revolts  which  were  rudely  suppressed,  while 
others  fled  to  Africa.  Mosques  were  shut,  Korans  were 
burned,  Mudejares  in  the  legal  sense  disappeared,  and 
only  Moriscoes  remained  in  the  Spanish  dominions.  The 
suspicious  Spaniards  soon  enforced  against  the  Moriscoes, 
however,  many  restrictive  laws  that  had  been  enacted 
under  the  Catholic  Monarchs.  Prohibitions  were  laid 
upon  Mohammedan  dress,  customs,  and  religious  prac- 
tices. Moriscoes  were  even  enjoined  not  to  enter  the 
ancient  Kingdom  of  Granada.  The  Inquisition  was  set 
into  vigorous  operation  against  the  proscribed  class.  A 
law  of  1572  provided  for  the  preparation  in  each  commun- 
ity of  a register  of  free  and  slave  Moriscoes  who  should 
not  be  allowed  to  leave  their  homes  without  a royal  per- 
mit. In  each  community  there  was  to  be  named  a super- 
intendent of  Moriscoes,  who  should  closely  observe  their 
mode  of  life.  Yet  even  this  rigorous  law  did  not  prove 
effective,  while  Spanish  dread  of  an  attack  by  Moriscoes 
aided  by  Mohammedans  from  northern  Africa  did  not 
decrease. 

Expulsion  of  the  Moriscoes. — After  the  age  of  Philip  II 
many  schemes  were  formed  for  the  disposal  of  the  Moris- 
coes. Among  them  were  the  following  projects:  a general 
massacre,  destruction  at  sea,  deportation  to  America,  an- 
nihilation through  the  Inquisition,  and  segregation  in  a 
special  district.  Although  violently  opposed  by  nobles 
who  employed  the  industrious  Moriscoes  on  their  estates, 
there  steadily  forged  to  the  front  as  a radical  solution  the 
expulsion  of  the  hated  class.  At  last,  in  1609,  an  edict 
was  issued  providing  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Moriscoes 
from  Valencia  and  portions  of  Castile.  The  edict — which 
resembled  the  decree  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews — was 
later  applied  to  other  sections  of  Spain.  Because  of  this 
barbarous  edict  some  five  hundred  thousand  Moriscoes 


54 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


sold  or  disposed  of  their  properties  and  sailed  from  Spanish 
ports.  In  an  age  when  population  was  declining,  and 
when  interest  in  the  industrial  arts  was  decaying,  Spain 
thus  deprived  herself  of  a class  similar  to  the  Jews  whom 
she  had  banished  in  1492.  Not  only  did  she  drive  those 
industrious  classes  from  her  shores;  but,  unlike  England, 
she  persistently  strove  to  exclude  them  from  her  vast, 
unpopulated  dominions  oversea. 

Portugal  Achieves  Independence. — At  many  points  the 
history  of  Portugal  resembles  that  of  Spain.  Portucalia, 
the  nucleus  of  medieval  Portugal,  developed  from  a grant 
of  land  made  by  the  King  of  Leon  about  1095  to  a Bur- 
gundian adventurer.  More  than  two  hundred  years  of 
crusade  against  the  Moslems,  which  were  complicated  by 
struggles  against  the  suzerainty  of  Castile,  resulted  in  the 
formation  of  a Portuguese  nationality.  In  the  thirteenth 
century  Portuguese  crusaders  completed  the  conquest  of  a 
region  called  the  Algarve.  On  April  6,  1385,  a Cortes 
which  had  been  convoked  to  settle  the  succession  to  the 
throne  elected  John,  a natural  brother  of  the  deceased 
King  Ferdinand  and  a brave  crusader,  as  king  of  Portugal. 
On  August  14  of  the  same  year  at  the  battle  of  Aljubar- 
rota  the  Portuguese,  who  were  aided  by  English  archers, 
decisively  defeated  an  invading  Castilian  army  and  thus 
sealed  Portugal’s  independence  from  Spain. 

King  John  I. — The  reign  of  John  I was  an  introduction 
to  the  Golden  Age  of  Portugal.  On  May  9,  1386,  a treaty 
was  signed  at  Windsor  which  declared  that  Portugal  and 
England  were  allied  forever.  In  the  following  February, 
John  the  Great  of  Portugal  was  married  to  Philippa, 
daughter  of  the  English  prince,  John  of  Gaunt.  That 
ceremony  has  been  said  to  mark  the  birth  of  the  Anglo- 
Portuguese  alliance.  During  John’s  reign  the  Portuguese 
language  was  introduced  into  the  courts  of  law.  The  cal- 
endar was  changed  from  the  Augustan  era  to  the  Chris- 
tian. Lisbon  became  the  metropolis  of  the  Portuguese 
Empire. 

Portuguese  Political  Institutions. — Portuguese  kingship 
was  at  the  same  time  hereditary  and  elective.  The  daugh- 
ters, as  well  as  the  sons  of  the  King,  were  eligible  to  the 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


55 


throne.  In  Portugal  the  Cortes  was  convoked  by  the  King 
to  furnish  advice  when  circumstances  demanded.  The 
clergy,  the  nobility,  and  the  representatives  of  towns  and 
cities  deliberated  together  and  unanimity  was  necessary 
for  an  agreement.  Upon  the  accession  of  John  I,  a long 
and  strenuous  conflict  between  Church  and  State  had 
terminated;  for  in  1361  an  agreement  had  been  reached 
between  the  contending  interests  by  which  the  ecclesias- 
tical authority  was  confirmed  in  everything  that  was  not 
contrary  to  the  royal  prerogative. 

The  Portuguese  Nobility. — Still,  the  clergy  played  a 
most  important  part  in  Portuguese  politics.  The  nobles, 
originally  composed  of  persons'  styled  ricoshomens  and  in- 
fang oes,  were  very  numerous.  During  the  crusade  against 
the  Moslems  the  Portuguese  kings  had  made  to  the  nobles 
numerous  grants  of  land  which  carried  with  them  special 
political  and  judicial  privileges  of  a semi-feudal  nature. 
As  in  Castile,  charters  granted  by  the  kings  to  towns  and 
cities  constituted  their  organic  laws.  But  Portugal’s 
municipalities  did  not  enjoy  so  much  autonomy  as  those 
of  Castile:  they  were  carefully  watched  by  royal  officers 
and  powerful  prelates. 

Portuguese  Law. — Portuguese  law  found  its  origins  in 
the  Roman  law,  the  Visigothic  code,  the  Church  decretals, 
and  the  regulations  of  the  King  and  the  Cortes.  The 
chancellor  of  John  I,  started  the  work  of  codification  which 
was  continued  by  Joao  Mendes.  The  Livro  das  lets  e pos- 
turas  of  Mendes,  which  was  published  near  the  opening  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  constituted  an  important  source  of  later 
codes.  The  Ordinances  of  Duarte,  which  were  completed 
mainly  by  Ruy  Fernandez  in  1436,  constituted  another 
source.  During  the  reign  of  Alphonso  V those  two  com- 
pilations, supplemented  by  customary  law,  municipal 
charters,  concordats  with  the  Papacy,  judicial  decisions, 
and  royal  ordinances,  formed  the  basis  of  a famous  code 
that  was  called  the  Ordcnagoes  Affonsinas.  Early  in  the  six- 
teenth century  King  Manuel  appointed  jurists  to  prepare  a 
new  code  which  was  based  upon  the  Ordinances  of  Alfonso 
and  supplemented  by  subsequent  laws.  That  revised  code — 
published  in  1514 — was  designated  the  Manueline  Ordinances. 


56 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


After  the  conquest  of  Portugal  by  Philip  II  in  1580,  he  di- 
rected that  the  laws  of  King  Manuel  should  be  revised  by 
jurists.  This  compilation,  which  was  based  upon  the  Orden- 
agoes  Affonsinas  and  Ordenagoes  Manuelinas,  with  the  addi- 
tion of  laws  subsequently  issued,  was  promulgated  by  King 
Philip  II  of  Spain  on  January  11,  1603.  It  was  designated 
the  Ordenagoes  Philippines. 

Land  Tenure. — In  Portugal,  as  in  Spain,  kings  had  fol- 
lowed the  custom  of  distributing  among  their  followers 
the  territory  which  was  conquered  from  the  Moslems. 
During  the  age  of  John  I,  Portuguese  lands  were  largely 
held  by  ecclesiastics  or  nobles  to  whom  they  had  been 
given  by  royal  favor.  Other  portions  of  Portugal  had 
been  granted  by  charters  to  communes  or  municipalities, 
while  the  rest  of  the  land  remained  under  the  direct 
control  of  the  King.  Residents  upon  royal  estates  were 
nobles  or  tenants.  The  King  was  the  direct  proprietor 
of  the  mines  and  the  seaports.  He  paid  the  expenses  of 
his  government  with  the  income  from  his  estates  and  the 
revenues  arising  from  navigation  duties. 

Quasi-feudal  Conditions. — A large  part  of  Portuguese 
soil  was  held  by  members  of  the  upper  nobility  to  whom 
it  had  been  granted  by  the  kings  either  in  return  for 
services  or  to  secure  their  support.  Occasionally  those 
lands  had  been  granted  within  Portucalia;  but  more  often 
they  had  been  carved  out  of  regions  that  were  conquered 
from  the  Moslems.  Ecclesiastics  or  nobles  who  were  thus 
favored  were  often  called  donatarios.  Although  in  theory 
the  Portuguese  King  might  revoke  the  land  grants  at 
pleasure,  yet  in  practice  he  had  little  control  over  them; 
and  their  limits  were  frequently  extended  by  aggressive 
nobles.  Even  in  the  reign  of  John  I — who  strove  to 
strengthen  the  royal  authority  over  those  semi-feudal 
estates — noble  landowners  were  ordinarily  exempt  from 
the  payment  of  certain  taxes;  they  exercised  a large 
amount  of  judicial  authority,  and  acted  as  the  military 
chieftains  of  their  tenants. 

Portuguese  Ecclesiastics.  — Despite  the  limitations 
placed  upon  the  power  of  the  clergy  by  the  treaty  of  1361, 
ecclesiastics  still  exercised  a large  amount  of  authority  in 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


57 


Portugal.  They  frequently  belonged  to  the  King’s  council 
and  played  an  important  role  in  the  Cortes.  Early  in  the 
sixteenth  century  the  King’s  chaplain  became  the  head 
of  the  Portuguese  Church:  he  was  later  recognized  as  the 
patriarch  of  Lisbon. 

Portuguese  Cities. — The  Portuguese  King  had  thus 
established  his  supremacy  over  the  Church  before  his 
subjects  began  to  plant  settlements  in  Brazil.  Portuguese 
municipalities  did  not  possess  so  much  autonomy  as  the 
Castilian  cities.  For  the  kings,  as  well  as  the  nobles  and 
the  clergy,  had  infringed  upon  their  rights  and  privileges. 
The  foraes  or  charters  of  privileges  that  had  been  given  to 
municipalities  in  return  for  services  against  the  Moslems 
ordinarily  granted  them  certain  administrative  and  judicial 
rights.  Among  those  was  the  right  to  send  delegates  to  the 
Cortes.  During  the  fifteenth  century  royal  judges  called 
juizes  da  fora  displaced  judges  who  had  been  elected  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  chartered  district ; while  other  royal  officials 
who  were  designated  corregcdores  undertook  to  interfere  in 
local  affairs.  The  inhabitants  of  a municipality  ordinarily 
belonged  to  three  groups:  the  serfs,  the  middle  classes,  and 
the  members  of  the  lower  nobility. 

The  Population  of  Portugal. — A Portuguese  historian 
has  estimated  that,  on  the  eve  of  the  great  discoveries, 
the  total  population  of  Portugal  was  about  one  million 
souls.  The  main  occupation  was  agriculture;  but  some 
attention  was  paid  to  commerce  and  mining.  As  in  Spain, 
the  long  and  bitter  struggle  against  the  Moslems  had 
engendered,  especially  among  the  upper  classes,  a dislike 
for  menial  occupations  and  a love  for  warlike  adventure. 

Moslems  and  Jews. — The  Mohammedans  and  the  Jews 
of  Portugal  were  not  treated  exactly  like  their  Spanish 
brethren.  Conquered  Moslems  apparently  did  not  con- 
stitute so  distinct  an  element  in  Portugal,  although  pre- 
sumably more  traces  of  Mohammedan  blood  were  found 
to  the  south  than  to  the  north  of  the  Tagus  River.  Jews, 
however,  belonged  to  a separate  class.  Active  and  enter- 
prising, they  were  viewed  with  disdain  and  envy  by  the 
proud  Portuguese.  They  were  often  forced  to  live  in 
special  quarters  in  the  towns  and  cities.  They  did  not 


58 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


always  enjoy  the  same  rights  before  the  law  as  did  their 
Christian  neighbors.  John  I secured  a bull  from  the  Pope 
which  aimed  to  protect  the  Jews  of  Portugal  from  perse- 
cution. During  his  reign  they  could  only  be  held  respon- 
sible by  Jewish  magistrates  for  offenses  against  the  civil 
and  the  criminal  law.  By  virtue  of  this  guardianship  and 
of  their  own  ability  Jews  at  times  held  important  posi- 
tions in  the  government  of  Portugal.  A large  part  of  her 
foreign  commerce  fell  into  their  hands. 

Their  Expulsion. — It  was  reserved  for  King  Emmanuel 
“the  Fortunate,”  who  desired  to  unite  the  kingdoms  of  the 
Iberian  Peninsula  under  one  scepter,  to  decide  the  fate  of 
unbaptized  Jews  and  Moslems.  About  1496 — to  please 
the  Catholic  Monarchs — King  Emmanuel  issued  orders 
for  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews.  Members  of  that  unfortu- 
nate race  were  compelled  either  to  depart  from  Portu- 
guese soil  within  six  months  and  to  dispose  of  their  inter- 
ests and  their  properties  or  to  become  Christians.  With 
numerous  Jews  that  were  expelled  there  went  also  some 
unbaptized  Moslems,  who  had  fled  into  Portugal  from 
Spain.  To  persecute  the  Jews  who  had  professed  Chris- 
tianity in  order  that  they  might  remain  in  Portugal  in 
1536  a tribunal  of  the  Holy  Office  was  erected  at  Lisbon. 
To  a less  extent  perhaps  than  in  Spain  did  the  Inquisition 
in  Portugal  exert  a blighting  influence  upon  the  life  and 
development  of  the  people.  Four  years  after  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Portuguese  Inquisition,  the  Jesuit  order 
was  introduced  into  Portugal  where  it  soon  acquired  the 
control  of  educational  institutions. 

Summary. — The  two  nations  that  inhabited  the  Iberian 
Peninsula  in  the  later  Middle  Ages  had  many  resem- 
blances. Although  there  were  some  local  variations,  yet 
similar  or  identical  strains  of  blood  mingled  in  the  veins 
of  Spanish  and  Portuguese.  Political  tendencies  in  Spain 
and  Portugal  had  encouraged  the  growth  of  royal  power. 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  governmental  systems  mirrored 
the  King’s  prerogative.  Institutions  like  the  ayuntamiento, 
the  audiencia,  and  the  viceroy  furnished  the  Spaniards,  at 
least,  with  materials  for  the  fabric  of  a colonial  system. 
In  both  Spain  and  Portugal  there  prevailed  a system  of 


THE  EUROPEAN  BACKGROUND 


59 


landholding  which  was  based  essentially  upon  the  exist- 
ence of  large  estates  that  were  tilled  by  a vassal  peasantry. 
The  policy  pursued  toward  the  Jews  and  the  Moslems  had 
an  injurious  effect  upon  industry  and  commerce,  especially 
in  Spain,  while  the  ubiquitous  activities  of  the  Inquisition 
checked  freedom  of  thought  and  intellectual  progress. 
Because  of  the  geographical  location  of  Spain  and  Portu- 
gal, because  of  the  rooted  dislike  of  Spaniards  and  Portu- 
guese for  menial  occupations,  and  because  of  the  termi- 
nation of  the  arduous  crusade  against  the  Moslems,  in  the 
end  of  the  fifteenth  century  the  upper  classes  in  the  Iberian 
Peninsula  were  seeking  for  new  domains  to  conquer.  At 
a juncture  when  conditions  for  colonization  in  the  Iberian 
Kingdoms  were  far  from  being  so  auspicious  as  they  were 
in  contemporary  England,  it  was  the  audacious  enterprise 
of  Columbus,  of  Cabral,  and  of  their  followers  that  gave 
adventurous  cavaliers  a chance  to  enter  upon  a new  cru- 
sade far  beyond  the  Pillars  of  Hercules.  More  or  less 
unwittingly  they  thus  undertook  to  transplant  Iberian 
customs  and  institutions  in  strange  lands  beyond  the  At- 
lantic. 


CHAPTER  III 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 

“Prince  Henry  the  Navigator”  of  Portugal. — The  dis- 
covery of  the  New  World  by  Columbus  was  foreshadowed 
by  the  maritime  achievements  of  the  Portuguese.  Among 
princes  and  scholars  who  prepared  the  way  for  the  Great 
Genoese  the  name  of  Prince  Henry  is  preeminent.  In  the 
prime  of  life,  Henry,  the  son  of  King  John  I of  Portugal, 
relinquished  the  prospect  of  military  fame  and  devoted 
himself  to  the  advancement  of  geographical  knowledge, 
the  planting  of  colonies,  and  the  expansion  of  commerce. 
Under  his  guidance  Portuguese  sailors  and  navigators 
were  trained  for  exploration.  Portugal’s  growing  inter- 
est in  Africa  directed  his  attention  to  that  continent. 

African  Explorations  of  the  Portuguese. — A beginning 
was  made  by  the  successive  rediscovery  by  sailors  under 
the  Portuguese  flag  of  certain  islands  along  the  African 
coast  that  had  been  known  to  the  ancient  world.  Near 
the  end  of  the  second  decade  of  the  fifteenth  century 
mariners  from  Portugal  reached  the  islands  of  Porto 
Santo  and  Madeira.  About  1432  Portuguese  navigators 
discovered  the  island  of  Santa  Maria  in  the  Azores.  About 
1434  Gil  Eannes  sailed  past  Cape  Bojador.  Prince  Henry 
had  planted  a colony  in  the  distant  Azores  by  1443;  and 
about  that  time  Portuguese  sailors  doubled  Cape  Verde. 
In  i486  Bartholomew  Dias  rounded  the  southern  extrem- 
ity of  Africa  which  he  named  Stormy  Cape;  but  upon  his 
return  to  Portugal  King  John  II  designated  it  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope. 

Vasco  da  Gama. — In  1496  King  Manuel  decided  to  give 
the  chief  command  of  an  exploring  expedition  to  Vasco 
da  Gama.  Four  vessels  were  carefully  prepared  and 
equipped  for  a voyage  to  the  Indies.  On  July  8,  1497, 
bearing  the  pilot  who  had  accompanied  Dias,  the  fleet 

60 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


61 


sailed  from  Portugal.  About  four  months  later  Da  Gama 
passed  the  farthest  point  that  Dias  had  reached.  On 
Christmas  Day  Da  Gama  caught  sight  of  land  which  he 
called  Natal.  Early  in  March,  1498,  he  anchored  off  the 
island  of  Mozambique,  about  May  17  he  sighted  the 
highlands  of  India,  and  a few  days  later  he  anchored  be- 
fore Calicut.  Da  Gama  had  thus  reached  India  by  sailing 
around  Africa.  A Portuguese  geographer  attributed  this 
significant  achievement  to  the  divine  inspiration  of  “Prince 
Henry  the  Navigator.” 

Cabral  Discovers  Brazil. — Within  a year  after  the  re- 
turn of  Da  Gama,  King  Manuel  intrusted  a noble  named 
Pedro  Alvares  Cabral  with  an  expedition  to  Calicut  to 
establish  commercial  relations  with  India.  Accompanied 
by  the  most  skillful  seamen,  with  a fleet  of  thirteen  ships 
that  were  armed  with  artillery  and  laden  with  presents, 
Cabral  set  sail  early  in  March,  1500.  His  fleet  took  the 
beaten  route  down  the  African  coast  until  Cape  Verde 
had  been  passed.  Then,  either  because  of  unfavorable 
weather  or  because  of  curiosity  aroused  by  reports  of  the 
achievements  of  Columbus,  Cabral  took  a westerly  course 
with  the  hope  of  making  a discovery.  On  April  22,  1500, 
he  caught  sight  of  a mountain  peak  in  South  America. 
He  supposed  the  land  discovered  to  be  an  island  and 
named  it  Vera  Cruz — a name  which  was  later  changed  to 
Brazil  because  a dye  wood  found  there  resembled  the  Brazil 
wood  brought  from  the  Orient.  Cabral  formally  took  pos- 
session of  the  new  land  in  the  name  of  Portugal;  and,  on 
May  1,  he  set  up  a large  cross  to  commemorate  the  event. 

Results  of  Portuguese  Exploration. — Largely  because 
of  the  teachings  and  the  inspiration  of  Prince  Henry,  the 
African  coasts  had  thus  been  explored,  Cape  Hope  had 
been  rounded,  the  sea  route  to  India  and  the  far  East  dis- 
closed, and  Brazil  discovered.  The  Portuguese  claim  to 
Brazil  rested  partly  upon  Cabral’s  discovery.  In  words 
which  seem  exaggerated  a Brazilian  has  said  that  Cabral 
discovered  for  Portugal  a land  as  large  as  Europe  and 
richer  than  India.  There  is  no  doubt  that  from  the  ex- 
plorations of  the  Portuguese,  Christopher  Columbus  re- 
ceived a definite  stimulus.  His  son  Ferdinand  declared 


62 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


that  it  was  in  Portugal  that  Columbus  began  to  surmise 
that  if  Portuguese  navigators  could  sail  so  far  south,  he 
might  also  sail  west  and  discover  lands  in  that  direction. 

Early  Career  of  Columbus. — Few  characters  in  history 
have  been  the  subject  of  so  much  controversy  as  Colum- 
bus. More  than  a dozen  towns  have  claimed  to  be  the 
place  of  his  birth.  It  is  now  generally  agreed,  however, 
that  Christopher  Columbus,  the  son  of  an  Italian  woolen 
weaver,  was  born  in  Genoa.  Two  careful  investigators 
took  the  view  that  Columbus  was  born  in  1446  or  1447. 
More  recently  a critical  scholar  named  Henry  Vignaud 
presented  evidence  to  show  that  the  great  Genoese  was 
born  in  1451.  Columbus  probably  attended  the  schools  of 
Genoa  and  learned  the  weaver’s  trade.  Vignaud  declares 
that  he  did  not  enter  upon  a seafaring  career  until  he  was 
more  than  twenty  years  of  age. 

Influences  Affecting  Columbus. — However  that  may  be, 
Columbus  was  affected  by  the  spirit  of  his  age.  He  even- 
tually learned  about  the  scientific  equipment  of  a naviga- 
tor: the  astrolabe,  the  compass,  sea  charts,  and  tables  of 
declination.  He  may  have  been  influenced  by  the  writings 
of  Pierre  d’Ailly,  who  in  a volume  entitled  Imago  Mundi 
had  collected  the  sayings  of  the  ancients  concerning  the 
size  and  the  sphericity  of  the  earth.  A belief  was  current 
for  many  years  that  Columbus  received  a decisive  impulse 
from  the  celebrated  Florentine  scientist  Paolo  dal  Pozzo 
Toscanelli,  who  was  supposed  to  have  sent  him  letters 
and  a map  that  served  as  sailing  directions.  Vignaud  has 
presented  strong  reasons  for  the  view,  however,  that  those 
letters  were  forged  by  Bartholomew  Columbus  to  destroy 
the  story  that  his  brother  Christopher  was  inspired  to 
make  the  voyage  because  of  a tale  told  him  by  an  obscure 
mariner  regarding  new  lands  to  the  west. 

Columbus  in  Portugal. — About  1476  Columbus  took  up 
his  residence  in  Portugal.  He  made  voyages  to  Guinea 
and  to  the  British  Isles  and  became  acquainted  with  Por- 
tuguese navigators.  He  soon  married  the  daughter  of  a 
Portuguese  who  had  been  governor  of  the  island  of  Porto 
Santo.  Papers  left  by  his  father-in-law,  which  came  into 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


63 


his  hands  about  1480  or  1481,  evidently  reenforced  what- 
ever notions  Columbus  may  have  gathered  from  books, 
savants,  and  pilots  concerning  exploration.  From  those 
papers  he  seems  to  have  received  a definite  idea  that  west 
of  the  Canaries  and  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  there  existed 
unknown  lands. 

His  Petition  to  John  II. — In  1483  or  1484  Columbus 
presented  a petition  to  King  John  II  of  Portugal.  Accord- 
ing to  the  most  reliable  chronicler  of  Columbus,  the  latter 
proposed  to  lead  an  expedition  in  a westerly  direction  in 
order  to  discover  populous  islands  and  mainlands  that 
were  rich  in  gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones.  Columbus 
evidently  petitioned  the  Portuguese  monarch  to  equip  a 
fleet  of  three  vessels  with  supplies  for  one  year.  He  so- 
licited the  title  of  grand  admiral,  the  viceregal  power,  and 
the  perpetual  governmental  control  over  all  lands  that 
might  be  discovered.  Among  other  conditions  he  asked 
to  be  assigned  one-tenth  of  the  products  of  those  lands. 
King  John  II  submitted  the  project  to  a group  of  scholars 
who,  because  of  the  extent  of  the  demands,  or  because  of 
supposed  errors  in  the  petitioner’s  calculations,  or  because 
of  other  reasons,  rejected  the  proposals.  In  the  end  of 
1484  or  early  in  1485  Columbus  accordingly  left  Portugal 
to  seek  his  fortune  in  Spain,  while  his  brother  Bartholo- 
mew undertook  a mission  to  England. 

Columbus  in  Spain. — Soon  after  landing  in  Spain,  Co- 
lumbus visited  the  Franciscan  monastery  of  La  Rabida. 
He  then  proceeded  to  Seville  where  the  Duke  of  Medina 
Sidonia  and  the  Count  of  Medina  Celi  became  interested 
in  his  plan.  Apparently  he  held  his  first  interview  with 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  at  Cordova  in  i486.  Four  years 
later  a commission  formally  disapproved  of  the  proposals 
of  the  Genoese,  evidently  expressing  the  opinion  that  they 
were  illusory  and  impracticable.  As  the  monarchs  seemed 
to  be  engrossed  in  the  conflict  with  the  Moslems,  he  re- 
luctantly decided  to  appeal  to  France.  Yet  the  interven- 
tion of  faithful  friends — notably  of  a navigator  named 
Akinzn  Martin  Einzon — induced  Queen  Isabella  to  grant 
Columbus  another  hearing.  At  Santa  Fe  a new  commis- 


64 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


sion  considered  his  proposals.  Again  the  decision  was 
against  the  Genoese,  who  sadly  took  leave  of  the  Catholic 
Monarchs.  The  chancellor  of  Aragon,  Luis  de  Santangel, 
then  persuaded  the  Queen  to  support  the  enterprise.  On 
April  17,  1492,  an  agreement  between  Columbus  and  the 
Catholic  Monarchs  was  signed  at  Santa  Fe. 

The  Capitulations  of  Santa  Fe. — The  so-called  capitula- 
tions of  Santa  Fe  provided  that  Columbus  and  his  heirs 
were  to  have  the  hereditary  office  of  admiral  in  all  islands 
and  lands  that  might  be  discovered  or  acquired  by  him  or 
through  his  industry.  Columbus  was  also  to  be  the  vice- 
roy and  governor-general  over  such  lands;  he  was  conceded 
the  right  to  nominate  candidates  for  the  chief  magis- 
tracies of  the  islands  and  provinces  so  discovered.  He 
was  to  have  one-tenth  of  the  pearls,  precious  stones,  and 
spices  that  might  be  found,  bought,  bartered,  or  gained 
within  the  newly  discovered  lands.  He  or  his  lieutenant 
should  have  sole  power  to  judge  all  disputes  about  com- 
mercial relations  between  those  regions  and  Spain.  The 
admiral  should  be  allowed  to  contribute  one-eighth  of  the 
expense  of  any  subsequent  expedition  and  should  get  one- 
eighth  of  the  accruing  profit.  To  judge  by  the  capitula- 
tions, the  object  of  Columbus  was  to  discover  and  to  take 
possession  of  certain  islands  and  lands  in  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  concerning  which  he  had  evidently  secured  infor- 
mation. 

The  First  Voyage  of  Columbus. — Of  the  total  cost  of 
the  expedition,  which  Vignaud  estimated  at  two  million 
maravedis,  the  Spanish  monarchs  furnished  about  one- 
half.  A fraction  of  the  cost,  possibly  not  more  than  one- 
eighth,  was  advanced  by  Columbus  probably  from  loans, 
while  the  remainder  seems  to  have  been  supplied  by  his 
friends.  It  is  accordingly  clear  that  the  expedition  of 
Columbus,  although  patronized  and  supported  by  the 
state,  was  not  a purely  governmental  enterprise.  Through 
orders  of  the  Catholic  Monarchs  urging  compliance  with 
the  capitulations,  and  by  the  aid  of  Pinzon,  he  ultimately 
succeeded  in  securing  and  equipping  three  caravels,  the 
“Nina,”  the  “Pinta,”  and  the  “Santa  Maria.”  With  this 
small  fleet,  manned  by  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


6$ 


men,  Columbus  sailed  out  of  the  harbor  of  Palos  on  Au- 
gust 3,  bound  for  the  Canaries.  Thence  he  struck  west- 
ward across  the  Atlantic,  and  after  many  bickerings, 
doubts,  and  discouragements,  upon  the  evening  of  Oc- 
tober 11,  his  sailors  were  inspirited  by  detecting  a faint 
light. 

Discovery  of  San  Salvador  and  Santo  Domingo. — The 

dawn  of  the  following  day  revealed  the  outlines  of  an  is- 
land that  was  called  by  the  aborigines  Guanahani  or 
Guanaham.  This  island — which  the  best  scholars  have 
identified  with  what  is  now  called  Watling’s  Island — Co- 
lumbus named  San  Salvador.  Whatever  ideas  the  Ge- 
noese may  originally  have  entertained  about  his  object, 
he  now  evidently  thought  that  he  had  reached  the  Indies. 
He  called  the  inhabitants  Indians  and  entertained  notions 
that  he  would  soon  behold  the  Great  Khan.  After  the 
admiral  reached  Cuba,  he  sent  two  of  his  followers  to  seek 
for  that  Oriental  potentate.  Then  he  sailed  to  an  island 
which,  because  of  a fancied  resemblance  to  Spain,  he 
named  Espanola — an  isle  later  called  Santo  Domingo. 
The  “Santa  Maria”  was  wrecked  upon  the  coast  of  that 
island,  where  Columbus  undertook  to  plant  a colony. 
After  laying  the  foundations  of  a fort,  and  leaving  some 
forty  men  there,  in  January,  1493,  Columbus  sailed  for 
the  Iberian  Peninsula,  taking  with  him  a few  Indians  and 
some  ornaments  of  gold. 

Columbus  Returns  to  the  Iberian  Peninsula. — In  March 
he  arrived  at  Lisbon  where  a report  that  he  had  reached 
the  Indies  caused  great  excitement.  It  soon  became  ap- 
parent that  the  Portuguese  were  jealous  of  Columbus. 
John  II  evidently  took  the  view  that  the  newly-discovered 
lands  were  within  the  territory  of  Guinea  which  had  been 
assigned  to  him  by  the  Pope,  but  resolved  to  bide  his 
time.  On  March  15  Columbus  reached  Palos.  From  Se- 
ville he  proceeded  to  Barcelona  where  he  was  graciously 
received  by  the  Catholic  Monarchs  who  asked  him  to  sit 
beside  them  upon  an  improvised  throne.  Columbus  was 
given  a coat  of  arms  upon  which  the  legend  was  later 
inscribed,  “For  Castile  and  Leon  Columbus  found  a New 
World.” 


66 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


The  Pope’s  Demarcation  Line. — Meantime  Pope  Alex- 
ander VI  had  been  asked  to  define  the  rights  of  Spain.  Ac- 
cordingly in  April,  1493,  he  framed  a bull  declaring  in 
vague  phraseology  that  John  II  should  enjoy  the  rights 
that  had  been  granted  to  Portugal  by  his  predecessors 
from  Cape  Bojador  towards  Guinea  and  beyond,  while 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  should  enjoy  the  exclusive  right 
to  all  lands  and  islands  discovered  or  to  be  discovered  in 
the  West  toward  the  Indies  in  the  Ocean  Sea.  Probably 
because  of  objections  by  the  Spanish  monarchs — who  had 
heard  the  tale  of  Columbus — that  bull  was  soon  super- 
seded by  another  bull  dated  May  4.  This  bull  granted  to 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  all  lands  found  or  to  be  found  to 
the  west  and  the  south  toward  India  and  toward  all  other 
regions  that  had  not  been  occupied  by  any  Christian 
prince  prior  to  Christmas,  1492.  It  also  drew  an  imagi- 
nary line,  north  and  south,  one  hundred  leagues  west  and 
south  of  the  Azores  and  Cape  Verde  Islands,  that  was  to 
mark  the  limits  beyond  which  no  foreigner  should  proceed 
without  permission  from  Spain.  Portugal  was  thus  re- 
stricted to  territory  east  of  this  line.  In  September  an- 
other bull  stipulated  that  anterior  occupation  of  lands  by 
other  Christian  powers  than  Spain  should  not  constitute 
a valid  title;  and  it  specifically  provided  that  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  should  have  the  title  to  lands  which  they 
might  discover  in  India. 

Treaty  of  Tordesillas. — King  John  was  not  satisfied 
with  that  adjustment.  Commissioners  were  accordingly 
appointed  by  the  contending  nations;  and  at  Tordesillas 
on  June  7,  1494,  they  signed  a convention.  The  Treaty 
of  Tordesillas  provided  that  the  demarcation  line  should 
be  drawn  three  hundred  and  seventy  leagues  west  of  the 
Cape  Verde  Islands:  lands  found  to  the  east  of  that  line 
should  belong  to  Portugal,  while  lands  to  the  west  should 
be  the  property  of  Spain.  This  demarcation  line  crossed 
the  continent  of  South  America  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Amazon.  In  conjunction  with  Cabral’s  discovery,  it  se- 
cured for  Portugal  the  title  to  Brazil. 

Other  Voyages  of  Columbus. — The  three  remaining 
voyages  of  Columbus  will  be  briefly  described.  During 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


67 


his  second  voyage,  which  was  made  from  1493  to  1496, 
he  explored  Cuba  and  discovered  Jamaica.  Upon  his 
third  voyage  in  1498,  he  caught  sight  of  the  island  of 
Trinidad  and  coasted  along  what  proved  to  be  the  main- 
land of  South  America,  passing  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco 
River.  Meantime  complaints  against  the  colonizing  policy 
of  Columbus  induced  the  Spanish  monarchs  to  appoint 
Francisco  de  Boabdilla  as  judge  and  governor  of  the  is- 
lands and  mainland.  When  Boabdilla  reached  Santo 
Domingo  he  cast  the  admiral  into  chains.  Upon  his  ar- 
rival in  Spain  the  monarchs  released  the  dejected  discov- 
erer, declaring  that  Boabdilla  had  exceeded  his  instruc- 
tions. Upon  his  last  voyage  in  1502,  Columbus  sailed 
along  the  shores  of  Central  America  from  Honduras  to 
Panama. 

Ojeda  Reaches  Venezuela. — Other  explorers  had  mean- 
time been  busy.  Alonso  de  Ojeda,  a companion  of  Co- 
lumbus, made  an  expedition  in  1499  which  reached  the 
northwestern  coast  of  South  America.  An  Indian  village 
built  upon  piles  in  the  Gulf  of  Maracaibo  reminded  him  of 
Venice,  so  that  he  called  the  region  Venezuela  (little 
Venice).  In  1508  he  was  made  governor  of  a region  which 
was  called  Castilla  del  Oro.  He  soon  undertook  to  plant 
a settlement  upon  the  mainland. 

Encisco  and  Balboa. — Interested  in  the  colonizing  activi- 
ties of  Ojeda  was  a lawyer  named  Fernandez  de  Encisco. 
In  1510  he  led  from  Santo  Domingo  a band  of  settlers 
bound  for  a colony  which  Ojeda  had  planted  in  South 
America.  Upon  a ship  belonging  to  the  expedition  there 
was  concealed  a bankrupt  Spaniard  named  Vasco  Nunez 
de  Balboa,  who  narrowly  escaped  being  marooned  on  a 
desert  isle.  When  Ojeda’s  settlement  was  found  to  be 
deserted,  the  stowaway  suggested  that  the  expedition 
should  sail  to  a region  where  food  was  plentiful  and 
where  the  Indians  did  not  use  poisoned  arrows.  On  the 
southeastern  margin  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  Encisco 
founded  a town  called  Darien.  Two  alcaldes  were  chosen, 
one  of  whom  was  Balboa.  That  adventurer  soon  refused 
to  obey  Encisco  and  shipped  him  to  Spain,  stigmatizing 
him  as  a devil.  He  also  expelled  the  titular  governor  of 


68 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  district  named  Darien  and  become  the  dominant  per- 
sonality of  the  settlement. 

Balboa  Hears  of  a Great  Water. — Balboa  sent  out  ex- 
peditions from  the  town  of  Darien  to  explore  the  sur- 
rounding territory.  He  gathered  information  concerning 
the  unknown  interior.  He  captured  an  Indian  chief  called 
Careta  and  espoused  his  daughter.  From  a son  of  an- 
other cacique  he  heard  reports  of  a favored  region  where 
the  natives  ate  and  drank  out  of  golden  dishes — a region 
where  Indians  in  vessels  propelled  by  oars  and  sails  navi- 
gated a Great  Water.  On  January  20,  1513,  Balboa  ad- 
dressed a letter  to  King  Ferdinand  to  explain  his  actions. 
In  this  letter  he  said  that  there  was  gold  in  the  land  which 
he  had  discovered.  He  repeated  a rumor  which  he  had 
heard  that  at  three  days’  journey  beyond  the  mountains 
of  the  isthmus  there  was  another  sea. 

He  Discovers  the  Pacific  Ocean. — News  that  Encisco 
had  denounced  him  to  King  Ferdinand  made  Balboa  real- 
ize that  he  must  justify  himself  at  once.  Instead  of  wait- 
ing for  the  aid  which  he  had  solicited  from  Spain,  he  im- 
mediately prepared  an  expedition.  Accompanied  by  some 
two  hundred  Spaniards  and  a larger  number  of  Indians, 
on  September  1,  1513,  he  sailed  from  the  harbor  of  Darien. 
Upon  the  coast  in  Careta’s  dominions  Balboa  left  some 
men  to  guard  his  ships;  and  on  September  6 he  marched 
from  Caledonia  Bay  in  a southerly  direction.  He  persisted 
in  his  march  despite  the  harassing  attacks  of  Indians.  On 
the  forenoon  of  September  25  his  guides  assured  him  that 
the  Great  Water  could  be  seen  from  the  top  of  a moun- 
tain. Before  reaching  its  summit,  Balboa  halted  his  men; 
then,  alone  on  a peak  in  Darien,  he  beheld  a new  sea  that 
faded  away  in  the  distance.  According  to  a Spanish 
chronicler,  he  gave  thanks  to  God  who  had  permitted  a 
lowly  person  like  himself  to  discover  the  great,  main  sea. 
He  named  the  newly  discovered  gulf  San  Miguel.  A few 
days  later  he  waded  into  its  billows  with  a naked  sword 
and  the  royal  standard  in  his  hands — by  a pompous  procla- 
mation he  took  possession  of  the  salt  sea  and  all  its  appur- 
tenant lands  for  the  crown  of  Spain!  The  discoverers 
christened  the  ocean  the  Mar  del  Sur — the  South  Sea.  Upon 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST  69 

the  shores  of  that  ocean  six  years  later  a Spaniard  named 
Pedrarias  de  Avila  founded  the  city  of  Panama. 

Magellan’s  Contract  with  Charles  I. — Ferdinand  Ma- 
gellan, a brave  and  honorable  Portuguese  who  had  visited 
the  Molucca  Islands,  laid  before  his  King  a proposal  to 
reach  those  islands  by  sailing  west.  As  the  Portuguese 
monarch  did  not  accept  his  plan,  Magellan — who  seems 
to  have  believed  that  the  Moluccas  lay  upon  the  Spanish 
side  of  the  demarcation  line — proceeded  to  Spain.  On 
March  22,  1518,  a contract  was  arranged  between  Magel- 
lan and  King  Charles  I.  By  that  contract  the  King  agreed 
to  furnish  five  vessels  for  the  expedition,  to  equip  them 
with  arms  and  men,  and  with  provisions  for  two  years. 
On  his  part  Magellan  agreed  to  discover  in  the  Ocean, 
within  the  Spanish  half  of  the  world,  islands,  mainlands, 
and  “rich  spiceries.”  As  he  evidently  believed  that  there- 
was  a channel  connecting  the  Atlantic  Ocean  with  the  South 
Sea,  Magellan  agreed  to  seek  for  a strait.  The  agreement 
also  contained  a stipulation  about  the  division  of  any 
profits  that  might  accrue  from  the  lands  discovered. 

The  First  Circumnavigation  of  the  Globe. — With  five 
ships,  bearing  some  two  hundred  and  seventy  men,  Ma- 
gellan sailed  from  San  Lucar  on  September  20,  1519. 
After  coasting  slowly  along  the  shores  of  Brazil,  Magel- 
lan’s party  wintered  at  490  south  of  the  equator.  In  spite 
of  storms  and  privations — his  soldiers  being  compelled  to 
live  upon  rats,  mouldy  biscuits,  and  leather — Magellan 
discovered  the  much-sought  strait.  The  first  passage  of 
Magellan’s  Strait  took  thirty-eight  days.  His  men  named 
the  new  ocean  the  Marc  Pacificum.  After  three  months’ 
sailmg  across  that  ocean  Magellan  reached  a group  of 
islands  which,  because  of  the  thievish  propensities  of  their 
inhabitants,  his  sailors  designated  the  Ladrones.  In  the 
middle  of  March,  1521,  he  caught  sight  of  an  archipelago 
which  was  subsequently  called  the  Philippines.  The  bold 
navigator  was  killed  in  a skirmish  with  the  natives  upon 
one  of  those  islands,  but  his  remaining  followers  continued 
the  adventurous  voyage.  Only  one  vessel  of  the  expedi- 
tion, the  “\  ictoria,’’  reached  Spain  in  September,  1522, 
laden  with  spices.  Of  Magellan’s  discovery  the  great 


70 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Portuguese  poet  Luiz  de  Camoes  thus  chanted  in  the 
Lusiad: 

Forever  sacred  to  the  hero’s  fame 

Those  foaming  straits  shall  bear  his  deathless  name. 

Conquest  of  Cuba. — The  exploration  of  the  interior  of 
America  by  the  Spaniards  was  begun  by  leaders  dis- 
patched from  the  West  Indies.  From  Santo  Domingo, 
Governor  Diego  Columbus — the  son  of  the  Great  Admiral 
— sent  a prosperous  planter  named  Diego  Velasquez  to 
conquer  Cuba.  Among  the  followers  of  Velasquez  there 
was  an  adaptable,  brave,  and  persuasive  young  Spaniard 
named  Hernando  Cortes  who  had  sought  his  fortune  in 
the  New  World. 

The  Expedition  of  Hernando  Cortes. — After  alluring 
reports  reached  Cuba  of  a strange  land  to  the  west  that 
had  been  seen  by  Juan  de  Grijalva,  Cortes  was  selected  by 
Governor  Velasquez  to  lead  an  exploring  party.  To  pre- 
pare for  this  trip  Cortes  used  all  his  available  resources. 
How  much  Velasquez  contributed  is  not  clear.  The  ex- 
pedition was  composed  of  some  five  hundred  and  fifty 
Spanish  soldiers,  one  hundred  and  ten  marines,  and  two 
hundred  Indians.  Cortes  was  given  ten  brass  cannon  and 
four  small  falconets.  Besides  swords  and  spears,  his  fol- 
lowers were  equipped  with  crossbows,  firelocks,  and  much 
powder  and  ball.  Most  important  of  all  were  sixteen 
horses,  clad  in  mail. 

His  Instructions. — On  February  18,  1519,  in  “eleven 
ships,  both  great  and  small,”  the  Spaniards  left  Cuba  de- 
spite the  attempt  of  Velasquez  to  recall  their  leader.  In- 
structions prepared  for  Cortes  by  Velasquez  directed  him 
first  of  all  to  find  Grijalva.  He  was  then  to  liberate  cer- 
tain Christians  who  were  supposed  to  be  in  captivity  in 
Yucatan.  He  was  to  explore  the  harbors,  bays,  and  inlets, 
“to  look  carefully  into  everything,”  and  to  inquire  after 
pearls,  spices,  and  gold.  Any  treasure  that  he  might 
obtain  was  to  be  placed  in  a box  having  three  keys.  He 
was  to  treat  the  Indians  kindly,  and  to  instruct  them  in 
the  Catholic  faith.  The  expedition  of  Cortes  was  dis- 
patched primarily  to  gather  information. 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


7i 


Favoring  Circumstances. — The  Spanish  leader  soon  de- 
cided to  invade  the  Aztec  Empire,  greatly  outnumbered 
though  he  was.  In  the  unique  conflict  that  ensued  certain 
circumstances  favored  his  enterprise.  Cortes  was  the  re- 
sourceful leader  of  mailclad  men  with  firearms  and  horses, 
while  the  Aztec  war  chief  Montezuma  was  the  hated  and 
vacillating  leader  of  a barbarous  and  disintegrating  con- 
federacy. Lady  Marina,  the  clever  daughter  of  an  Indian 
chief,  faithfully  served  the  Spaniards  as  guide  and  inter- 
preter. A widespread  tradition  that  their  feathered  god 
would  some  day  return  to  Mexico  from  the  east  favored 
the  daring  Spaniards:  rumors  that  penetrated  the  Aztec 
Empire  about  the  white  strangers  seemed  to  herald  the 
approach  of  Quetzalcoatl. 

Cortes  Invades  the  Aztec  Empire. — After  landing  at 
Vera  Cruz,  despite  Montezuma’s  warning  that  he  should 
leave  Mexico,  Cortes  decided  to  scuttle  his  fleet.  On 
August  16,  1519,  he  started  for  Tenochtitlan.  Through  the 
strange  neglect  of  the  Aztec  warlord,  he  was  allowed  to 
pass  the  stone  wall  that  served  as  the  Empire’s  outer  de- 
fense. After  defeating  the  Tlascalan  Indians  in  battle,  he 
negotiated  an  alliance  with  them  against  the  Aztecs.  By 
fire  and  blood  Cortes  steadily  marched  toward  the  capital 
city.  He  traversed  the  plateau  of  Anahuac  until  his  men 
caught  sight  of  the  beautiful  valley  of  Mexico.  Pressing 
farther,  and  escorted  by  agents  of  Montezuma  who  made 
a virtue  of  necessity,  on  November  8 Cortes  reached  the 
southern  causeway  of  Tenochtitlan  where  he  was  met  by 
the  Aztec  monarch  and  his  chieftains. 

The  Capture  of  Montezuma. — The  Spanish  chroniclers 
penned  extravagant  accounts  of  the  vast  extent  of  the 
capital  city,  its  temples,  other  public  buildings,  and  gar- 
dens. Lodged  in  a tecpan  near  the  great  temple,  Cortes 
was  soon  warned  by  his  allies  that  the  Aztecs  contem- 
plated an  act  of  treachery.  He  accordingly  decided  upon 
a sudden  coup.  Accompanied  by  a few  mailclad  knights, 
Cortes  boldly  seized  Montezuma  and  escorted  him  to  a 
tec  pan  which  was  held  by  the  Spaniards.  There  the  cap- 
tive monarch  was  induced  to  issue  an  official  declaration 
recognizing  the  supremacy  of  the  Spanish  King.  Mean- 


72 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


time  reports  of  the  unauthorized  steps  taken  by  Cortes 
had  reached  Velasquez,  who  consequently  equipped  an- 
other expedition  under  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  to  capture  the 
recalcitrant  leader.  To  face  that  menace  Cortes  divided 
his  forces  and  led  a contingent  to  meet  Narvaez,  leaving 
a cruel  and  dashing  leader  named  Pedro  de  Alvarado  in 
charge  of  Montezuma.  As  negotiations  for  a pacific  set- 
tlement were  futile,  Cortes  suddenly  swooped  down  upon 
Narvaez’s  men  and  decisively  defeated  them.  Thus  he 
gained  a new  fleet,  munitions,  followers,  and  fresh  pres- 
tige. 

The  Conquest  of  Mexico  City. — While  Cortes  was  en- 
gaged in  this  exploit,  the  Aztecs — enraged  by  the  slaugh- 
ter of  some  Indians  who  were  engaged  in  a festival — 
turned  upon  Alvarado’s  followers  and  besieged  them.  In- 
formed by  messengers  of  this  untoward  event,  Cortes 
hastily  rejoined  his  men  in  the  capital  city,  accompanied 
by  Indian  allies  and  some  followers  of  Narvaez.  Stricken 
in  the  forehead  by  a missile  while  haranguing  his  people 
Montezuma  soon  died:  Indian  chroniclers  ascribe  his 
death  to  the  Spaniards.  After  the  Spanish  forces  had 
decided  to  retire  from  the  city,  the  Aztecs  fell  upon  them 
with  the  utmost  violence,  and  during  the  “sorrowful 
night”  of  July  5,  1520,  numerous  Spaniards  were  slaugh- 
tered. Taking  refuge  in  the  territory  of  friendly  Indians, 
Cortes  gathered  strength  for  a fresh  attack  upon  the 
stronghold  of  Aztec  power.  From  the  West  Indies, 
Spanish  adventurers  came  to  join  his  forces.  In  May, 
1521,  he  laid  siege  to  Tenochtitlan.  After  an  investment 
of  three  months,  the  city  was  taken  by  the  jubilant  Span- 
iards. Cuitahuatzin,  the  doughty  successor  of  Monte- 
zuma, was  tortured  over  a slow  fire  that  he  might  disclose 
the  hiding  place  of  Aztec  treasure.  By  a series  of  regu- 
lations for  the  conquered  metropolis  Cortes  proved  him- 
self to  be  a wise  administrator.  Under  his  guidance  the 
Spaniards  soon  began  to  subjugate  other  Indians  who 
had  been  under  the  rule  of  the  Aztecs. 

Exploration  and  Conquest  of  Central  America. — The 
region  called  Central  America  was  occupied  by  the  Span- 
iards from  1522  to  1524  through  expeditions  that  were 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


73 


sent  out,  on  the  one  side  by  Hernando  Cortes,  and  on  the 
other  side  by  Pe’drarias  de  Avila,  who  had  been  made  gov- 
ernor of  Darien  and  adjacent  territory.  In  January,  1522, 
Gil  Gonzalez  Davila  started  from  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel 
along  the  Central  American  coast  in  a westerly  direction. 
Soon  compelled  to  beach  his  poor  vessels,  Gonzalez  con- 
tinued his  expedition  by  land  and,  after  many  hardships, 
he  heard  rumors  of  a wise  Indian  chief  in  the  interior,  who 
was  named  Nicaragua.  Gonzalez  and  his  followers  visited 
this  cacique  in  his  capital  which  was  located  upon  the 
shores  of  a lake  only  a few  leagues  from  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
After  baptizing  and  catechizing  many  Indians,  Gonzalez 
returned  to  Panama  with  news  of  his  discovery.  While 
Gonzalez  was  striving  to  secure  a royal  grant  of  the  region 
that  became  known  as  Nicaragua,  Governor  Pedrarias 
sent  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordoba  to  occupy  it.  After 
founding  settlements  there,  Hernandez  came  to  blows 
with  Gonzalez,  who  was  finally  seized  by  a follower  of 
Cortes.  Stories  of  wonderful  lands  to  the  south  incited 
Cortes  to  select  Pedro  de  Alvarado  to  lead  an  expedition 
to  a region  that  was  called  Guatemala.  In  December, 
1523,  Alvardo  left  Mexico  City  with  a large  force  of 
Spaniards  and  Indians  bound  for  the  south.  After  a series 
of  bloody  conflicts  he  captured  the  important  towns  of 
Guatemala  and  even  penetrated  into  a district  that  was 
designated  Salvador.  On  July  25,  1524,  he  founded  a 
city  named  Santiago  de  Guatemala.  In  1527  Alvarado’s 
brother  transferred  the  city  to  another  site.  Cortes  sent 
a veteran  fighter  named  Cristobal  de  Olid  to  Honduras 
early  in  1524  with  a force  of  Spaniards  and  Indians  to  seek 
a strait  and  to  make  a settlement.  As  Olid  proved  false 
to  Cortes,  the  latter  sent  another  conquistador  to  subju- 
gate him,  and  later  in  spite  of  many  hardships  made  a 
march  to  Honduras  himself.  In  1540  King  Charles  I 
made  a grant  of  land  in  a district  denominated  Costa 
Rica  to  Diego  Gutierrez  who  undertook  to  conquer  it. 
Meantime  Francisco  de  Montejo  and  his  son  had  overrun 
Yucatan. 

Thus  did  the  Spaniards  undertake  the  conquest  of  Cen- 
tral America,  or,  as  they  designated  it,  Guatemala.  It 


74 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


did  not  monopolize  the  attention  of  an  outstanding  figure 
like  Cortes.  Neither  did  it  attract  a person  like  Francisco 
Pizarro,  the  conqueror  of  Peru. 

Francisco  Pizarro. — Francisco  Pizarro  spent  some  of  his 
youthful  days  upon  the  hills  of  Estremadura  as  a swine- 
herd. To  his  ears  there  came  alluring  tales  of  the  New 
World;  hence  the  youngster  left  his  herd  and  embarked 
for  the  West  Indies.  In  1510  he  turned  up  in  Santo  Do- 
mingo. He  was  a companion  of  Balboa  on  the  expedi- 
tion that  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
Upon  the  shores  of  the  new  ocean  Pizarro  heard  tales  of 
a land  in  the  south  where  the  natives  used  domesticated 
animals  as  beasts  of  burden.  He  was  given  an  additional 
stimulus  about  1523  when  a sick  cavalier  called  Pascual  de 
Andagoya  returned  from  an  expedition  beyond  the  Gulf 
of  San  Miguel  with  glowing  reports  of  Biru. 

The  Three  Partners:  the  First  Expedition.  — Pizarro 
was  bold,  resourceful,  and  persevering,  but  illiterate  and 
poor.  He  was  accordingly  compelled  to  seek  aid  in  his 
project  to  conquer  Peru.  He  secured  as  partners  Diego 
de  Almagro,  a soldier  of  fortune,  and  Fernando  de  Luque, 
a vicar  at  Panama.  Apparently  the  arrangement  was  that 
Luque  should  furnish  the  necessary  funds,  that  Almagro 
should  equip  the  expedition,  and  that  Pizarro  should  as- 
sume its  command.  Governor  Pedrarias  gave  his  con- 
sent and  was  assured  a part  of  the  accruing  profits.  In 
November,  1524,  with  possibly  two  hundred  men  in  one 
small  vessel,  Pizarro  sailed  from  Panama  in  a southerly 
direction.  Despite  great  hardships,  he  proceeded  a short 
distance  along  the  inhospitable  coast  of  South  America. 
Almagro  brought  back  to  Panama  from  his  trip — which 
was  distinct  from  that  of  Pizarro — rumors  of  a rich  In- 
dian Empire  far  to  the  south. 

Second  Expedition. — As  Pedrarias  now  withdrew  from 
the  enterprise  for  a monetary  consideration,  on  March 
10,  1526,  the  three  remaining  parties  framed  a contract. 
According  to  this  contract  Almagro  and  Pizarro  agreed 
to  devote  themselves  exclusively  to  the  discovery  and 
subjugation  of  Peru  until  that  Empire  was  conquered. 
As  Luque  had  furnished  funds  for  the  promotion  of  the 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


75 


expedition  he  was  promised  one-third  of  the  lands,  abo- 
rigines, incomes,  treasures,  and  spoils  that  might  be 
secured.  Almagro  and  Pizarro  gathered  reenforcements 
at  Panama;  and  with  some  two  hundred  soldiers,  muni- 
tions, and  a few  horses,  the  two  captains  resumed  the 
enterprise.  On  his  second  expedition  Pizarro  and  thirteen 
men — after  waiting  for  fresh  reenforcements  on  the  island 
of  Gallo — reached  Tumbes  near  the  mouth  of  the  Guayas 
River.  There  some  emissaries  were  sent  ashore  who  were 
hailed  by  subjects  of  the  Inca  as  children  of  the  sun. 
Those  messengers  brought  back  to  Pizarro  reports  of  a 
fortress,  of  a temple  of  the  sun,  and  of  vases  of  gold.  In 
1528  Pizarro  returned  to  Panama  with  llamas  and  golden 
ornaments  from  Peru.  Yet,  as  the  governor  did  not  look 
with  favor  upon  another  expedition  to  a region  clearly 
beyond  his  jurisdiction,  the  three  partners  were  com- 
pelled to  turn  for  aid  and  sanction  to  the  Spanish  crown. 
Pizarro  accordingly  left  Panama  for  Spain  early  in  1528, 
apparently  agreeing  to  secure  his  partners’  right's,  as  well 
as  his  own. 

Pizarro’s  Contract  with  the  Queen. — At  Toledo  the  ad- 
venturer told  his  wonderful  story  to  Charles  I.  The  result 
of  the  interview  was  an  agreement  dated  July  26,  1529. 
This  contract  gave  Pizarro  the  right  of  discovery  and 
conquest  in  Peru  for  over  two  hundred  leagues  south  of 
the  island  of  Gallo — a region  that  was  designated  New 
Castile.  The  Queen  promised  him  the  titles  of  governor, 
captain  general,  and  adelantado  of  that  region,  with  an  an- 
nual salary.  He  was  accorded  the  right  to  build  forts 
and  to  assign  lands  and  Indians  to  colonists.  Pizarro  was 
thus  practically  made  the  viceroy  of  the  prospective  con- 
quest, while  Almagro  was  merely  declared  to  be  com- 
mander of  the  fortress  of  Tumbes,  and  Luque  was  made 
the  bishop  of  that  place.  On  his  part  Pizarro  agreed  to 
equip  a force  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  for  a Peruvian 
expedition  within  six  months  after  his  return  to  Panama. 
The  contract  contained  a stipulation  that  some  priests 
should  be  taken  to  Peru  to  convert  the  Indians.  Special 
concessions  were  made  to  emigrants,  among  them  exemp- 
tion from  certain  taxes.  The  Spanish  government  agreed 


76 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


to  facilitate  the  purchase  of  vessels  for  the  expedition;  and 
it  was  promised  a share  of  any  precious  metals  that  might 
be  found. 

Pizarro  Invades  the  Inca  Empire.  — After  Francisco 
Pizarro  had  secured  some  recruits  in  Spain,  including  his 
brothers  Gonzalo  and  Hernando,  he  returned  to  America 
to  organize  another  expedition.  A rupture  between  Pi- 
zarro and  Almagro  because  of  the  contract  with  the 
Queen  was  narrowly  averted.  Eventually  a detachment 
of  the  third  expedition  for  Peru  sailed  from  Panama.  It 
was  composed  of  three  vessels  bearing  about  one  hundred 
and  eighty  men,  two  falconets,  thirty  horses,  and  the 
Pizarro  brothers.  The  arrangement  was  that  Almagro 
should  follow  this  detachment  with  reenforcements. 
Aided  by  Hernando  de  Soto  with  adventurers  from  Nicar- 
agua, Francisco  Pizarro  again  landed  at  Tumbes  As  he 
encountered  only  slight  opposition  from  the  aborigines, 
early  in  1532  he  marched  into  the  Inca’s  dominions. 
Soon  afterward  he  founded  a town  called  San  Miguel 
where  he  left  some  of  his  disgruntled  followers.  An  envoy 
of  the  Inca  Atahualpa — who  had  succeeded  to  power  after 
a sanguinary  civil  war — brought  the  Spaniards  greetings, 
presents,  and  an  invitation  to  visit  his  master,  who  was 
encamped  over  the  mountains  near  Cajamarca. 

Capture  of  Atahualpa. — After  scaling  the  snow-capped 
cordillera,  Pizarro  and  his  followers  presented  themselves 
before  Atahualpa’s  pavilion.  Assigned  quarters  in  a pub- 
lic building  of  Cajamarca,  some  of  Pizarro’s  followers — 
who  at  night  beheld  the  Peruvian  watchfires  twinkling 
around  them  as  numerous  as  the  stars  of  heaven — began 
to  despair  of  their  enterprise.  Not  so  Pizarro,  who  had 
conceived  the  desperate  plan  of  ambuscading  the  Inca  in 
the  presence  of  his  army.  When  on  November  16,  1532, 
Atahualpa  unsuspectingly  visited  the  Spanish  camp, 
thousands  of  his  companions  were  wantonly  slain  and  the 
Inca  was  captured. 

The  Fall  of  Cuzco. — In  Peru,  as  in  Mexico,  the  capture 
of  their  leader  stupefied  the  Indians.  It  was  as  though 
“the  keystone  had  fallen  from  an  arch.”  Atahualpa  vainly 
endeavored  to  satisfy  the  cupidity  of  the  Spaniards  by 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


77 


undertaking  to  fill  a large  room  with  gold  or  golden  ves- 
sels. After  dividing  the  treasure  which  was  brought  to 
the  Inca’s  feet  by  his  submissive  subjects,  the  conquerors 
strangled  the  unfortunate  monarch.  At  the  instance  of 
Pizarro,  a brother  of  the  dead  monarch  named  Toparpa 
was  made  the  Inca.  Toparpa  died,  however,  while  the 
conquistadors  were  marching  to  Cuzco.  Pizarro,  who 
meantime  had  been  joined  by  Almagro,  made  his  tri- 
umphal entry  into  Cuzco  on  or  about  November  15,  1533- 
In  January,  1535,  upon  the  banks  of  the  Rimac  River,  the 
conqueror  of  Peru  founded  the  city  of  Los  Reyes  that  was 
soon  known  as  Lima.  He  dispatched  an  expedition  to 
subjugate  the  Charcas  Indians  upon  the  elevated  plateau 
beyond  Lake  Titicaca  and  in  1538  or  1539  one  of  his  fol- 
lowers founded  the  city  of  Chuquisaca. 

The  Struggle  for  Quito. — After  the  seizure  of  Atahu- 
alpa,  one  of  his  commanders  called  Ruminahui  sallied 
forth  from  Cajamarca,  led  a force  to  the  city  of  Quito, 
and  mastered  the  adjacent  region.  Another  of  Atahu- 
alpa’s  chieftains  named  Quisquis  joined  Ruminahui  to 
aid  in  the  struggle  against  the  Spaniards.  Upon  learning 
that  the  Kingdom  of  Quito  had  not  been  subdued  by 
Pizarro,  Pedro  de  Alvarado  led  a band  of  adventurers 
from  Central  America  to  conquer  it.  In  March,  1534,  he 
disembarked  on  the  equatorial  coast  of  South  America  and 
prepared  to  march  to  the  city  of  Quito.  Rumors  of  Al- 
varado’s expedition  reached  Peru  in  time  to  hasten  the 
departure  for  Quito  of  Sebastian  Moyano,  a bold  follower 
of  Pizarro  who  had  been  made  governor  of  San  Miguel. 

Conquest  of  Quito  by  Benalcazar. — Sebastian  Moyano 
was  born  of  humble  parents  in  the  Spanish  village  of  Bel- 
alcazar.  As  Sebastian  de  Belalcazar  or  Benalcazar  he  be- 
came known  to  contemporaries  and  historians.  Orphaned 
at  an  early  age,  the  adventurous  youth  was  attracted  by 
the  golden  romance  of  America.  He  evidently  proceeded 
to  the  New  World  in  the  third  expedition  of  Columbus. 
After  participating  in  various  exploits  of  the  Spaniards 
in  Central  America,  he  accompanied  Francisco  Pizarro 
to  Peru.  In  the  northern  part  of  the  ancient  Inca  Empire 
Benalcazar  gained  the  support  of  the  Canarian  Indians 


78 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


who  had  been  disaffected  toward  Atahualpa,  routed  the 
partisans  of  Ruminahui,  and  in  December,  1533,  entered 
the  city  of  Quito.  Meantime,  Francisco  Pizarro  had  sent 
Almagro  to  aid  Benalcazar  against  Alvarado;  the  latter 
was  induced  to  renounce  his  project  of  conquering  Quito, 
and  soon  returned  to  Central  America.  Benalcazar  then 
routed  Quisquis  and  soon  undertook  to  reconstruct  Quito. 
He  took  formal  possession  of  that  city  for  the  King  of 
Spain  in  December,  1534.  Then  he  proceeded  to  extend 
his  authority  over  the  coastal  region  under  the  equator 
and  soon  turned  his  eyes  toward  the  land  of  the  Chibchans. 

Benalcazar  Explores  Cauca  and  Magdalena  Valleys. — 
Allured  by  the  legend  of  the  gilded  man,  in  1535  Benal- 
cazar sent  two  of  his  followers  into  the  region  north  of 
Quito.  Those  explorers  penetrated  as  far  as  the  Cauca 
Valley.  Benalcazar  continued  the  exploration  of  that  at- 
tractive valley;  and  on  July  25,  1536,  he  planted  a settlement 
that  was  named  Cali.  In  the  following  December  he 
founded  the  city  of  Popayan.  After  gathering  reenforce- 
ments, in  1538  Benalcazar  scaled  the  lofty  cordillera  that 
separated  the  sources  of  the  rivers  Cauca  and  Magdalena. 
A number  of  years  earlier  settlements  had  been  made  by 
Spaniards  at  Santa  Marta  and  Cartagena  on  the  coast  of 
the  Caribbean  Sea.  Thus  it  was  that  upon  descending 
the  Magdalena  River  some  distance  Benalcazar  caught 
rumors  of  other  white  men  who  had  traversed  the  high- 
lands to  the  east. 

Jimenez  de  Quesada  Conquers  the  Chibchans. — These 
were  Spaniards  who  had  been  sent  on  an  exploring  expe- 
dition by  Fernandez  de  Lugo,  who  in  1535  had  entered 
into  an  agreement  with  the  Spanish  crown  to  conquer  and 
colonize  the  region  called  Santa  Marta  which  lay  east  of 
the  Magdalena  River.  As  commander  of  the  expedition 
Lugo  had  selected  Gonzalo  Jimenez  de  Quesada,  a reso- 
lute lawyer  who  was  a native  of  Granada.  Leaving  Santa 
Marta  in  April,  1536,  and  dispatching  a flotilla  to  ascend 
the  Magdalena  River,  Jimenez  de  Quesada  started  on  the 
long  and  hazardous  trip  overland  to  the  upper  Magdalena. 
Although  plagued  by  insects,  hunger,  and  disease,  he 
proceeded  up  the  inundated  valley  of  that  tropical  river, 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


79 


repelled  the  attacks  of  Indians  who  used  poisoned  arrows, 
scaled  the  mountains,  and  at  last  caught  sight  of  verdant 
plains  which  reminded  him  of  his  native  province.  After 
defeating  the  discordant  Chibchans,  Quesada  occupied  the 
valley  of  Bacata  without  opposition;  he  captured  Tunja 
and  Sogamoso,  securing  quantities  of  gold,  textiles,  and 
emeralds.  In  this  valley  on  August  6,  1538,  he  founded 
the  city  of  Santa  Fe — that  later  came  to  be  known  as 
Santa  Fe  de  Bogota.  Quesada  named  the  conquered  re- 
gion the  New  Kingdom  of  Granada. 

The  Three  Conquistadors  Quarrel. — Shortly  afterward 
Quesada  heard  of  the  approach  of  a party  under  Nicholas 
Federmann  that  had  proceeded  from  Venezuela  through 
the  Amazonian  wilderness.  About  the  same  time  he 
learned  of  Benalcazar’s  expedition.  In  February,  1539, 
Benalcazar,  Federmann,  and  Quesada  made  a triumphal 
entry  into  Santa  Fe.  Soon  afterward  the  three  conquis- 
tadors became  involved  in  an  acrimonious  controversy 
about  the  territories  to  which  they  were  respectively  en- 
titled. In  1546  the  Spanish  King  granted  Quesada  a coat 
of  arms  bearing  a symbolic  representation  of  emeralds  to 
commemorate  the  mines  discovered  in  New  Granada  by 
that  conquistador. 

Almagro’s  Expedition  to  Chile. — Meantime,  the  con- 
quest of  the  region  south  of  Peru  had  been  undertaken  by 
Almagro.  To  him  the  Spanish  crown  had  conceded  the 
territory  stretching  for  two  hundred  leagues  beyond  the 
grant  made  to  Francisco  Pizarro.  Accompanied  by  a 
large  number  of  Indians,  and  some  five  hundred  Spaniards 
who  were  lured  by  false  stories  of  gold  in  the  south, 
Almagro  left  Cuzco  in  July,  1535.  He  marched  slowly 
across  the  elevated  plateau,  struggled  breathlessly  across 
the  puna  of  Atacama,  and  finally  caught  sight  of  the  green 
valleys  of  Chile.  From  the  valley  of  Coquimbo  he 
marched  to  the  valley  of  Aconcagua,  whence  he  sent  out 
exploring  parties.  Disappointed  in  their  search  for  gold, 
Almagro’s  followers  soon  clamored  to  return  to  the  home 
of  the  Incas.  In  the  end  of  1536,  they  rendezvoused  in 
Copiapo,  and  marched  across  the  desert  of  Atacama 
toward  Cuzco.  There  Almagro  engaged  in  a bitter 


8o 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


struggle  with  Pizarro  for  supremacy;  on  July  8,  1538,  he 
was  captured  and  condemned  to  death. 

Conquest  of  Chile  by  Valdivia. — Although  the  conquest 
of  Chile  was  next  confided  by  the  Spanish  crown  to  an 
obscure  adventurer,  yet  Francisco  Pizarro  commissioned 
one  of  his  followers  named  Pedro  de  Valdivia  to  perform 
that  difficult  task.  Valdivia  was  a persevering  native  of 
Estremadura,  who  had  served  his  King  in  Venezuela.  In 
Peru  he  had  commanded  Pizarro’s  forces  against  Almagro 
upon  the  latter’s  return  from  Chile.  With  some  two  hun- 
dred men,  besides  Indians,  he  left  Cuzco  early  in  1540: 
his  object  was  to  plant  a permanent  settlement  in  Chile. 
On  February  12,  1541,  he  founded  a city  called  Santiago 
de  Nueva  Estremadura — later  called  Santiago  de  Chile — 
that  was  defended  by  a fort  placed  upon  a hill.  Rebuilding 
the  city  after  it  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Araucanians, 
Valdivia  then  proceeded  to  found  Serena,  Coquimbo,  Con- 
cepcion, Imperial,  Valdivia,  and  Villarica.  In  1553,  how- 
ever, the  aborigines,  led  by  a valiant  youth  called  Lau- 
taro,  defeated  the  Spaniards  and  captured  their  leader, 
who  was  slain  by  a vengeful  Araucanian. 

Soils  Discovers  the  Rfo  de  la  Plata. — The  story  of 
the  exploration  and  conquest  of  the  Atlantic  coast  of 
South  America  is  linked  to  the  history  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean.  When  news  of  Balboa’s  discovery  reached  Spain, 
it  stimulated  interest  in  the  search  for  a strait.  Juan  Diaz 
de  Solis — who  had  made  a voyage  to  America  in  1508, 
and  who  had  become  chief  pilot  of  Spain — was  commis- 
sioned to  explore  the  coast  of  South  America  to  a distance 
of  seventeen  hundred  leagues  or  more  beyond  the  Isthmus 
of  Panama,  if  that  were  possible  without  crossing  the 
demarcation  line  into  the  Portuguese  half  of  the  world. 
With  three  small  vessels  bearing  seventy  men  and  pro- 
visions for  two  years  and  a half,  Solis  sailed  from  San 
Lucar  on  October  8,  1515.  He  proceeded  along  the  coast 
of  America  south  of  the  region  discovered  by  Cabral;  in 
February,  1516,  he  reached  a vast  expanse  of  fresh  water 
— later  proven  to  be  the  estuary  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata — 
which  he  called  the  Mar  Dulce  (Fresh  Sea).  After  discov- 
ering the  island  of  Martin  Garcia,  Solis  landed  with  some 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


8t 


of  his  companions.  The  explorers  were  unexpectedly  at- 
tacked by  the  Charruan  Indians,  however,  and  Solis  and 
his  followers  were  slaughtered.  The  remaining  Spaniards 
fled  from  those  ill-omened  coasts,  loaded  their  vessels  with 
Brazil  wood,  and  returned  to  Spain.  The  task  which  Solis 
had  essayed  was  soon  taken  up  by  other  hands. 

Mendoza’s  Expedition  to  la  Plata. — The  conquest  of 
southern  South  America  was  undertaken  by  a Spanish 
knight  named  Pedro  de  Mendoza  who  had  gained  dis- 
tinction in  the  Italian  wars.  In  1534  he  entered  into  an 
agreement  with  the  King  of  Spain  which  provided  that 
he  should  equip  an  expedition  for  the  banks  of  the  Rio 
de  la  Plata,  build  three  stone  fortresses  there,  and  seek 
a route  across  the  continent  to  the  South  Sea.  Granted 
the  title  of  adelantado,  he  was  allowed  a salary  payable  from 
revenues  accruing  from  a region  that  stretched  for  two 
hundred  leagues  south  of  the  grant  made  to  Almagro.  A 
share  of  the  gold,  silver,  pearls,  and  precious  stones  pos- 
sessed by  any  people  that  might  be  conquered  should 
belong  to  the  King.  With  a company  containing  distin- 
guished members  of  the  Spanish  nobility,  as  well  as  some 
Germans,  Mendoza  sailed  from  Seville  for  the  New  World 
in  August,  1535.  Upon  his  arrival  in  the  estuary  of  la 
Plata  River,  Mendoza  founded  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires 
which  was  soon  violently  attacked  by  Indians.  He  sent 
one  of  his  followers  named  Juan  de  Ayolas  to  explore  the 
upper  stretches  of  the  rivers  Parana  and  Paraguay  and 
to  seek  a route  to  Peru.  Some  time  afterward  the  disil- 
lusioned adelantado  left  America  for  Spain. 

Ayolas  Founds  Asuncion. — Ayolas  ascended  the  Parana 
River.  After  a skirmish  with  the  Guarani  Indians,  on 
August  15,  1537,  near  the  junction  of  the  Pilcomayo  and 
the  Paraguay  rivers,  he  built  a fort  called  Asuncion.  Then 
the  intrepid  leader  ascended  the  Paraguay  River  farther, 
and  proceeded  overland  to  Peru.  Upon  his  return  trip 
he  was  assassinated  by  Indians.  Meantime,  Domingo 
Martinez  de  Irala,  an  officer  of  Mendoza’s  expedition,  had 
assumed  the  leadership.  Buenos  Aires  was  forsaken,  the 
remaining  colonists  ascended  the  river  in  1537,  and  took 
up  their  residence  at  Asuncion. 


82 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


The  Welsers  in  Venezuela. — The  story  of  Venezuelan 
colonization  begins  with  pearl  fishers  and  slave  hunters. 
In  1528  certain  Germans,  who  had  been  granted  by 
Spain  the  right  to  discover,  conquer,  and  colonize  the 
northern  coast  of  South  America  between  Cape  Vela  and 
Maracapana,  transferred  their  right  to  the  Welsers,  a 
German  banking  firm  of  Augsburg.  The  assignment  stip- 
ulated that  within  two  years  the  Welsers  should  plant 
two  settlements,  build  three  forts,  and  secure  fifty  German 
miners  for  Spanish  America.  Among  other  privileges 
they  were  granted  exemption  from  certain  taxes  and  were 
conceded  the  right  to  exploit  twelve  square  leagues  of 
land  upon  their  own  account.  Early  in  1529  the  Welsers 
began  a career  of  conquest  and  exploitation  in  Venezuela, 
which  lasted  until  their  privileges  were  revoked  in  1556. 

Diego  de  Losada  Founds  Caracas. — After  the  middle  of 
the  sixteenth  century  the  Spaniards  devoted  special  at- 
tention to  the  conquest  of  some  fertile  valleys  in  Vene- 
zuela that  were  inhabited  by  warlike  Indians.  In  1560 
Francisco  Fajardo  planted  a settlement  in  the  Guaire 
Valley  which  he  called  San  Francisco.  Under  the  rule 
of  Governor  Ponce  de  Leon  the  subjugation  of  the  Indians 
was  entrusted  to  a noble  Spaniard  called  Diego  de  Losada, 
who  had  won  renown  as  a conquerer  and  pacifier  of  the 
aborigines.  After  defeating  the  Indians,  who  lived  in  the 
valley  of  Caracas,  on  or  about  July  25,  1567,  Losada  laid 
out  in  that  valley,  a city  which  he  christened  Santiago 
de  Leon  de  Caracas.  It  was  not  until  the  Caracas  Indians 
— who  conspired  under  the  leadership  of  a chieftain  called 
Guaycaypuro  to  annihilate  the  colonists — had  been  over- 
whelmingly defeated  by  Losada  that  the  existence  of  this 
city  was  assured. 

Exploration  of  the  Brazilian  Coast. — While  Spaniards 
were  exploring  and  conquering  the  western  and  southern 
parts  of  South  America,  navigators  under  the  Spanish 
or  the  Portuguese  flag  were  coasting  along  the  shores  of 
the  land  that  had  been  discovered  by  Cabral.  Vicente 
Yanez  Pinzon,  a companion  of  Columbus,  led  an  expedi- 
tion in  1499  from  Palos  to  South  America.  In  January, 
1500,  he  caught  sight  of  that  continent  south  of  the  equa- 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 


83 


tor.  While  proceeding  in  a northerly  direction,  he  dis- 
covered the  mouth  of  a great  river  which  he  named  the 
Maranon — later  called  the  Amazon — where  he  filled  his 
casks  with  sweet  water.  He  then  sailed  past  the  mouth 
of  the  Orinoco  River  and  as  far  as  the  Gulf  of  Paria. 
Taking  on  a cargo  of  Brazil  wood,  he  sailed  for  Palos 
which  he  reached  in  September,  1500.  In  1500  and  1501 
Amerigo  Vespucci,  a Florentine  who  had  been  in  the 
Spanish  service,  made  two  voyages  under  the  Portuguese 
flag  to  the  New  World,  coasted  along  the  shores  of  the 
land  discovered  by  Cabral  in  a southerly  direction  to  about 
the  thirty-second  parallel  and  returned  to  Portugal,  after 
discovering  an  isle  in  the  South  Atlantic.  For  more  than 
a decade  after  the  discovery  of  Cabral,  however,  the 
Portuguese  government — engrossed  by  its  East  Indian 
enterprises — paid  little  attention  to  Brazil.  By  private 
enterprise  a few  small  settlements  were  scattered  here  and 
there  along  the  extensive  Brazilian  coast. 

John  III  Carves  Brazil  into  Captaincies. — After  the  ac- 
cession of  King  John  III,  1521-1557,  the  Portuguese  began 
seriously  to  consider  colonization  in  America.  In  1525 
John  III  sent  a small  fleet  to  the  Brazilian  coast  to  protect 
it  against  the  attacks  of  the  French.  Five  years  later 
that  King  appointed  Martim  Affonso  de  Souza,  a member 
of  his  council,  commander  of  an  expedition  and  governor 
of  the  lands  which  he  might  discover  in  Brazil.  Affonso 
de  Souza  coasted  along  the  shores  of  Brazil,  started  a 
colony  at  Sao  Vicente,  and  made  a short  trip  into  the  in- 
terior. Meantime  the  Portuguese  king  definitely  formu- 
lated a plan  for  the  colonization  of  Brazil.  This  was  an 
adaptation  of  a scheme  which  had  been  followed  in  India: 
the  establishment  along  the  coast  of  settlements  that 
would  be  entrusted  to  illustrious  Portuguese.  With  the 
avowed  purpose  to  extend  the  Catholic  faith,  in  Septem- 
ber, 1532,  the  King  decided  to  divide  Brazil  into  districts 
extending  fifty  leagues  along  the  coast.  In  theory  those 
districts  extended  inland  to  the  demarcation  line.  To 
each  capitao-mor  or  captain-donatory  should  be  assigned  a 
grant  or  grants.  A captain-donatory  was  made  the  al- 
most absolute  lord  of  his  particular  district  or  districts. 


84 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


He  was  the  lawful  and  hereditary  owner  of  the  land.  He 
was  given  the  right  to  judge  civil,  criminal,  and  religious 
disputes.  He  was  to  plant  settlements  and  to  assign  lands 
within  his  jurisdiction.  To  the  Portuguese  crown  there 
was  merely  reserved  a shadowy,  feudal  right  of  sover- 
eignty. The  twelve  districts  thus  carved  out  of  Brazil 
were  designated  captaincies.  Those  captaincies  were: 
Santo  Amaro,  Sao  Vicente,  Parahyba  do  Sul,  Espirito 
Santo,  Porto  Seguro,  Ilheos,  Bahia,  Pernambuco,  Itama- 
raca,  Ceara,  Rio  Grande,  and  Maranhao. 

King  John  Creates  a Governor-General. — As  the  Bra- 
zilian coasts  were  ravaged  by  pirates,  the  Portuguese 
King  soon  decided  to  abolish  the  captaincies  and  to  es- 
tablish one  common  government.  He  undertook  to  ap- 
point a Portuguese  as  governor-general  of  Brazil.  In 
December,  1548,  the  King  framed  instructions  for  the 
guidance  of  the  first  governor-general.  That  official  was 
to  seek  a spot  in  the  captaincy  of  Bahia  which  would  serve 
as  a site  for  his  capital.  The  governor-general,  as  well 
as  the  captain-donatories,  should  strive  to  convert  the 
natives  to  the  Catholic  faith.  The  enslavement  of  the 
aborigines  was  prohibited.  No  colonist  should  sell  them 
firearms.  All  the  Brazil  wood  that  might  be  found  should 
belong  to  the  King.  This  governor  was  directed  to 
promote  the  exploration  of  the  Brazilian  wilderness.  He 
should  visit  the  various  captaincies  and  arrange  for  the 
erection  and  the  repair  of  forts.  The  foundations  were 
thus  laid  for  the  colonization  of  Portuguese  America  that 
took  place  in  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

Amerigo  Vespucci. — The  New  World,  as  Columbus  ul- 
timately called  the  land  which  he  had  discovered — whether 
in  full  recognition  of  the  greatness  of  his  discovery  or  not 
may  never  be  known — was  eventually  named  after  Amer- 
igo Vespucci.  There  is  no  need  here  to  enter  into  the 
dispute  raised  by  Vespucci’s  statement  that  he  reached 
the  mainland  of  South  America  as  early  as  1497.  Let  it 
suffice  to  say  that  on  one  of  his  voyages  to  America  under 
the  Spanish  flag  he  coasted  south  of  the  equator.  In  1504 
he  wrote  a letter  to  a schoolfellow  describing  four  voyages 
which  he  claimed  to  have  made.  A Latin  copy  of  the 


DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST  85 

letter  fell  into  the  hands  of  a teacher  of  geography  named 
Walter  Waldseemiiller. 

The  Naming  of  America. — Upon  a printing  press  at 
St.  Die  in  Lorraine  in  1507  Waldseemiiller  published  a 
volume  entitled  Cosmo graphiae  Introductio  which  contained 
the  Latin  version  of  Vespucci’s  letter  describing  his  al- 
leged voyages.  The  geographer  suggested  that  the  new 
continent  should  be  christened  after  Amerigo — its  dis- 
coverer— “Amerigo”  or  “America.”  From  time  to  time 
many  other  names  were  suggested  as  designations  for  the 
newly  discovered  continents.  In  1506  Bartholomew  Co- 
lumbus printed  the  name  “Mondo  Novo”  on  the  new 
southern  continent.  Las  Casas  suggested  that  the  New 
World  should  be  called  “Columba.”  The  official  name 
which  prevailed  in  Spain,  however,  was  “The  Indies.” 
The  name  given  by  Cabral,  “Vera  Cruz,”  was  sometimes 
applied;  and  a Latin  version  of  it,  “Terra  Sanctae  Crucis,” 
was  also  used.  During  the  sixteenth  century  perhaps  the 
most  common  name  was  “Mundus  Novus.”  In  1512  the 
Lenox  globe  used  the  name  “Terra  de  Brazil.”  Eight 
years  later  Schoner  proposed  that  the  New  World  should 
be  named  “America,”  or  “Brazil,”  or  “Peacock’s  Land.” 
In  1541  the  name  “America”  was  applied  to  the  two  con- 
tinents by  Mercator.  In  1550  Munster  printed  upon  the 
northern  part  of  the  New  World  the  phrase  Insula  Atlantica 
quam  vocant  Brasili  et  Americam.  Although  the  Spaniards 
did  not  use  the  name  America  upon  their  maps  until  1758, 
yet  by  the  early  seventeenth  century  most  geographers 
had  adopted  as  names  for  the  new  continents  the  terms 
North  America  and  South  America. 

Summary. — Whether  Columbus  made  his  discovery  be- 
cause of  his  own  prescience  and  convictions,  or  because 
of  reports  of  Portuguese  voyages  to  strange  lands,  or  be- 
cause of  the  influence  of  an  age  when  traditions  were 
being  shattered,  certain  it  is  that  he  unfolded  to  the 
amazed  eyes  of  European  contemporaries  a new  book. 
Venturesome  conquistadors  who  followed  in  his  wake 
eventually  by  strange  chance  struck  the  Americas  where 
the  aboriginal  culture  had  reached  its  highest  develop- 
ment— the  plateaus  occupied  by  the  Aztecs,  the  Chibchans, 


86 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


and  the  Incas.  Spanish  enterprise  in  the  New  World  thus 
at  first  ordinarily  assumed  the  aspect  of  a career  of  con- 
quest. Settlements  which  daring  leaders  planted  in 
southern  South  America — where  conditions  naturally 
favored  the  development  of  what  may  be  designated 
agricultural  colonies — progressed  very  slowly,  partly  be- 
cause of  the  desire  to  find  gold  which  constantly  lured 
men  into  the  wilderness.  Wherever  the  steel-clad  knight 
and  the  sandaled  monk  penetrated  there  soon  began  a 
curious  mingling  of  European  civilization  and  Indian  cul- 
ture. By  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  some  lines 
that  Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonial  enterprises  were 
destined  to  pursue  had  been  sketched.  Portuguese  settle- 
ments, which — because  of  the  system  of  captaincies — 
originally  showed  more  traces  of  feudal  customs  than  did 
the  Spanish,  were  located  along  the  eastern  coast.  Within 
the  area  delimited  by  the  demarcation  line  of  1494  the 
Portuguese  came  into  contact  with  the  Tupian  and  the 
Tapuyan  Indians.  The  Portuguese  system  of  captaincies 
left  a more  lasting  impress  upon  Brazil  than  early  royal 
grants  left  in  Spanish  America. 


CHAPTER  IV 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  COLONIES  IN  THE 
SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

Nature  of  the  Latin  Colonies  in  America. — The  Spanish 
conquerors  paid  little  attention  to  agriculture.  For  many 
decades  the  regions  that  were  best  adapted  for  farming 
colonies  were  shamefully  neglected  by  the  gold-hunting 
Spaniards.  In  both  Spanish  and  Portuguese  America 
avaricious  adventurers  captured  the  aborigines  and  sold 
them  into  slavery.  Influenced  by  the  eloquent  denuncia- 
tions of  priests,  the  governments  of  Spain  and  Portugal 
intervened  between  the  conquerors  and  the  Indians.  Yet 
the  Spanish  crown  did  not  succeed  in  establishing  its  au- 
thority without  a struggle.  In  regard  to  its  intention  to 
protect  the  aborigines,  the  crown  can  scarcely  be  said  to 
have  succeeded  at  all. 

The  Reduccion  and  the  Repartimiento. — Upon  con- 
quering a certain  region  the  Spaniards  ordinarily  at- 
tempted to  persuade  the  Indians  to  adopt  settled  life. 
Sometimes  the  natives  nominally  accepted  the  Christian 
religion  and  undertook  to  live  in  villages.  To  this  proc- 
ess of  transformation  the  term  reduccion  was  ordinarily 
applied.  As  the  Spanish  conquerors  arrived  in  small 
numbers  and  generally  disliked  manual  occupations,  they 
soon  tried  to  use  the  aborigines  as  laborers.  In  order  to 
manage  the  Indians  more  readily,  the  conquerors  adopted 
the  practice  of  dividing  them  into  groups  or  squads  and 
assigning  a squad  or  more  to  each  of  the  leading  colonists. 
Those  squads  were  designated  repartimientos.  Possibly  at 
times,  as  in  Spain,  a repartimiento  signified  also  a strip  of 
land. 

The  Encomienda. — Soon  the  term  encomienda  was  applied 
to  a grant  of  land  in  Spanish  America  with  the  Indians  liv- 

87 


88 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


ing  upon  it.  The  grantee  was  styled  an  encomendero.  From 
time  to  time  the  Spanish  monarchs  urged  enconienderos  to 
instruct  the  Indians  entrusted  to  them  in  the  Catholic  faith, 
to  teach  them  to  live  orderly  lives,  and  to  protect  them.  Laws 
were  soon  issued  declaring  that  an  encomendero  who  failed  to 
protect  his  wards  and  to  promote  their  political  and  religious 
welfare  should  lose  his  encomienda.  There  was  no  fixed  term 
for  such  a grant:  it  might  be  conceded  for  two,  three,  or  four 
generations.  The  size  of  the  encomiendas  varied  greatly,  de- 
pending upon  the  influence  and  the  merit  of  the  persons  to 
whom  they  were  granted. 

The  Mita  and  the  Yanacona. — Sometimes  an  adaptation 
of  the  rcpartimiento  was  used.  In  Mexico  and  Peru,  where 
squads  of  natives  were  frequently  employed  in  mines,  the  term 
mita  was  eventually  applied  to  a group  of  Indians  that  was 
compelled  to  labor  under  the  direction  of  Spanish  overseers. 
In  certain  sections  Indians  with  their  families  were  required 
to  dwell  all  their  lives  upon  the  estate  of  the  individual  or 
corporation  to  whom  they  belonged.  Upon  the  Peruvian 
highlands  such  an  Indian,  who  was  transferred  with  the  land, 
was  designated  a yanacona.  The  custom  of  employing  abo- 
rigines in  mines  or  upon  plantations  of  Spanish  America 
virtually  became  a system  of  Indian  slavery  that  left  an  en- 
during impress.  In  a futile  effort  to  protect  the  Indians 
against  mistreatment  in  1 542  the  Spanish  government  promul- 
gated the  so-called  “new  laws.” 

Character  of  the  Spanish  Colonists. — During  the  early 
conquest  many  Spaniards  proceeded  to  America  from  the 
Castilian  portion  of  the  Peninsula.  A number  of  the 
prominent  leaders  were  natives  of  Estremadura.  Some 
of  these  were  adventurers  who,  because  of  personal  rea- 
sons, or  because  of  the  fall  of  Granada,  felt  that  the  pent- 
up  Spanish  Peninsula  confined  their  powers.  Animated 
by  intense  religious  emotion,  other  colonists  saw  in  the 
unfolding  of  the  New  World  a rare  opportunity  to  ex- 
tend the  gospel  of  Christ  to  a benighted  people.  Although 
early  in  the  sixteenth  century  the  Spanish  government 
tried  to  promote  the  settlement  of  artisans  and  farmers 
in  the  West  Indies  by  special  concessions — such  as  the 
grant  of  extensive  estates  to  persons  taking  groups  of 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  S9 


colonists  to  Santo  Domingo — yet  the  governors  found  it 
difficult  to  restrain  settlers  from  proceeding  to  the  adjacent 
continents  to  hunt  for  treasure. 

Transmission  of  European  Culture. — Sustained  efforts 
were  made  by  the  Spaniards  to  transmit  European  cul- 
ture to  the  New  World.  Besides  some  prospective  set- 
tlers, upon  his  second  voyage  Columbus  brought  to  the 
West  Indies,  mares,  sheep,  heifers,  calves,  goats,  ewes, 
pigs,  and  chickens.  Wheat,  barley,  other  cereals,  the 
grapevine,  and  also  the  seeds  of  oranges,  melons,  and  other 
plants  were  presented  by  the  Old  to  the  New  World. 
These  and  other  European  fauna  and  flora  were  spread 
through  America  by  the  conquistadors.  Cortes  ordered 
that  for  every  one  hundred  aborigines  held  in  reparti- 
miento,  a Spaniard  should  for  a term  of  years  plant  an- 
nually one  thousand  shoots  of  vines  or  other  useful  plants. 
A Spanish  writer  declared  that  when  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
started  to  take  charge  of  the  district  of  Quito  he  took  with 
him  no  less  than  five  thousand  swine.  When  Valdivia 
left  Cuzco  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  Chile,  he  took 
with  him  not  only  war  horses  but  also  domestic  animals. 
Wheat  was  introduced  into  Peru  by  a Spanish  lady  who 
made  its  usefulness  widely  known  among  the  colonists. 

Conquistadors  are  Displaced  by  Royal  Agents. — As  has 
been  indicated,  the  Spanish  colonial  Empire  was  largely 
founded  through  the  initiative,  the  funds,  and  the  enter- 
prise of  individuals  who  undertook  the  conquest  of  cer- 
tain regions  in  the  New  World  by  virtue  of  special  ar- 
rangements with  the  Spanish  monarchs.  This  was  true 
of  Columbus,  Cortes,  Pizarro,  Mendoza,  and  other  adven- 
turous Spaniards.  Partly  because  of  complaints  about  the 
shameful  treatment  of  the  aborigines,  the  Spanish  crown 
subsequently  attempted  to  establish  its  authority  upon  the 
rude  foundations  which  had  been  laid  by  the  conquista- 
dors. Early  in  the  sixteenth  century  the  privileges  con- 
ferred upon  Columbus  were  totally  abrogated.  Cortes 
was  deprived  of  his  position  as  governor,  captain  general, 
and  chief  justice:  in  1526  a portion  of  his  authority  was 
transferred  to  a commissioner  who  was  sent  to  act  as  his 
judge  in  residencia.  That  judge  was  soon  succeeded  by  a 


go 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


governor;  and  in  1528  an  audiencia  was  established  in 
Mexico  City.  As  government  through  that  tribunal  did 
not  produce  satisfactory  results,  the  Spanish  government 
decided  to  transplant  another  institution  to  America.  In 
October,  1535,  Antonio  de  Mendoza  arrived  in  Mexico  to 
act  as  viceroy.  In  Peru  the  authority  of  the  Pizarro 
family — which  well-nigh  became  a dynasty — was  not 
easily  superseded.  Upon  learning  of  the  quarrels  of  the 
Peruvian  conquistadors,  in  1540  Charles  I appointed  Cris- 
tobal Yaca  de  Castro  his  special  agent  in  Peru.  After 
Vaca  de  Castro  had  defeated  the  followers  of  Gonzalo 
Pizarro — who  had  inherited  the  authority  of  his  brother 
Francisco — an  audiencia  was  established  in  Lima;  and  in 
1543  Blasco  Nunez  Vela  was  appointed  viceroy  of  Peru. 
Six  years  later  an  audiencia  was  created  for  the  city  of 
Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  which  was  granted  jurisdiction  over 
the  territory  that  had  been  conquered  by  Benalcazar, 
Federman,  and  Quesada. 

The  Adelantado. — An  officer  of  prime  importance  in 
the  exploration  and  settlement  of  the  Spanish  Indies  was 
the  adelantado.  Although  that  title  was  often  associated 
with  other  titles  in  early  Spanish-American  history,  yet  it 
indubitably  signified  an  officer  with  distinct  powers  and  duties. 
The  first  adelantado  in  the  New  World  was  Bartholomew 
Columbus,  who  was  granted  that  post  by  his  brother.  As 
an  American  office  under  royal  control,  it  began  through  the 
appointment  in  1514  of  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  as  adelantado 
of  the  coast  of  the  South  Sea.  In  capitulations  made  by  the 
Spanish  King  with  enterprising  subjects  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury some  thirty  persons  were  promised  the  title  and  priv- 
ileges of  adelantado.  Among  those  were  many  prominent 
explorers  and  colonizers  of  Spanish  America:  Balboa,  Velas- 
quez, Magellan,  Andagoya,  Alvarado,  Pizarro,  Almagro, 
Mendoza,  Benalcazar,  Orellana,  and  Irala. 

His  Functions. — The  capitulation  of  an  adelantado  with 
the  crown  contained  specifications  about  the  territory 
which  he  was  to  explore,  to  conquer,  or  to  colonize.  His 
duty  it  was  to  equip  the  expedition  that  should  include 
some  priests  or  friars.  In  every  case  he  agreed  to  pro- 
mote the  conversion  of  the  Indians  to  Christianity.  He 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  91 


was  conceded  special  privileges,  such  as  the  right  to  grant 
encomiendas  of  Indians;  and  he  was  granted  certain  ex- 
emptions, as  from  the  payment  of  certain  duties.  He  was 
ordinarily  pledged  to  build  forts  for  the  protection  of  his 
settlement.  Every  adelantado  was  made  governor  and 
captain  general  of  the  province  which  he  planned  to  settle. 
He  promised  the  Spanish  crown  one-fifth  of  the  gold  and 
other  precious  metals  that  he  might  discover.  Powers 
and  privileges  might  be  granted  to  an  adelantado  for  one 
generation  or  for  a longer  period. 

Encomenderos  and  Missionaries. — By  the  extension  of 
royal  power  over  regions  secured  by  the  conquerors,  and 
by  the  enactment  of  laws  which  aimed  to  protect  the  In- 
dians against  enslavement  by  encomenderos,  the  tendency, 
in  some  parts  of  the  Indies  at  least,  was  to  decrease  the 
importance  of  the  encomienda.  In  time  the  missionary 
became  an  important  factor  in  Spanish  colonization.  Mis- 
sionaries in  Spanish  America  generally  belonged  to  the 
regular  clergy.  Among  the  religious  orders  that  came 
to  the  Indies  in  the  sixteenth  century  were  Augustinians, 
Capuchins,  Franciscans,  and  Jesuits.  To  members  of 
those  orders,  groups  or  tribes  of  aborigines  were  assigned. 
Friars  founded  missions  among  Indians  who  had  been 
subjugated  by  the  conquistadors;  and  to  a varying  extent 
they  played  the  roles  of  encomenderos. 

Missions. — Ordinarily  missionaries  were  independent 
of  the  civil  officials  in  a particular  region.  They  could 
partition  the  land  and  its  inhabitants,  and  could  organize 
villages  or  pueblos  of  Indians  that  were  managed  by 
friars.  Favorite  sites  for  their  pueblos  were  often  far 
distant  from  the  settlements  of  Spaniards:  upon  the  banks 
of  a navigable  stream,  or  in  a pleasant  valley,  or  upon  a 
protected  plain.  Missionaries  of  the  Catholic  faith  in 
Spanish  America  were  frequently  pioneers  of  civilization. 
Agents  of  the  State  as  well  as  of  the  Church — they  were 
chroniclers,  preachers,  teachers,  colonists,  and  explorers. 

Spanish  Colonial  Administration. — Let  us  next  notice 
Spain’s  colonial  system.  The  forefront  of  Spanish  colonial 
administration  was  the  King.  Largely  because  of  the 
increase  of  royal  power  that  had  taken  place  in  Spain, 


92 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  title  to  her  colonies  was  not  vested  in  the  Spanish 
people,  but  in  the  Spanish  monarch.  Spain  and  her  colo- 
nies were  united  in  a personal  union.  His  Catholic  Maj- 
esty was  the  connecting  link.  It  early  became  clear  that 
the  crown  intended  to  govern  the  Indies  through  a dis- 
tinct set  of  institutions. 

The  House  of  Trade. — From  a rudimentary  organiza- 
tion in  which  one  magistrate  acted  as  a minister  for  the 
colonies,  the  Spanish  colonial  administrative  system  de- 
veloped into  complex  institutions  in  the  Peninsula  and  in 
America.  The  earliest  institution  that  appeared  was  the 
Casa  de  Contratacion  or  House  of  Trade  which  was 
founded  at  Seville  about  1503.  Originally  that  board  was 
composed  of  a treasurer,  a comptroller,  and  a business 
manager.  A chief  pilot  was  added  in  1508;  and  in  1514 
a postmaster-general  was  created.  Many  other  officers 
were  later  added.  The  House  of  Trade  had  commercial, 
judicial,  and  scientific  functions.  It  regulated  commerce 
and  immigration  between  Spain  and  her  colonies,  and  soon 
exercised  jurisdiction  over  disputes  relating  to  mercantile 
affairs.  It  directed  the  training  of  pilots  who  wished  to 
navigate  in  America  and  undertook  the  preparation  of 
charts  and  maps  of  the  new  discoveries.  Although  the 
House  of  Trade  eventually  became  subject  to  the  Council 
of  the  Indies,  yet  it  was  not  extinguished  until  1790. 

The  Council  of  the  Indies. — The  political  administration 
of  the  Spanish  colonies  under  the  King  was  soon  vested 
in  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  At  least  as  early  as  the 
second  decade  of  the  sixteenth  century  that  council  ap- 
peared in  a rudimentary  form ; but  it  was  not  definitely 
organized  until  1524.  Members  of  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  were  appointed  by  the  King  from  officials  who  had 
served  in  America.  A fundamental  law  about  the  person- 
nel of  the  council  provided  that  among  its  members  should 
be  a president,  a chancellor,  eight  councilors,  an  attorney, 
and  two  secretaries.  Those  officers  should  be  prudent 
persons  of  orthodox  ancestry.  That  council  was  expected 
to  hold  its  meetings  at  court,  for  the  King  was  always 
supposed  to  be  present:  it  had  administrative,  legislative, 
and  judicial  authority.  The  King  listened  to  its  advice 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  93 


upon  such  important  matters  as  appointments.  It  made 
laws  for  Spanish  America  by  a two-thirds  majority.  Cases 
were  appealed  to  it  from  colonial  audiencias.  Reports 
about  the  Indies  were  laid  before  it,  whether  concerning 
a residencia  or  other  matters.  It  gathered  information 
respecting  the  colonies.  The  Laws  of  the  Indies  declared 
that  to  promote  good  government  and  the  administration 
of  justice  the  Council  of  the  Indies  could  in  consultation 
with  the  King  enact  general  and  special  laws,  ordinances, 
and  provisions,  which  should  be  obeyed  throughout  the 
colonies.  Yet  its  very  omnipotence  constituted  a grave 
defect;  for  it  was  considered  the  fountain  of  law  and  pa- 
tronage. The  Spanish  monarch  saw  his  widely  extended 
domain  in  America  only  through  the  eyes  of  his  council. 

The  Chief  Royal  Agents  in  America. — As  the  territories 
in  the  New  World  were  brought  under  the  direct  control 
of  the  Spanish  crown,  various  administrative  districts 
were  carved  out  of  them.  Attempts  were  soon  made  to 
organize  those  districts  politically.  The  most  important 
executive  officers  who  came  into  existence  during  the 
early  period  of  Spanish  colonization  were  the  viceroys, 
governors,  and  captains  general. 

The  Viceroy  of  New  Spain. — The  first  viceroy  who 
regularly  represented  the  Spanish  King  in  his  American 
dominions  was  Antonio  de  Mendoza.  His  jurisdiction 
originally  extended  over  all  the  Spanish  dominions  in 
Central  and  North  America:  in  other  words,  he  was  the 
chief  colonial  official  in  the  vast  district  which  stretched 
from  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  as  far  north  as  the  Spanish 
claims  extended.  The  capital  of  the  viceroyalty  of  New 
Spain  or  Mexico  was  located  at  Mexico  City.  The  earliest 
law  concerning  the  viceregal  institution  declared  that  the 
kingdoms  of  New  Spain  and  Peru  were  to  be  governed  by 
viceroys  who  should  represent  the  Spanish  monarch. 
\ iceroys  should  exercise  the  superior  governmental  au- 
thority; they  should  administer  justice  equally  to  all 
Spanish  subjects  and  vassals,  and  should  study  everything 
that  might  promote  the  pacification,  tranquillity,  and  wel- 
fare of  their  provinces  just  as  the  King  would  do  if  he 
were  present  in  person. 


94 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


The  Viceroy  of  Peru. — Viceroy  Blasco  Nunez  Vela  es- 
tablished his  capital  at  Lima.  Originally  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Peruvian  viceroy  extended  over  all  the  Spanish  pos- 
sessions in  South  America.  Shortly  after  the  establish- 
ment of  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru,  the  Spanish  government 
issued  a fundamental  statute  concerning  the  viceroys. 
This  statute  declared  that  in  all  matters  arising  within  his 
jurisdiction  a viceroy  could  take  such  measures  as  seemed 
to  him  wise  : unless  there  existed  some  special  prohibition, 
he  could  act  with  the  same  power  and  prerogatives  as  the 
King  himself.  It  commanded  the  audiencias  of  Peru  and 
New  Spain,  governors,  judges,  subjects,  vassals,  ecclesi- 
astics, and  laymen  of  whatsoever  class  or  condition,  to 
obey  the  viceroys  as  personages  who  represented  the 
Spanish  king. 

Terms  and  Salaries  of  Viceroys. — An  American  viceroy 
normally  held  his  office  for  three  years.  That  term  might 
be  lengthened  or  shortened  at  the  King’s  pleasure.  In 
the  seventeenth  century  the  salary  of  the  viceroy  of  New 
Spain  was  twenty  thousand  ducats,  while  the  stipend  of 
the  Peruvian  viceroy  was  thirty  thousand  ducats.  Ordi- 
narily a viceroy  considerably  increased  his  salary  through 
perquisites.  Instructions  were  often  sent  by  the  Council 
of  the  Indies  to  the  viceroys  to  direct  their  actions  in 
certain  matters  or  upon  special  occasions.  Upon  leaving 
office  a viceroy  was  expected  to  hand  over  to  his  successor 
a detailed  report  upon  the  condition  of  his  viceroyalty. 

Threefold  Position  of  a Viceroy. — During  the  early 
period  of  Spanish  rule  in  America  a viceroy  was  in  general 
charge  of  the  financial  administration  of  his  viceroyalty. 
From  the  very  beginning  a Spanish  viceroy  in  America 
occupied  a threefold  position:  he  was  captain  general, 
president,  and  viceroy,  within  a special  district.  In  their 
capacities  as  captains  general  the  viceroys  of  New  Spain 
and  Peru  were  placed  in  charge  of  the  military  and  naval 
forces  of  their  respective  viceroyalties.  In  their  roles  as 
presidents  they  sometimes  acted  as  chairmen  of  the  audi- 
encias which  were  established  at  their  respective  capitals. 
In  their  positions  as  viceroys — in  the  narrow  sense — they 
were  the  chief  civil  rulers  of  the  provinces  within  their 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  95 


jurisdictions.  Special  directions  with  regard  to  the  mani- 
fold duties  of  a viceroy  were  given  in  more  than  seventy 
laws.  The  viceroy  of  a particular  region  was  often  ex- 
pected to  be  the  patron  of  monasteries  and  hospitals,  the 
protector  of  the  poor,  and  the  defender  of  the  oppressed. 
He  was  the  King’s  alter  ego. 

The  Captain  General. — With  the  progress  of  years  the 
Spanish  crown  became  convinced  that  an  American  vice- 
roy exercised  jurisdiction  over  too  extensive  a territory. 
One  indication  of  this  conviction  was  the  appointment  of 
an  official  specifically  designated  as  captain  general,  who 
was  given  control  of  a district  that  was  carved  out  of  a 
viceroyalty.  In  time  the  King  placed  a captain  general  in 
charge  of  the  administration  of  the  provinces  of  Central 
America.  For  decades  that  captain  general  was  subordi- 
nate in  certain  matters,  especially  in  military  affairs,  to  the 
viceroy  of  New  Spain;  but  in  other  respects  his  authority 
within  his  own  district  was  that  of  a viceroy  in  miniature. 
He  was  the  head  of  the  civil  administration  of  the  cap- 
taincy general;  and  at  times  he  presided  over  the  audiencia 
which  sat  at  his  capital. 

Colonial  Judges. — In  Spanish  America  the  need  was 
early  felt  of  judges  who  might  check  the  judicial  authority 
of  petty  officials.  During  the  first  decade  of  the  sixteenth 
century  colonists  in  the  West  Indies  invoked  such  protec- 
tion against  the  son  of  the  Great  Admiral.  Hence  in  15 11 
a tribunal  of  royal  judges  was  established  in  Santo  Do- 
mingo to  hear  cases  by  appeal  from  local  magistrates. 
Presumably  this  was  the  institution  which  was  later  des- 
ignated an  audiencia.  It  was  undoubtedly  the  historical 
antecedent  of  the  royal  audiencias  that  were  soon  defi- 
nitely established  in  certain  cities  of  the  New  World. 
Those  audiencias  developed  into  institutions  hardly  in- 
ferior in  importance  to  the  viceroys.  In  truth,  they  were 
often  viewed  as  the  primary  units  in  administrative  organ- 
ization. 

The  Audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo. — The  rudimentary 
audiencia  which  had  been  functioning  in  the  West  Indies 
was  definitely  established  at  the  city  of  Santo  Domingo 
by  a royal  order  of  September  14,  1526.  It  was  composed 


q6 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


of  a president,  four  oidores  or  judges,  a court  attorney, 
and  some  minor  officers.  Originally  its  jurisdiction  in- 
cluded the  islands  of  Santo  Domingo,  Cuba,  and  Porto 
Rico,  as  well  as  the  continental  provinces  of  Venezuela 
and  Guiana:  at  a subsequent  date  its  authority  was  ex- 
tended over  Louisiana  and  Florida.  In  1528  ordinances 
were  formulated  for  its  administration  and  management 
— ordinances  that  were  based  upon  the  procedure  of  the 
tribunals  of  Valladolid  and  Granada.  The  audiencia  of 
Santo  Domingo  was  granted  jurisdiction  over  both  civil 
and  criminal  matters.  It  was  to  consider  cases  in  the 
name  of  the  King.  Its  magistrates  could  not  engage  in 
mercantile  transactions.  In  certain  cases  appeals  might 
be  made  from  their  judgments  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 
Any  one  disregarding  the  decisions  of  this  tribunal  should 
be  punished  by  a fine  of  50,000  maravedis.  Any  problems 
that  were  not  settled  by  the  ordinances  were  to  be  de- 
termined by  the  laws  of  Spain. 

Audiencia  of  Mexico.  — Another  audiencia  was  es- 
tablished in  Mexico  City  by  a decree  issued  in  the  end  of 
1527.  It  provided  that  the  viceroy  should  act  as  the  pre- 
siding officer  of  the  tribunal.  Besides  the  president,  it 
should  be  composed  of  eight  civil  judges,  four  criminal 
judges,  two  attorneys,  and  other  minor  officials.  The 
.audiencia  of  Mexico  was  to  have  jurisdiction  over  the 
territory  between  the  Cape  of  Florida  and  the  Cape  of 
Honduras,  including  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan.  On  ac- 
count of  the  disturbed  condition  of  affairs  in  Mexico,  this 
tribunal  was  instructed  to  perform  some  political  duties: 
it  was  to  take  the  residencia  of  Cortes,  to  delimit  certain 
provinces,  to  make  fiscal  reforms,  and  to  protect  the  In- 
dians. Ordinances  formulated  for  its  direction  in  1528 
much  resembled  those  pertaining  to  Santo  Domingo.  The 
officials  and  colonists  living  wdthin  its  jurisdiction  were 
ordered  to  obey  its  mandates  just  as  though  the  king  had 
issued  them. 

Audiencias  of  Panama  and  Lima. — On  February  30, 
1535,  an  audiencia  was  instituted  for  the  city  of  Panama, 
with  a president,  four  oidores,  and  an  attorney.  The  ear- 
liest ordinance  concerning  the  jurisdiction  of  that  tribunal 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  97 


assigned  it  control  over  Spanish  America  from  the  Straits 
of  Magellan  to  Nicaragua.  In  1563  its  jurisdiction  was 
restricted  to  the  district  between  the  Darien  River  and 
the  Bay  of  Fonseca.  Meantime,  by  a decree  of  1542, 
another  audiencia  had  been  established  at  Lima.  This 
tribunal  was  originally  composed  of  a president  and  four 
oidores — a personnel  which  was  later  increased.  Its  juris- 
diction was  to  extend  over  Peru. 

Other  Audiencias. — Several  other  audiencias  were  es- 
tablished in  Spanish  America  during  the  sixteenth  century. 
A tribunal  was  created  in  1543  which  should  reside  in  the 
city  of  Santiago  de  Guatemala.  A fundamental  ordinance 
provided  that  it  should  have  five  oidores  and  one  attorney. 
In  1548  provision  was  made  for  the  establishment  of  an 
audiencia  in  the  city  of  Guadalajara,  Mexico,  which  was 
to  have  jurisdiction  over  the  northern  part  of  the  vice- 
royalty of  New  Spain.  That  tribunal  followed  the  tradi- 
tions and  customs  of  the  tribunal  in  Mexico  City  to  which 
it  was  subordinated.  On  July  17,  1549,  the  Spanish  King- 
authorized  the  establishment  of  an  audiencia  at  Santa  Fe 
de  Bogota.  Under  its  jurisdiction  were  placed  the  prov- 
inces of  New  Granada,  Santa  Marta,  Cartagena,  Popayan, 
and  Guiana.  Ten  years  later  the  King  provided  for  an- 
other audiencia  in  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru,  which  should 
be  located  at  the  city  of  Chuquisaca  (La  Plata)  in  the 
province  of  Charcas.  For  a considerable  period  the 
tribunal  at  Chuquisaca — which  was  ordinarily  called  the 
audiencia  of  Charcas — had  jurisdiction  over  the  vast  re- 
gion that  stretched  from  Arica  to  Montevideo.  On  No- 
vember 29,  1563,  the  King  issued  an  ordinance  creating 
an  audiencia  for  the  city  of  Quito.  The  president  and 
oidores  at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  were  enjoined  by  the  King 
not  to  exercise  any  jurisdiction  within  the  pale  of  the 
tribunal  at  Quito.  The  audiencia  of  Quito  was  given  con- 
trol of  territory  lying  on  both  sides  of  the  equator  and 
stretching  from  the  Pacific  coast  far  beyond  the  Andes. 
In  1565  an  audiencia  was  established  at  the  city  of  Con- 
cepcion in  Chile. 

Members  of  Audiencias. — Audiencias  that  were  thus 
scattered  throughout  the  Spanish  Indies  were  composed 


98 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


of  a varying  number  of  members  who  were  appointed  by 
the  King.  The  number  of  members  depended  upon  the 
location  and  importance  of  the  respective  tribunal.  A 
maximum  number  of  members  was  reached  in  a tribunal 
like  that  at  Mexico  City;  while  the  audiencia  of  Quito 
with  a president,  four  oidores,  and  a prosecutor  had  the 
minimum  number.  In  order  that  they  might  preserve 
their  impartiality,  the  members  of  those  tribunals  were 
required  to  live  secluded  from  the  world.  They  were  not 
to  own  real  estate,  to  keep  more  than  four  slaves,  to  ac- 
cept gifts,  or  to  become  familiar  with  ecclesiastics  or 
laymen.  If  an  emergency  arose,  they  might  correspond 
directly  with  the  King.  Upon  more  than  one  occasion 
the  Spanish  monarch  declared  that  a colonial  audiencia 
should  be  considered  as  the  representative  of  his  royal 
person. 

Judicial  and  Administrative  Functions  of  Audiencias. — 

The  original  function  of  an  audiencia  in  the  Indies  was 
judicial.  It  was  the  supreme  court  of  a certain  district 
with  original  and  appellate  jurisdiction.  In  cases  of  minor 
importance  its  decisions  were  final;  in  important  cases 
appeals  might  be  carried  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 
Members  of  a particular  audiencia  were  expected  to  make 
periodical  visits  to  towns  and  cities  within  its  jurisdiction. 
In  every  case  the  magistrate  who  presided  over  the  meet- 
ings of  the  audiencia  in  a particular  town  or  city  was  the 
chief  executive  of  the  surrounding  region,  whether  he  was 
designated  as  viceroy,  captain  general,  or  president.  In 
Spanish  America  the  audiencia  developed  important  ad- 
ministrative functions.  When  the  viceroy  was  absent  or 
disabled,  the  senior  oidor  or,  in  special  cases,  the  entire 
tribunal  assumed  the  executive  authority.  Gradually  the 
Spanish-American  audiencias  became  advisory  councils  to 
the  chief  executives.  They  shared  with  the  viceroys  or 
captain  generals  of  their  respective  districts  the  respon- 
sibility for  the  management  of  military  affairs.  They  like- 
wise exercised  authority  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  especially 
in  matters  of  patronage  and  finance.  As  they  heard  com- 
plaints from  persons  who  considered  themselves  injured 


T 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  99 


by  the  acts  of  viceroys  or  governors,  they  consequently 
restricted  the  powers  of  such  magistrates. 

The  Presidencies. — To  the  magistrate  who  presided 
over  the  meetings  of  an  audiencia  which  was  not  located 
at  the  seat  of  a viceroy  or  a captain  general,  the  term 
president  was  applied.  In  consequence  the  territory  over 
which  he,  as  well  as  his  tribunal,  exercised  jurisdiction  was 
often  designated  a presidency.  The  regions  controlled 
by  the  respective  tribunals  located  at  Guadalajara,  Quito, 
and  Chuquisaca  were  presidencies:  as  neither  a viceroy 
nor  a captain  general  resided  at  those  cities,  their  tribunals 
exercised  some  political  authority.  The  audiencia  located 
at  Guadalajara,  however,  being  not  far  distant  from 
Mexico  City,  was  kept  subordinate  to  the  adjacent  vice- 
roy. But  the  isolated  audiencias  of  Quito  and  Chuquisaca 
were  in  a sense  governments  within  governments.  The 
circumjacent  areas  were  under  the  control  of  those  tri- 
bunals, and  especially  of  the  jurists  who  presided  over 
their  meetings. 

The  Governors. — Under  the  audiencias,  viceroys,  and 
captains  general  in  Spanish  America  were  governors, 
alcaldes  mayores,  and  corregidores.  Governors  were  in 
charge  of  divisions  of  a viceroyalty,  captaincy  general,  or 
presidency  that  were  designated  gobicrnos.  A gobicrno  varied 
in  size:  sometimes  it  included  the  entire  jurisdictional  area 
of  an  audiencia;  more  commonly  it  was  a subdivision  of  such 
an  area.  Ordinarily  a gobicrno  included  several  regions 
which  were  denominated  provinces.  A province  was  fre- 
quently composed  of  a group  of  cities  and  towns  that  had 
been  settled  by  Spaniards;  and  it  might  also  include  the  ad- 
jacent villages  of  subject  Indians.  Otherwise  it  might  desig- 
nate a region  inhabited  by  savage  tribes  that  had  not  been 
reduced  to  civilized  life.  A governor  exercised  political, 
judicial,  and  military  authority. 

Alcaldes  Mayores  and  Corregidores. — Over  a Spanish 
town  or  city  and  the  adjacent  villages  of  dependent 
Indians,  an  alcalde  mayor  or  a corregidor  ordinarily  ruled. 
In  general  that  official  was  selected  either  by  the  chief  execu- 
tive of  a particular  district  or  by  the  Spanish  king.  • An 
alcalde  mayor  or  corregidor  resided  at  the  most  important 


IOO 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


town  of  his  province.  By  the  aid  of  minor  officials — who  were 
often  natives — he  exercised  functions  of  a varied  character: 
judicial,  fiscal,  and  military.  A corregidor  was  given  juris- 
diction over  civil  and  criminal  disputes  arising  among  Span- 
iards and  aborigines.  Among  his  fiscal  duties  was  the  collec- 
tion of  tribute  from  Indians  and  taxes  from  encomenderos. 
In  some  parts  of  Spanish  America  he  exercised  military  au- 
thority within  his  district. 

Towns  and  Cities  in  Spanish  America. — According  to 
an  official  report  dated  1574,  there  were  some  two  hundred 
towns  or  cities  in  the  Spanish  Indies.  One-half  of  them 
were  in  South  America.  The  limits  of  municipalities  were 
more  or  less  carefully  defined  according  to  the  density  of 
population.  Where  the  territory  was  thickly  settled,  a 
town  was  described  as  extending  to  the  boundaries  of  the 
neighboring  towns  or  cities.  In  thinly  settled  portions  of 
Spanish  America,  the  city  included  a considerable  extent 
of  adjacent  territory.  Politically  the  Spanish-American 
city  was  modeled  after  the  Castilian  municipality.  A 
royal  order  of  1563  provided  that  every  adelantado  should 
found  at  least  three  cities  with  a province  of  dependent  vil- 
lages. Ordinarily  the  founder  of  a city  was  allowed  to  ap- 
point alcaldes  and  regidores  for  the  ayuntamiento  or,  as  it 
was  sometimes  called,  the  cabildo.  He  was  to  assign  to  each 
settler  a lot  in  the  city  and  a tract  of  land  for  cultivation  be- 
yond its  gates.  He  also  had  the  power  to  allot  encomiendas 
to  settlers.  Where  there  was  no  adelantado  or  other  author- 
ized leader,  ten  married  men  might  join  to  establish  a settle- 
ment and  to  form  a town  government. 

The  “Chess-Board  Plan.” — Spanish  laws  made  careful 
specifications  about  the  plan  of  a town.  Its  center  was 
the  plaza  mayor  or  great  square.  Around  that  square  were 
built  the  church  or  the  cathedral,  the  town  hall,  and  the 
prison.  Streets  intersecting  at  right  angles  enclosed  the  blocks 
in  which  the  colonists  built  their  town  houses.  After  a town 
or  city  was  founded,  the  authority  to  grant  lands  passed  from 
the  adelantado  to  the  cabildo.  This  “chess-board  plan”  of 
municipalities  was  often  followed  in  Spanish  America. 

The  Residencia. — An  important  check  upon  the  actions 
of  crown  officials  in  the  Spanish  Indies  was  furnished  by 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  ioi 


the  residencia,  which  was  an  inquiry  ordinarily  made  at  the 
end  of  their  term.  This  inquest  was  a process  designed 
to  hold  an  official  accountable  for  his  actions  during  a 
certain  period.  It  was  an  examination  into  his  official 
career,  an  audit  of  his  accounts,  and  a formal  trial.  The 
time  allowed  for  such  an  investigation  was  ordinarily 
about  four  months.  Notices  of  the  residencia  were  pub- 
lished in  the  district  of  the  official  under  examination,  and 
aggrieved  persons  were  invited  to  enter  complaints  against 
him  within  sixty  days.  Then  the  commissioner  or  judge 
of  the  residencia — who  was  selected  by  the  authority  that 
had  appointed  the  particular  official — opened  a court  in 
the  town  where  the  official  had  resided.  A law  of  1582 
provided  that  the  formal  trial  might  last  for  sixty  days 
in  case  of  presidents,  oidores,  alcaldes,  attorneys,  governors, 
corrcgidores,  and  alcaldes  mayores.  After  considering  the 
charges,  examining  witnesses,  weighing  evidence,  and  hearing 
an  accused  official,  the  commissioner  of  residencia  could 
render  judgment.  In  important  cases  appeal  might  be  taken 
to  the  respective  audiencia  and  thence  to  the  Council  of  the 
Indies.  Apparently  this  inquest  was  also  applied  to  minor 
officials  whenever  their  superiors  were  investigated.  Al- 
though in  theory  the  residencia  seemed  like  an  admirable 
mode  of  accountability,  yet,  largely  because  of  favoritism, 
its  results  were  sometimes  questionable.  A Peruvian 
viceroy  indeed  compared  the  residencia  to  a whirlwind  that 
raised  dust  and  chaff. 

Fiscal  Officials. — From  time  to  time  special  officers  were 
appointed  to  look  after  fiscal  affairs.  The  instructions  of 
Governor  V elasquez  to  Cortes  provided  for  an  inspector 
and  a treasurer.  In  1522  an  auditor  was  appointed  for 
New  Spain  who  was  vested  with  financial  powers.  That 
official  was  also  given  authority  to  investigate  the  treat- 
ment accorded  to  the  Indians.  Some  years  later  instruc- 
tions were  framed  for  the  guidance  of  a treasurer,  a comp- 
troller, and  a factor  or  business  manager,  who,  during  a 
considerable  period,  were  the  principal  fiscal  officers  of 
the  Spanish  crown  in  various  administrative  areas  in  the 
Indies.  Such  officials  were  strictly  prohibited  from  en- 
gaging in  mercantile  transactions  and  were  required  to 


102 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


keep  their  accounts  in  a specified  manner.  In  1605  tri- 
bunals were  established  at  Mexico  City,  Lima,  and  Santa 
Fe  de  Bogota  with  the  power  to  audit  the  accounts  of 
fiscal  officials  within  the  extensive  territory  subordinate 
to  magistrates  in  each  of  these  cities. 

The  Visitador. — As  a mode  of  holding  to  strict  account 
colonial  officials,  in  addition  to  the  residcncia,  the  Spanish 
government  soon  sent  inspectors  to  America.  A visitador 
might  be  sent  at  any  time  to  make  investigation  of  the 
official  conduct  of  a particular  officer  or  of  particular  of- 
ficers. It  was  the  custom  to  require  the  inspector  to  send 
the  evidence  which  he  had  gathered,  together  with  a sum- 
mary defense  of  the  accused  officials,  to  the  Council  of 
the  Indies  which  gave  a final  judgment  upon  the  case  or 
cases.  As  an  illustration  may  be  cited  the  appointment 
in  1543  of  a member  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  to  in- 
spect the  conduct  of  the  viceroy,  the  audiencia,  and  the 
fiscal  officials  of  the  crown  in  New  Spain.  A law  of  1588 
provided  that  visitadores  should  go  to  the  capital  or  chief 
city  of  the  particular  district  in  order  to  examine  into  the 
execution  of  justice,  the  conduct  of  ecclesiastical  officials, 
and  the  administration  of  the  royal  finances. 

Tributes  and  Taxes. — Taxation  in  Spanish  America 
originated  in  the  age  of  the  conquistadors.  Founders  of 
colonies  were  sometimes  authorized  to  levy  a capitation 
tax  upon  the  aborigines  and  to  collect  the  tithes  designed 
for  the  support  of  the  Church.  At  an  early  date  the 
cabildos  of  Spanish-American  towns  and  cities  proceeded 
to  levy  taxes  upon  local  commercial,  industrial,  or  profes- 
sional enterprises — taxes  which  were  used  for  the  support 
of  the  municipal  administration.  Early  in  the  sixteenth 
century  the  Spanish  government  decreed  that  the  crown 
should  be  paid  a royalty  of  one-fifth  of  all  the  gold,  quick- 
silver, and  silver  that  might  be  mined  in  the  Indies.  The 
quinto  of  the  precious  metals  and  precious  stones  became 
the  chief  source  of  revenue  to  the  Spanish  monarch  from 
his  American  dominions. 

Barter. — As  the  Spanish  conquerors  brought  little 
money  with  them  to  the  Indies  and  as  the  aborigines  ordi- 
narily managed  their  commercial  transactions  by  a species 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  103 


of  barter,  the  earliest  colonists  had  to  resort  to  various 
devices  to  carry  on  trade.  Grains  of  cacao  were  used  for 
exchange  in  certain  sections.  In  agricultural  and  pastoral 
districts — such  as  the  basin  of  la  Plata  River — the  colo- 
nists used  yerba  mate,  tobacco,  goats,  sheep,  wool,  tallow, 
and  even  horseshoes  as  money.  Where  gold  was  plentiful 
that  metal  in  powder  or  in  bars  was  sometimes  used  as 
a medium  of  exchange.  The  conquerors  of  the  Chibchans 
circulated  aboriginal  tokens  of  gold.  In  regions  where 
silver  was  plentiful  metallic  tokens  were  soon  manufac- 
tured. Crude  mints  were  established  at  Cuzco  and  Lima. 
About  1540  a silver  coin  was  minted  in  Peru  which  was 
presumably  the  first  peso  coined  in  America.  In  15 72  an 
important  mint  was  opened  at  Potosi  which  coined  a 
variety  of  silver  coins  that  were  widely  circulated  in 
southern  and  western  South  America. 

The  Founding  of  Universities. — Intellectual  life  in  the 
Spanish  colonies  centered  around  the  universities.  As 
early  as  1551  King  Charles  I had  issued  a decree  providing 
for  the  establishment  of  universities  at  Lima  and  Mexico 
City  with  the  same  privileges  as  the  University  of  Sala- 
manca. The  Royal  and  Pontifical  University  of  Mexico, 
which  was  founded  two  years  later,  became  famous  in  the 
Indies  and  well  known  in  Spain.  At  this  university  in 
addition  to  theology,  civil  and  canon  law,  and  science, 
some  attention  was  paid  to  aboriginal  Mexican  dialects. 
The  University  of  San  Marcos  at  Lima  developed  from 
an  institution  which  was  founded  by  a Dominican  friar  in 
1 553-  There  the  main  subjects  of  study  were  theology, 
grammar,  civil  and  canon  law,  science,  mathematics,  and 
philosophy. 

Introduction  of  the  Inquisition. — In  the  early  history  of 
the  Spanish  colonies  some  inquisitorial  functions  were 
exercised  by  bishops  and  friars.  Later  the  Church  was 
reenforced  by  the  Inquisition.  That  dreaded  institution 
was  extended  to  the  New  World  ostensibly  to  promote 
the  extension  of  the  Catholic  faith  and  to  eradicate  heresy. 
A royal  decree  of  January,  1569,  announced  the  decision 
to  establish  inquisitorial  tribunals  in  Spanish  America. 
The  first  colonial  tribunal  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  was 


T04 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


erected  in  Peru.  Two  inquisitors,  appointed  by  the  King-, 
were  installed  in  Lima  in  January,  1570.  Originally  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Peruvian  tribunal  extended  over  all  of 
Spanish  South  America.  In  November,  1571,  two  inquisi- 
tors were  installed  in  Mexico  City.  Their  tribunal  had 
control  over  the  region  extending  from  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama  to  the  unknown  regions  of  the  north. 

While  this  development  of  Spain’s  administrative  ma- 
chinery was  taking  place,  steel-clad  cavaliers  and  sandaled 
monks  were  busily  engaged  in  exploring  the  hinterland 
in  North  and  South  America  and  bold  navigators  were 
reconnoitering  the  coast. 

Exploration  of  the  Pacific  Coast. — Even  before  the  de- 
position of  Hernando  Cortes,  expeditions  had  been  sent 
in  a northerly  direction  along  the  coast  of  Mexico.  In 
1 533  Jimenez  discovered  the  peninsula  of  Lower  Cali- 
fornia. Viceroy  Mendoza  sent  out  an  expedition  under 
Lopez  de  Villalobos  which  in  November,  1542,  reached 
the  Philippine  Islands.  During  the  same  year  another 
expedition  led  by  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo,  an  experienced 
Portuguese  mariner  who  was  accompanied  by  a daring 
pilot  named  Ferrelo,  sailed  from  Navidad  along  the  coast 
of  California.  Upon  the  death  of  Cabrillo,  Ferrelo  led  the 
expedition  as  far  north  as  the  coast  of  present  Oregon. 
In  1595  a prosperous  merchant  named  Sebastian  Vizcaino 
was  commissioned  by  the  viceroy  to  colonize  Lower  Cali- 
fornia. Two  years  later  he  planted  a colony  at  La  Paz, 
which,  however,  was  soon  destroyed  by  Indians.  In  1602 
Vizcaino  entered  a bay  which  was  later  called  San  Diego, 
on  December  16  following,  he  discovered  the  Bay  of 
Monterey,  and  then  proceeded  north  to  Cape  Mendocino. 

Expeditions  into  the  Interior. — In  1513  Ponce  de  Leon 
explored  the  coast  of  Florida,  where  he  was  mortally 
wounded  by  Indians  in  1521.  Five  years  later  Lucas 
Vasquez  de  Ayllon  attempted  to  plant  a settlement  farther 
north  on  the  Florida  coast.  In  1527  Narvaez,  the  hapless 
protagonist  of  Cortes,  led  an  expedition  from  Spain  to 
the  coast  of  Florida  and  proceeded  from  Tampa  Bay  to 
Galveston  Bay.  At  that  point  Narvaez’s  boat  was  unex- 
pectedly driven  out  to  sea  and  lost.  In  1542,  influenced 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  105 


by  the  imaginative  tales  of  a Franciscan  friar  about  won- 
derful cities  in  the  distant  wilderness,  Francisco  Vasques 
de  Coronado  led  an  expedition  from  Compostela  up  the 
valley  of  the  Zuni  River.  There  the  magical  cities  proved 
to  be  merely  Indian  pueblos.  Coronado  then  divided  his 
expedition  into  detachments:  one  squad  discovered  the 
Grand  Canon  of  the  Colorado;  while  a band  led  by  Coro- 
nado himself  pursued  another  will-o’-the-wisp  across  dusty 
plains  into  present  Kansas.  At  the  very  juncture  when  the 
dispirited  Coronado  was  retracing  his  steps  toward 
Mexico,  a daring  cavalier  named  Hernando  de  Soto,  who 
had  led  an  expedition  from  Cuba  to  Florida,  was  turning 
back  from  a disappointing  trip  into  the  interior  of  North 
America  during  which  he  had  discovered  the  Mississippi 
River.  In  1582  Antonio  de  Espejo,  a Mexican  merchant, 
led  a party  up  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  in  order  to 
rescue  some  hapless  friars.  During  his  trip  Espejo  ex- 
plored present  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  and  discovered 
some  veins  of  silver.  Juan  de  Onate  agreed  to  conquer 
and  colonize  New  Mexico  in  1595.  Three  years  later  he 
left  Santa  Barbara  with  a magnificent  company  of  well- 
dressed  cavaliers  and  seven  thousand  head  of  cattle.  In 
April,  1598,  he  pompously  declared  that  he  took  possession 
“of  all  the  kingdoms  and  provinces  of  New  Mexico”  for 
the  King  of  Spain. 

Expansion  in  Central  America. — During  the  sixteenth 
century  corsairs  and  buccaneers  harassed  the  West  Indies 
and  the  coast  of  Central  America.  Bartolome  de  las 
Casas,  “the  Apostle  of  the  Indians,”  tried  to  protect  them 
from  enslavement.  Dominicans  and  Franciscans,  who 
were  slowly  penetrating  into  Chiapas  and  Guatemala,  at 
times  had  bitter  quarrels  about  the  possession  of  sites  for 
their  respective  monasteries.  The  conquest  and  conver- 
sion of  the  aborigines  proceeded  at  a slow  pace.  At  the 
end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  Leon,  the  chief  city  of  Nica- 
ragua, was  falling  into  decay,  while  Granada  had  only 
about  two  hundred  inhabitants. 

In  New  Granada  and  Venezuela. — In  1540  a companion 
of  Jimenez  de  Quesada  named  Jorge  Robledo  founded 
Cartago  in  the  Cauca  Valley.  He  then  conquered  a region 


io6 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


on  the  right  bank  of  the  Cauca  River  and  founded  Antio- 
quia.  Shortly  after  an  audiencia  had  been  established 
in  New  Granada,  Ibague,  Villeta,  Mariquita,  and  Muzo 
were  founded  either  for  defense  against  Indian  attacks  or 
for  commercial  purposes.  Before  the  close  of  the  six- 
teenth century  settlements  had  also  been  made  at  Ocana, 
Leiva,  Buga,  and  Honda.  Meantime,  far  to  the  east  friars 
belonging  to  the  Dominican  and  Franciscan  orders  were 
making  explorations  and  founding  missions  in  the  region 
designated  Guiana.  Years  before  Caracas  was  founded, 
Diego  de  Ordaz  had  explored  the  Orinoco  Valley  beyond 
the  mouth  of  the  Caroni  River.  About  1531  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Orinoco  River,  a town  named  Santo  Tome 
was  founded — a town  that  subsequently  became  known  as 
Angostura.  In  spite  of  the  bitter  hostility  of  the  abori- 
gines, during  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  towns 
or  cities  were  planted  at  Valencia,  Trujillo,  Maracaibo, 
La  Guaira,  and  Cumana. 

Penetration  of  Peru. — To  commemorate  the  defeat  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  in  October,  1548,  the  Spaniards  founded 
the  city  of  La  Paz  near  Lake  Titicaca.  In  1540  a com- 
panion of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  named  Orellana  embarked  with 
a small  party  on  one  of  the  upper  tributaries  of  the 
Amazon.  After  reaching  the  Great  River  he  followed  it 
through  the  continent  to  the  sea.  The  advance  of  Spanish 
power  in  western  South  America  was  much  promoted  by 
viceroys  of  Peru  who  sanctioned  expeditions  for  the  ex- 
ploration of  the  Peruvian  highlands  and  the  Amazon  basin. 
During  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  Captain 
Juan  de  Nieto  explored  the  region  between  Camata  and 
Apolobamba.  Diego  Aleman  proceeded  as  far  as  the 
basin  of  the  Madre  de  Dios  River.  In  1567  in  the  name 
of  the  Spanish  king  Juan  Alvares  Maldonado  was  con- 
ceded the  government  of  the  territory  stretching  from 
Lake  Opotari — a short  distance  northeast  of  Cuzco — to 
the  mouth  of  the  Amazon  River.  Maldonado  even  led  an 
expedition  from  Cuzco  to  take  possession  of  his  extensive 
grant.  After  founding  a town  called  Vierso  and  struggling 
against  a rival  explorer,  he  penetrated  the  Amazonian 
wilderness  near  the  headquarters  of  the  Madre  de  Dios. 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  107 


The  settlement  of  the  Peruvian  highlands  was  stimulated 
by  the  discovery  of  mineral  deposits;  about  1545  rich 
silver  mines  were  found  at  Potosi.  The  subsequent  work- 
ing of  quicksilver  mines  at  Huancavelica  and  the  use  of 
quicksilver  in  the  separation  of  ores  much  stimulated  the 
mining  industry.  Subsequently  Viceroy  Toledo  framed 
ordinances  to  regulate  the  exploitation  of  mines.  From 
time  to  time  daring  Spaniards  were  entrusted  with  the 
task  of  planting  outposts  for  defense  against  Indian  at- 
tacks. A settlement  was  made  at  Tarija  on  the  banks  of 
the  Nuevo  Guadalquivir  River  in  1570.  During  the  same 
year  in  a pleasant  valley  upon  the  distant  eastern  plateau 
Geronimo  de  Osorio  founded  an  outpost  that  was  eventu- 
ally called  Cochabamba. 

Progress  in  Chile. — After  the  untimely  death  of  Val- 
divia, the  conquest  and  settlement  of  Chile  was  taken  up 
by  Garcia  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  a son  of  the  Peruvian 
viceroy.  In  1557  Hurtado  de  Mendoza  led  a formidable 
expedition  into  the  interior  and  routed  the  Araucanian 
Indians  at  Lagunillas.  He  repopulated  devastated  cities 
and  marched  as  far  south  as  the  archipelago  of  Chiloe. 
He  founded  some  new  towns,  among  them  Canate  and 
Osorno.  Meantime  a Genoese  mariner  who  had  been 
employed  by  Valdivia  had  explored  the  Chilean  coast 
from  Valparaiso  to  Llanquihue.  In  1557  a daring  navi- 
gator named  Juan  de  Ladrillero  proceeded  from  Valdivia 
to  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  and  sailed  through  the  main 
channel  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  There  he  took  possession 
of  the  straits  and  the  adjacent  territory  for  the  King  of 
Spain  and  the  governor  of  Chile.  A stream  of  settlers 
crossed  the  cordillera  from  Chile  into  a district  called 
Cuyo  which  had  been  assigned  to  Valdivia.  Before  the 
end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  Chileans  had  founded  in  that 
province  the  cities  of  Mendoza,  San  Luis,  and  San  Juan 
de  la  Frontera. 

Settlements  in  la  Plata  Basin. — In  1541  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  led  a party  of  Spanish  colonists  from  Santa  Catha- 
rina  by  land  to  Asuncion.  Subsequently  settlements  were 
made  in  various  parts  of  southern  South  America  by 
Spaniards  who  proceeded  from  different  centers.  Gonzalo 


io8 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Pizarro  dispatched  expeditions  from  Peru  to  explore  the 
unknown  interior.  At  his  instance  an  adventurous  Span- 
iard named  Prado  founded  a town  in  the  lofty  region 
inhabited  by  the  Calchaquian  Indians — a region  that  was 
claimed  by  Valdivia.  In  1563  the  Spanish  King  decided 
that  this  district  was  properly  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  audiencia  of  Charcas.  Colonists  from  the  viceroyalty 
of  Peru  subsequently  made  settlements  at  Tucuman, 
Cordoba,  Salta,  Jujuy,  and  La  Rioja.  With  a company  of 
settlers  from  Asuncion  in  1561  Nunflo  de  Chaves  founded 
a city  named  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Sierra  upon  the  plateau 
to  a considerable  distance  east  of  Cochabamba.  Several 
years  later  another  party  proceeded  down  the  Paraguay 
River  from  Asuncion  and  made  a settlement  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Parana  at  Corrientes.  In  1573  Juan  de  Garay 
— who  came  to  America  in  the  train  of  a Peruvian  viceroy 
— founded  Santa  Fe;  and  on  June  11,  1580,  with  colonists 
from  Asuncion,  he  made  a permanent  settlement  at 
Buenos  Aires. 

The  Founding  of  Bahia. — In  January,  1549,  King  John 
III  selected  Thome  de  Souza  as  captain  general  of  Brazil 
and  also  appointed  him  the  ruler  of  the  captaincy  of  Bahia. 
At  the  same  time  the  King  decided  that  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment in  Portuguese  America  should  be  in  that  cap- 
taincy. Thome  de  Souza  reached  Bahia  on  March  29, 
1549,  bringing  in  his  company  some  governmental  officials, 
several  hundred  soldiers  and  convicts,  and  a few  Jesuits. 
In  the  same  year  the  first  captain  general  of  Brazil 
founded  the  city  of  Bahia  which  remained  the  capital  of 
Portuguese  America  for  two  hundred  years.  During  the 
next  half  century  a number  of  other  settlements  were 
made  in  the  captaincies  that  stretched  along  the  Brazilian 
coast. 

Character  of  the  Portuguese  Settlements. — The  early 
colonists  of  Brazil  were  ordinarily  not  all  of  the  best  char- 
acter. Some  of  them  were  convicts  who  had  been  ban- 
ished from  the  motherland.  Others  were  adventurous 
persons  belonging  to  the  middle  class — fidalgos  who  fled 
from  the  persecutions  of  the  Inquisition  or  who  sought 
their  fortunes  beyond  the  seas.  As  most  of  the  Portu- 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  109 


guese  colonists  disdained  menial  labor,  they  soon  had  re- 
course to  the  aborigines  to  supply  servants  for  their 
homes.  Aborigines  were  soon  induced  by  the  settlers  to 
labor  upon  their  plantations.  But  Indian  servants  were 
not  entirely  satisfactory,  and  as  the  spread  of  sugar-cane 
culture  stimulated  the  demand  for  labor,  the  Portuguese 
eventually  looked  to  Africa.  In  the  second  quarter  of  the 
sixteenth  century  cargoes  of  negroes  were  brought  to 
Brazil  from  Guinea.  Especially  in  the  captaincy  of  Bahia, 
negro  slavery  became  the  economic  basis  of  Brazilian  life. 

Early  Portuguese  Colonial  Administration. — During  the 
sixteenth  century  Portugal  did  not  develop  much  special 
machinery  for  the  administration  of  her  colonies.  Gov- 
ernors general,  princes,  and  kings  exercised  authority 
which  was  not  clearly  differentiated.  In  many  particulars 
the  administration  of  Portuguese  America  was  not  distinct 
from  the  administration  of  Portugal.  The  only  special 
official  of  importance  that  appeared  in  the  mother  country 
was  the  inspector  of  finance,  who  oversaw  the  finances  of 
the  Kingdom:  he  also  oversaw  the  Casa  da  India  that  was 
entrusted  with  the  freighting  of  vessels  for  the  Indies.  That 
rudimentary  colonial  minister  was  restricted,  however,  by  an 
ecclesiastical  council  designated  the  Mesa  da  Consciencia  e 
Ordens  which  was  created  in  1532.  In  the  Portuguese  colo- 
nies the  most  important  local  officer  was  the  corregedor  who 
exercised  judicial  and  military  authority.  As  in  Spanish 
America,  so  also  in  Portuguese  America,  the  government  of 
towns  and  cities  was  modeled  after  that  of  the  motherland. 

Transfer  of  Old  World  Culture. — To  Brazil  the  Portu- 
guese brought  elements  of  Old  World  culture.  The  most 
important  of  these  perhaps  was  sugar  cane  which,  planted 
in  1532  in  Sao  Vicente — later  known  as  Bahia — spread 
thence  to  other  captaincies,  and  in  time  to  Spanish 
America.  Horses,  cattle,  sheep,  and  goats  that  were  im- 
ported by  the  early  colonists  multiplied  with  rapidity. 
Wheat,  barley,  and  other  European  cereals  were  brought 
to  Brazil,  and  also  the  grapevine.  A species  of  pepper 
was  introduced  from  Africa. 

The  Jesuits. — At  the  instance  of  John  III — the  patron 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus — six  members  of  that  society  went 


no 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


to  Brazil  in  1549  led  by  Manoel  de  Nobrega.  The  Jesuits 
began  their  labors  in  and  about  Bahia.  They  tried  to  keep 
the  Portuguese  colonists  from  forsaking  the  Catholic 
faith,  and  preached  fervently  against  their  vice  and  im- 
morality. On  the  other  hand,  they  strove  to  convert  the 
aborigines,  and  urged  them  to  forsake  cannibalism.  They 
built  churches,  translated  the  Church  litany  into  Indian 
languages,  and  founded  schools.  Shortly  after  the  arrival 
of  a group  of  Jesuits  in  1553 — who  were  led  by  Jose 
de  Anchieta — Nobrega  established  upon  an  elevated  plain 
an  academy  which  he  designated  the  College  of  Sao  Paulo. 
Members  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  founded  academies  or 
seminaries  in  other  parts  of  Brazil.  Indefatigable  Jesuits 
made  settlements  along  the  frontier  and  undertook  the 
conversion  of  the  natives. 

The  Early  Brazilian  Church. — The  first  bishopric  of 
Brazil  was  established  at  Bahia  in  1551.  Originally  the 
bishop  of  Bahia  was  a sufifragan  of  the  bishop  of  Lisbon. 
For  more  than  a century  the  bishop  of  Bahia  exercised 
jurisdiction  over  all  of  Brazil.  Because  of  that  reason, 
and  because  of  the  multitude  and  the  splendor  of  its 
churches  and  chapels,  the  city  of  Bahia  was  long  consid- 
ered the  center  of  Brazilian  religious  life. 

Relations  of  Church  and  State. — The  fundamental  pro- 
vision about  the  relations  between  Church  and  State  in 
Brazil  was  the  bull  of  Pope  Julius  III  to  King  John  III 
in  1551.  That  bull  granted  to  the  king  and  his  successors 
in  perpetuity,  as  Grand  Masters  of  the  Orders  of  Aviz, 
Christ,  and  Santiago,  complete  ecclesiastical  and  spiritual 
jurisdiction  over  their  conquests.  It  conceded  to  John  III 
the  right  to  nominate  bishops,  to  collect  tithes,  to  dispense 
revenues  for  churches,  alms,  and  religious  feasts,  and  to 
hear  cases  by  appeal  from  ecclesiastical  courts. 

Houses  of  Mercy. — About  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century  Brazilian  magistrates  began  to  sanction  the  crea- 
tion of  houses  of  mercy  which  were  often  managed  by 
religious  orders.  Those  houses  served  as  lodgings  for 
pilgrims,  asylums  for  orphans,  hospitals  for  the  sick,  and 
almshouses  for  the  poor.  Eventually  it  became  the  cus- 
tom to  establish  in  each  important  town  or  city  an  insti- 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  hi 


tution  consecrated  to  such  purposes  which  was  frequently 
designated  the  Sancta  Casa  de  Misericordia.  In  1582  a house 
of  mercy  was  founded  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  This  became  the 
most  opulent  and  famous  charitable  institution  in  Latin 
America. 

Huguenots  Plan  a Colony  in  Brazil. — About  the  middle 
of  the  sixteenth  century  the  French,  whose  mariners  had 
occasionally  visited  the  American  coast,  became  deeply 
interested  in  South  America.  Admiral  Coligny  formed  a 
plan  to  establish  there  a refuge  for  persecuted  Calvinists. 
Henry  II  of  France  encouraged  the  project;  and  in  1555, 
under  the  command  of  an  adventurer  called  Nicolas  Vil- 
legagnon,  a company  of  Huguenots  sailed  from  Havre 
for  Brazil.  Upon  a rocky  islet  in  the  Bay  of  Rio  de  Janeiro 
they  built  a fort  named  Coligny.  There  the  Huguenots 
suffered  from  the  scarcity  of  food  and  water.  They  soon 
suspected  that  their  leader  was  not  a true  Protestant. 
Religious  dissensions  broke  out  among  them;  and  Vil- 
legagnon  severely  punished  those  colonists  who  conspired 
against  his  arbitrary  rule.  Although  other  Huguenots 
soon  arrived  at  Fort  Coligny — the  vanguard  of  what 
promised  to  be  a great  migration — yet  they  did  not  find 
under  Villegagnon  the  much-desired  toleration. 

The  Struggle  with  the  French. — Meantime,  Governor- 
General  Mem  de  Sa  undertook  to  expel  the  French  from 
the  Bay  of  Rio  de  Janeiro.  By  the  aid  of  reenforcements 
from  Portugal,  he  invested  the  entrance  to  that  bay,  de- 
feated the  French  garrison,  and  demolished  Fort  Coligny. 
As  a check  against  the  return  of  Frenchmen  who  had  fled 
into  the  interior,  in  1567  Mem  de  Sa  founded  the  city  of 
Rio  de  Janeiro.  Later  the  designs  of  the  French  upon 
other  portions  of  the  Brazilian  coast  were  thwarted,  and 
although  they  eventually  planted  settlements  upon  the 
coast  of  Guiana,  yet  their  dream  of  “Antarctic  France” 
was  forever  shattered. 

Philip  II  of  Spain  Becomes  King  of  Portugal. — Signifi- 
cant events  in  Portugal  profoundly  affected  Brazil.  In 
1578  the  imprudent  young  King  Sebastian  was  defeated 
and  killed  at  the  battle  of  Alcacer  Quibir,  while  aiding  the 
sultan  of  Morocco  against  a pretender.  A senile,  childless 


1 12 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


cardinal,  Henry  of  Aviz,  succeeded  to  the  Portuguese 
throne.  Intrigue  was  rife  about  the  succession,  even  be- 
fore King  Henry  died  in  January,  1580.  Prominent 
among  candidates  for  the  Portuguese  crown  were  Antonio, 
prior  of  Crato,  the  Duchess  Catherine  of  Braganza,  and 
Philip  II  of  Spain.  Scarcely  had  Portuguese  patriots  pro- 
claimed Antonio  as  their  king,  when  Philip  II  sent  an 
army  under  the  Duke  of  Alva  into  Portugal.  The  patriots 
were  soon  dispersed,  Portuguese  fortresses  were  given 
up  to  the  Spaniards,  and  a price  was  placed  upon  the  head 
of  the  fugitive  Antonio.  The  Portuguese  Cortes  which 
assembled  at  Thomar  in  April,  1581,  proclaimed  Philip  II 
of  Spain  as  king.  As  King  Philip  I of  Portugal  he  was 
accordingly  recognized  not  only  in  Lisbon  but  also  in  Rio 
de  Janeiro. 

Philip  II  King  of  Portuguese  Indies. — The  history  of 
Portuguese  America  during  the  “sixty  years’  captivity,” 
1580-1640,  can  be  conveniently  postponed.  In  the  fol- 
lowing chapter  there  will  be  indicated  the  influence  of 
Spanish  domination  upon  the  administration  of  Brazil. 

Summary. — As  elsewhere  indicated,  the  early  Spanish 
colonies  in  America  were  ordinarily  colonies  of  conquest. 
To  settlements  in  the  New  World  the  flora  and  fauna  of 
the  Old  World  were  transported.  Reciprocally  flora  of 
the  Americas  were  taken  to  the  Old  World.  In  Brazil, 
as  well  as  in  Spanish  America,  the  Jesuits  and  other  re- 
ligious orders  started  a wonderful  crusade  to  convert  the 
aborigines — a crusade  in  which  they  often  served  as  path- 
breakers  of  civilization.  Certain  Iberian  institutions  were 
transplanted  to  America,  where  in  a fresh  soil  some  of 
them  were  much  altered  in  body  and  in  spirit.  Of  all  the 
institutions  adapted  in  Spanish  America  probably  the  most 
primary  was  the  audiencia  that  frequently  furnished  the 
framework  to  which  other  institutions  were  fitted.  It  was 
during  the  sixteenth  century  that  Spain  laid  in  America 
the  foundations  of  her  system  of  colonial  administration. 
She  undertook  to  do  this  by  taking  the  place  in  colonial 
life  of  the  conquistadors  or  of  their  successors.  As 
has  aptly  been  said  of  Spain  by  an  eminent  American 
historian,  she  often  tried  to  reap  where  she  had  not 


COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  113 


sown.  In  contrast  with  the  main  course  of  English  ex- 
pansion in  North  America,  the  advance  of  Spanish  power 
in  South  America  was  marked  by  the  founding  of 
towns  and  cities  at  strategic  points,  leaving  vast  interme- 
diate areas  unsettled.  Portugal  was  slower  in  developing 
a colonial  system  than  Spain,  if  indeed  she  may  be  said 
to  have  developed  a distinctive  system  at  all.  Both  the 
Spanish  and  the  Portuguese  were  constrained — partly 
because  of  the  economic  system  prevailing  in  their  mother- 
lands— to  use  the  aborigines  as  laborers.  The  Spaniards 
soon  used  the  Indians  in  the  exploitation  of  gold  and  silver 
mines,  while  the  Portuguese  employed  them  in  the  tillage 
of  their  sugar  plantations.  They  thus  erected  a social 
structure  that  long  endured  in  some  portions  of  Latin 
America. 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  OLD  REGIME  IN  LATIN  AMERICA 

Advance  of  Spanish  Power  in  New  Spain. — During  the 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  the  Spaniards  made 
many  advances  in  the  New  World.  Not  the  least  notable 
of  those  movements  was  the  extension  of  Spanish  influ- 
ence from  the  ancient  center  of  Aztec  power.  Itinerant 
padres  strove  to  convert  the  aborigines  and  to  teach  them 
the  rudiments  of  civilization.  Persevering  missionaries 
pushed  into  the  region  occupied  by  the  Yaqui  Indians. 
By  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  Jesuit  missions 
had  been  planted  in  the  upper  Sonora  Valley.  In  1687 
a scholarly  Jesuit  named  Eusebio  Kino  founded  the  mis- 
sion of  Nuestra  Senora  de  Dolores  on  the  banks  of  San 
Miguel  River.  From  that  mother  mission  he  made  many 
exploring  expeditions  and  eventually  proceeded  beyond 
the  northern  frontiers  of  present  Mexico.  This  indefa- 
tigable pioneer  undertook  in  1695  to  promote  the  estab- 
lishment of  missions  in  Lower  California — a project  in 
which  he  was  only  temporarily  successful.  Meantime 
missionaries  and  miners  were  advancing  northward  over 
the  central  Mexican  plateau. 

Spanish  Borderlands. — In  the  province  which  Onate 
had  explored  and  where  missions  were  being  founded  by 
Franciscans,  Governor  Peralta  established  the  town  of 
Santa  Fe  in  1609.  A fierce  insurrection  of  the  Pueblo 
Indians  against  their  Catholic  overlords  that  began  in  1680 
was  not  subjugated  until  the  end  of  the  century.  About 
the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  Spaniards 
pushed  their  settlements  beyond  the  frontiers  of  the 
province  of  Nueva  Leon  and  in  1687  a new  province  called 
Coahuila  was  organized.  Incited  by  reports  of  French 
designs  upon  Texas,  in  1686  Alonzo  de  Leon  led  an  ex- 


114 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


ii5 

ploring  party  into  that  region.  An  enterprising  Francis- 
can named  Hidalgo,  who  proceeded  from  the  College  of 
Santa  Cruz  at  Oueretaro,  planted  a permanent  settlement 
in  1718  at  San  Antonio,  which  became  the  center  of 
Spanish  operations  in  Texas.  The  activities  of  English 
smugglers  upon  the  borders  of  Louisiana — which  Spain 
had  acquired  from  France  upon  the  termination  of  the 
Seven  Years’  War — moved  the  Spaniards  to  employ 
French  officers  and  fur  traders  to  fasten  their  hold  upon 
that  vast  province.  The  settlement  of  Upper  California, 
a land  fabled  to  be  rich  in  gold,  diamonds,  and  pearls,  was 
repeatedly  undertaken  by  Spaniards  from  Mexico  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century.  At  last,  as  the 
result  of  expeditions  by  land  and  sea  directed  by  Juan  de 
Portola,  who  was  aided  by  a Franciscan  padre  named 
Junipero  Serra,  in  1769  a mission  was  founded  at  San 
Diego  and  the  beautiful  Bay  of  San  Francisco  was  dis- 
covered. In  the  following  year  Portola  succeeded  in  plant- 
ing a mission  at  Monterey.  Three  other  Franciscan  mis- 
sions were  established  in  Upper  California  in  1771  and 
1772.  A toilsome  trip  overland  from  Sonora  led  by  a 
venturesome  frontiersman  named  Juan  Bautista  de  Anza 
resulted  in  the  founding  of  a mission  at  San  Francisco  in 
1776.  Subsequently  the  indefatigable  Padre  Serra,  “the 
outstanding  Spanish  pioneer  of  California,”  planted  nine 
other  missions  on  the  Pacific  coast.  By  the  opening  of 
the  nineteenth  century  Franciscan  padres  were  directing 
the  activities  of  a chain  of  missions  along  the  coast  of 
Upper  California.  Those  missions  were  guarded  by  forts 
that  were  called  presidios. 

Religious  Orders  in  Central  America. — The  colonization 
of  Central  America  proceeded  slowly.  Here,  too,  the  ex- 
ploration of  the  interior  and  the  planting  of  settlements 
was  largely  carried  on  by  members  of  religious  orders. 
Jesuits  were  active  in  Nicaragua,  Franciscans  in  Hon- 
duras, and  Franciscans  and  Recollets  in  Guatemala.  By 
the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  city  of  Santiago 
contained  monasteries  belonging  to  six  different  religious 
orders.  Shiploads  of  Scotchmen  tried  in  vain  in  1698  and 
I700  to  establish  a colony  on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama. 


n6 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


The  Founding  of  Towns  and  Cities  in  New  Granada. — 

During  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  many 
towns  and  cities  were  founded  in  northern  South  America. 
Near  a sand  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  Magdalena  River 
there  was  founded  in  1629  a town  called  Barranquilla  that 
became  a terminus  of  navigation  and  a commercial  em- 
porium. About  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
as  a result  of  the  activities  of  Jesuit  padres  who  had  been 
converting  the  aborigines,  a town  named  Quibdo  was 
established  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Atrato  River.  An 
important  colonizing  movement  took  place  around  Anti- 
oquia.  Mining  towns  were  built  in  its  neighborhood,  and 
in  time  some  attention  was  paid  to  agriculture.  Rude 
roads  were  constructed  which  linked  Antioquia  to  adja- 
cent towns  and  to  the  Magdalena  River.  In  the  heart  of 
this  busy  region  a thriving  village  developed  which  be- 
came known  as  Medellin.  A few  years  later  the  town  of 
Socorro,  which  had  been  erected  upon  the  ruins  of  an 
Indian  pueblo,  was  transferred  to  another  site  upon  the 
banks  of  an  eastern  tributary  of  the  Magdalena.  Among 
other  towns  and  cities  that  were  founded  during  the 
eighteenth  century  were  Bucaramanga,  Cucuta,  and 
Rionegro. 

Colonization  of  Venezuela. — In  1637,  after  certain  abo- 
rigines had  been  subjugated  by  Juan  de  Urpin,  the  city  of 
Barcelona  was  founded  upon  the  Venezuelan  coast.  Dur- 
ing the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  members  of 
the  Capuchin  and  Franciscan  orders  were  busily  engaged 
in  the  conversion  of  Indians  in  northeastern  Venezuela. 
Meantime  Spanish  colonists  in  Guiana  were  compelled 
to  struggle  against  the  aborigines  and  also  to  resist  the 
intrusion  of  Dutch,  English,  and  French  adventurers  who 
proceeded  from  European  settlements  north  of  the 
Amazon. 

Expansion  in  the  Viceroyalty  of  Peru.  — Upon  the 
Pacific  coast  of  South  America  English  and  Dutch  corsairs 
frequently  preyed  upon  the  Spanish  settlements.  In  the 
vast  viceroyalty  of  Peru  the  process  of  settlement  often 
went  hand-in-hand  with  the  exploitation  of  mines.  In 
1604  at  the  base  of  a group  of  hills  northeast  of  Potosi  a 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


117 

mining  town  was  erected  which  was  called  Oruro.  Tradi- 
tion places  the  date  of  the  discovery  of  the  celebrated 
silver  mines  at  Cerro  de  Pasco  at  1630.  It  is  clear  that 
after  this  date  those  mines  were  exploited  by  Indian  la- 
borers under  the  direction  of  Spanish  overseers.  By  way 
of  Huanuco  and  Tarma  friars  of  the  Franciscan  order 
penetrated  the  wilderness  as  far  as  the  Ucayli  River. 
Jesuit  fathers  built  rude  missions  along  the  upper  tribu- 
taries of  the  Amazon.  Franciscans  and  Jesuits  explored 
portions  of  the  upper  Amazon  basin.  Throughout  that 
remote  region  and  also  in  parts  of  the  Peruvian  highlands 
those  missionaries  gathered  the  Indians  into  villages 
called  reducciones. 

In  Chile. — In  Chile  the  colonists  had  to  prosecute  an 
almost  unremitting  warfare  with  the  Araucanian  Indians. 
Near  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment vainly  attempted  to  subjugate  those  Indians  by 
the  use  of  Jesuit  and  Franciscan  missionaries.  To  fortify 
this  attempt  the  governor  of  Chile  made  settlements  along 
the  exposed  frontier.  Among  those  was  Talca.  At  the 
instance  of  the  governor,  from  1740  to  1745  other  towns 
and  cities  were  established.  To  the  north  of  Santiago  the 
towns  of  San  Felipe  and  Copiapo  were  founded;  and  to 
the  south  Rancagua,  San  Fernando,  and  Los  Anjeles. 
Subsequently  other  settlements  were  planted  near  Con- 
cepcion, also  to  the  north  of  Santiago,  and  upon  the  island 
of  Juan  Fernandez. 

Progress  in  la  Plata  Region. — East  of  the  Andes  explor- 
ations were  being  carried  on  from  existing  settlements. 
In  1683  colonists  from  Tucuman  founded  the  city  of 
Catamarca.  From  time  to  time  daring  explorers  and 
Jesuit  missionaries  ventured  into  the  unknown  wilderness 
called  the  Chaco.  In  1779  when  Colonel  Cornejo  was 
about  the  relinquish  his  plan  to  descend  the  Bermejo 
River  from  Peru,  a Franciscan  monk  named  Morillo  con- 
tinued the  trip  to  Corrientes.  Meantime,  Jesuit  fathers 
had  made  explorations  along  the  Atlantic  coast  south  of 
Buenos  Aires.  Early  in  1779  an  expedition  commanded 
by  Juan  de  la  Piedra  and  led  by  a pilot  named  Villarino 
discovered  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Negro.  Soon  afterward 


n8 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Villarino  ascended  that  river  some  distance  and  returned 
to  Buenos  Aires.  Acting  under  instructions  to  check  the 
southward  advance  of  the  Portuguese,  in  December,  1726, 
Governor  Zabala  of  Buenos  Aires  authorized  the  planting 
of  a town  called  Montevideo  on  the  northern  bank  of  la 
Plata  estuary.  Twenty-three  years  afterward  the  Spanish 
King  created  the  post  of  governor  of  Montevido. 

The  Creation  of  New  Audiencias. — During  the  seven- 
teenth and  eighteenth  centuries  the  administration  of  the 
Spanish  colonies  in  America  became  more  complex.  In 
1609  the  Chilean  audiencia — which  had  been  at  Concep- 
cion— was  definitely  located  at  Santiago  de  Chile.  It  was 
subordinated  to  the  Peruvian  viceroy  and  was  given  jur- 
isdiction over  the  territory  stretching  from  the  Straits  of 
Magellan  to  the  limits  of  the  province  of  Cuyo.  In  1661 
King  Philip  IV  decided  to  establish  an  audiencia  at 
Buenos  Aires  with  jurisdiction  over  the  provinces  of  Rio 
de  la  Plata,  Paraguay,  and  Tucuman.  That  tribunal  was 
abolished  in  1671  but  reestablished  in  1783.  Three  years 
later  the  Spanish  King  resolved  to  withdraw  the  islands 
of  Trinidad  and  Margarita  with  the  neighboring  provinces 
of  Maracaibo,  Cumana,  and  Guiana  from  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo,  in  order  to  create 
a new  tribunal  which  was  located  at  Caracas.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year  the  king  ordered  that  an  audiencia  should 
be  established  at  Cuzco  which  should  have  jurisdiction 
over  the  bishopric  of  Cuzco  and  possibly  over  other  dis- 
tricts. The  ancient  dignity  of  the  Inca  capital  was  thus 
recognized.  Meantime  the  Spanish  government  had 
created  officials  named  regents  who  were  to  preside  over 
colonial  audiencias. 

The  Viceroyalty  of  New  Granada. — Until  the  beginning 
of  the  eighteenth  century  the  audiencias  of  Panama, 
Quito,  and  Santa  Fe  were  subordinated  to  the  viceroyalty 
of  Peru.  In  1717,  however,  King  Philip  V provided  for 
the  installation  of  a new  viceroy  at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota. 
Six  years  afterward  that  viceregal  office  was  abolished. 
Yet  in  1739  the  King  reestablished  the  viceroyalty  of  New 
Granada  with  jurisdiction  over  South  America  from  the 
northern  limits  of  the  area  which  was  under  the  jurisdic- 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


119 

tion  of  the  audiencia  of  Panama  to  the  southern  boundary 
of  the  region  controlled  by  the  tribunal  at  Quito. 

Captaincies  General. — Three  years  later,  because  of  the 
great  distance  between  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  and  Caracas, 
King  Philip  V issued  an  order  declaring  that  the  governor 
and  captain  general  of  Venezuela  should  be  entirely  inde- 
pendent of  the  viceroy  of  New  Granada.  In  1777  King 
Charles  III  issued  an  order  directing  that  the  provinces 
of  Cumana,  Guiana,  and  Maracaibo,  with  the  islands  of 
Margarita  and  Trinidad,  should  be  placed  under  the  mil- 
itary and  political  control  of  the  Venezuelan  captain  gen- 
eral. The  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela  was  thus  defin- 
itively established.  In  the  same  year  the  King  provided 
for  the  creation  of  the  captaincy  general  of  Cuba.  The 
chief  executive  of  Chile — who  as  governor,  captain  gen- 
eral, and  president  of  the  royal  audiencia  had  been  sub- 
ordinate to  the  Peruvian  viceroy — was  designated  a cap- 
tain general  in  1778.  Twenty  years  later  by  a royal  de- 
cree the  Chilean  captain  general  was  declared  completely 
independent  of  the  viceroy  of  Peru.  By  that  date  the 
captain  general  of  Central  America  had  become  practically 
independent  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain. 

The  Viceroyalty  of  la  Plata. — In  1776  the  viceroyalty 
of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  was  created.  It  included  the  prov- 
inces of  Buenos  Aires,  Paraguay,  Tucuman,  Potosi,  Santa 
Cruz  de  la  Sierra,  Charcas,  and  Cuyo.  A large  portion  of 
this  territory  had  been  originally  assigned  to  the  viceroy 
of  Peru,  and  a small  section  had  been  included  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  captaincy  general  of  Chile.  The  capital 
of  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  was  located  at  the  city  of 
Buenos  Aires.  On  the  west  its  boundary  was  the  cor- 
dillera which  separated  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires 
from  Chile;  while  on  the  northwest  its  bounds  were  the 
limits  of  the  audiencia  of  Charcas.  It  stretched  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and 
from  the  Straits  of  Magellan  to  the  southern  sources  of 
the  Amazon. 

The  Interior  Provinces  of  New  Spain. — The  latter  part 
of  the  eighteenth  century  was  marked  by  significant  ad- 
ministrative reforms  in  Spanish  America.  A new  subdi- 


120 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


vision,  which  was  designated  the  interior  provinces  of 
New  Spain,  was  carved  out  of  Spain’s  over-sea  dominions 
by  a decree  of  August  22,  1776.  This  decree  provided  that 
northern  New  Spain  should  be  placed  under  the  military 
and  political  control  of  a commandant-general  who  was 
conceded  independence  of  the  viceroy  in  Mexico  City. 
In  theory  this  was  little  less  than  the  establishment  of  a 
new  viceroyalty  in  North  America.  In  1804  provision  was 
made  that  the  interior  provinces  should  be  divided  into 
two  districts : the  interior  provinces  of  the  east,  and  the 
interior  provinces  of  the  west.  Obviously  the  intention 
was  to  place  each  of  those  regions  under  the  control  of 
a separate  commander.  This  reorganization  has  been  in- 
terpreted as  an  attempt  by  Spain  to  prevent  the  disintegra- 
tion of  her  vast  domain  in  America. 

Introduction  of  Intendants  into  Spain,  Cuba,  and  Vene- 
zuela.— An  official  who  ultimately  proved  a galling  re- 
straint upon  viceroys,  captains  general  and  presidents  was 
the  intendant.  The  Spanish  rulers  borrowed  that  official 
from  France.  Introduced  into  the  military  and  financial 
administration  of  Spain  in  the  early  eighteenth  century, 
that  institution  was  later  transplanted  to  Spanish  America. 
On  October  31,  1764,  a royal  decree  provided  for  the  es- 
tablishment at  Havana  of  an  intendant  of  the  army  and 
the  treasury.  It  transferred  the  management  of  civil, 
ecclesiastical,  and  military  revenues  from  the  captain 
general  of  Cuba  to  an  intendant.  That  officer  was  also 
given  charge  of  such  matters  as  contraband  trade,  fortifi- 
cations, and  royal  lands.  Equal  in  rank  to  the  captain 
general,  he  received  his  instructions  from  the  King  with 
whom  he  might  correspond  directly.  He  presided  over 
the  tribunal  of  accounts  at  Havana,  which  in  1775  super- 
vised the  finances  of  the  Windward  Islands  and  Louisiana, 
as  well  as  Cuba.  On  September  8,  1777,  the  King  ap- 
pointed an  intendant  of  the  army  and  the  treasury  for 
Venezuela  who  was  to  reside  in  the  city  of  Caracas.  The 
intendant  framed  the  fiscal  regulations  for  the  captaincy 
general,  audited  its  accounts,  and  appointed  fiscal  officials. 
He  regulated  agriculture,  trade,  and  navigation,  and  for 
a time  acted  as  a judge  in  cases  relating  to  commerce.  He 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


I 2 I 


used  the  governors  of  the  provinces  as  his  agents  in  fiscal 
affairs.  Nominally,  at  least,  he  was  entirely  independent 
of  the  other  officials  of  the  captaincy  general  and  might 
correspond  directly  with  the  King. 

The  Ordinance  of  Intendants  of  1782. — Early  in  1778 
provision  was  made  for  the  establishment  of  an  intendant 
of  the  army  and  the  treasury  at  Buenos  Aires.  In  1782 
an  ordinance  was  issued  by  the  Spanish  government 
which  provided  for  the  creation  of  intendancies  in  the 
viceroyalty  of  la  Plata.  As  modified  in  1783,  that  ordi- 
nance divided  the  viceroyalty  into  eight  districts:  a chief 
intendant  with  supervisory  authority  was  to  reside  at 
Buenos  Aires,  while  seven  subordinate  intendants  were  to 
be  located  at  important  provincial  cities.  Each  intendant 
was  given  charge  of  affairs  relating  to  justice,  police, 
finance,  and  war  in  his  respective  district.  The  intendant- 
general  at  Buenos  Aires  was  in  reality  made  an  admin- 
istrative head  of  the  viceroyalty. 

Intendants  in  Peru  and  Chile. — In  1784  Viceroy  Teodoro 
de  Croix  framed  regulations  for  the  introduction  of  in- 
tendants into  Peru.  The  viceroyalty  was  soon  divided  into 
seven  intendancies:  the  chief  intendant  with  direct  control 
over  northern  Chile  was  to  be  located  at  Santiago,  while 
a subordinate  intendant  was  placed  in  Concepcion  with 
jurisdiction  over  the  territory  stretching  from  the  river 
Maule  to  the  Araucanian  frontier. 

The  Ordinance  of  Intendants  of  1786. — As  early  as  1765 
a capable  administrator  named  Jose  de  Galvez  had  been 
sent  from  Spain  to  Mexico  as  znsitador  with  instructions  to 
inspect  and  reform  the  fiscal  and  judicial  administration 
of  the  viceroyalty.  In  1768  Galvez  recommended  to  King 
Charles  III  that  the  system  of  intendants  should  be  intro- 
duced into  New  Spain.  On  December  4,  1786,  an  ordi- 
nance of  intendants  for  New  Spain  was  promulgated.  The 
ordinance  divided  that  viceroyalty,  including  Yucatan  and 
the  interior  provinces,  into  twelve  intendancies.  Again 
the  magistrate  located  at  the  capital  city  was  made  the 
chief  intendant.  Intendants  were  given  control  over 
matters  relating  to  justice,  police,  finance,  and  war  in 
their  respective  districts.  Each  intendant  was  to  see  that 


122 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


justice  was  administered  in  his  district  with  rectitude, 
celerity,  and  economy.  He  was  to  superintend  agricul- 
ture and  industry  within  his  intendancy ; he  was  to  over- 
see markets,  inns,  bridges,  public  granaries,  money,  and 
vagrants,  and  also  the  police  of  towns  and  cities.  He  was 
to  supervise  public  finance  within  his  district:  he  was 
given  charge  of  the  royal  properties,  confiscations,  and 
prizes;  and  he  was  entrusted  with  the  collection  of  the 
revenues  from  tithes,  tributes,  monopolies,  and  taxes. 
He  had  charge  of  matters  relating  to  arsenals  and  hos- 
pitals within  his  intendancy,  and  to  the  inspection,  pro- 
visioning, and  transfer  of  troops.  Intendants  in  other  sec- 
tions of  Spanish  America  were  instructed  to  follow  the 
ordinance  of  intendants  for  New  Spain  as  far  as  condi- 
tions would  allow. 

Intendants  in  Central  America. — About  1790  the  system 
of  intendants  was  extended  to  Central  America.  The 
provinces  of  the  captaincy  general  were  arranged  in  four 
intendancies:  Chiapas,  Honduras,  Nicaragua,  and  Salva- 
dor. As  the  intendancies  sometimes  coincided  in  area 
with  existing  provinces,  in  certain  parts  of  Spanish  Amer- 
ica the  system  of  fiscal  administration  encouraged  a spirit 
of  sectionalism. 

Political  Jurisdictions  in  Spanish  America  in  the  End  of 
the  Eighteenth  Century. — By  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century  twelve  audiencias  had  been  established  in  Amer- 
ica. The  most  important  audiencias  were  located  at  the 
capitals  of  viceroyalties  or  captancies  general  but  scarcely 
of  minor  importance  were  the  tribunals  of  Quito  and 
Charcas.  In  the  areas  subject  to  those  tribunals  and — 
partly  because  of  historic  reasons — also  in  the  district 
under  the  control  of  the  audiencia  of  Cuzco,  there  devel- 
oped an  autonomous  spirit.  There  were  four  captaincies 
general — in  the  special  sense  of  that  term — in  the  Spanish 
Indies:  Chile,  Cuba,  Guatemala  or  Central  America,  and 
Venezuela.  By  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  the 
captains  general  of  Chile,  Central  America,  and  Venezuela 
were  practically  independent  of  the  neighboring  viceroys. 
Shortly  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  signed 
at  Philadelphia  there  were  four  viceroyalties  in  the  Indies: 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


123 


New  Spain  or  Mexico,  New  Granada,  Peru,  and  la  Plata 
or  Buenos  Aires.  The  presidencies,  the  captaincies  gen- 
eral, and  especially  the  viceroyalties,  furnished  the  lines 
for  later  political  divisions. 

The  Commandancy  of  Mainas. — Early  in  the  nineteenth 
century  the  jurisdiction  of  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru  was 
considerably  extended.  A royal  decree  of  July  15,  1802, 
ordered  the  transfer  from  the  president  of  Quito  to  the 
Peruvian  viceroy  of  a region  designated  the  commandancy 
of  Mainas  which  was  a frontier  district  where  Franciscan 
missionaries  were  converting  the  aborigines.  According 
to  the  decree,  that  commandancy  included  an  area  which 
was  drained  by  the  upper  tributaries  of  the  Amazon : it 
stretched  from  the  Yavari  River  to  the  river  Caqueta,  and 
extended  on  the  east  to  the  Portuguese  frontiers.  On 
July  7,  1803,  a similar  royal  order  was  issued  which  pro- 
vided for  the  transfer  of  the  province  of  Guayaquil  from 
the  viceroy  of  New  Granada  to  the  viceroy  of  Peru. 

Town  and  City  Government. — An  important  institution 
of  local  government  was  the  cabildo.  Colonial  cabildos  were 
ordinarily  composed  of  alcaldes  or  judges,  and  regidores,  who 
may  be  compared  to  aldermen.  Ordinarily  there  were  two 
alcaldes  in  each  cabildo , while  the  number  of  regidores  de- 
pended upon  the  size  of  the  town.  At  the  end  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century  the  cabildo  of  Caracas  was  composed  of  the 
captain  general  ex-officio,  two  alcaldes,  twelve  regidores  whose 
offices  might  be  bought  or  sold,  four  regidores  nominated  by 
the  king  from  Spanish  residents  of  the  city,  and  four  other 
officials  whose  offices  were  purchasable.  In  Spanish-Amer- 
ican  cities  it  was  the  custom  to  convoke  upon  extraordinary 
occasions  an  open  meeting  of  the  cabildo  ( cabildo  abierto ), 
which  was  composed  of  the  town  council  enforced  by  other 
citizens  whom  the  town  officials  had  invited  to  attend.  A 
cabildo  abierto — which  was  the  assemblage  most  closely  re- 
sembling a New  England  town  meeting — might,  however, 
only  be  held  with  the  consent  of  the  chief  executive  of  the 
city. 

“Civilized”  Indians. — In  time  steps  were  taken  to  regu- 
late the  administration  of  towns  and  villages  inhabited 
by  Indians  who  had  been  civilized  by  the  Spaniards.  At- 


124 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


tempts  were  made  to  preserve  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
the  caciques.  The  Indians  of  a reduction  or  a village  were 
allowed  to  select  alcaldes  and  regidores,  who  had  duties  simi- 
lar to  those  of  corresponding  officials  in  Spanish  cities.  In 
some  parts  of  the  Indies  the  Spanish  government  appointed 
corregidores  to  reside  in  Indian  towns  and  villages  in  order 
to  represent  the  government  and  to  protect  the  Indians  against 
oppression. 

Emigration  from  Spain  to  Spanish  America. — Almost 
from  the  beginning  emigration  from  Spain  to  Spanish 
America  was  under  the  control  of  the  House  of  Trade. 
According  to  the  Laws  of  the  Indies,  a Spaniard  might 
only  embark  for  America  when  granted  a license  and 
after  he  had  proved  that  he  was  an  orthodox  Catholic. 
Partly  because  of  the  harassing  restrictions  about  emi- 
gration the  number  of  Spaniards  who  proceeded  to  the 
Indies  was  small.  In  the  early  nineteenth  century  a well- 
informed  foreigner  residing  at  Caracas  estimated  that  not 
more  than  one  hundred  Spaniards  annually  emigrated  to 
the  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela. 

Foreigners  in  the  Indies. — The  Laws  of  the  Indies  con- 
tained various  provisions  concerning  aliens.  Despite  pro- 
hibitory laws,  some  foreigners  occasionally  ventured  into 
Spain’s  colonies.  In  the  eighteenth  century  such  persons 
were  permitted  to  reside  in  Spanish  America  upon  the 
payment  of  a license  tax,  but  they  did  not  enjoy  all  the 
privileges  of  a Spanish  citizen.  Some  persons  born  out- 
side of  Spain  took  advantage  of  her  naturalization  laws; 
for  a naturalized  citizen  of  Spain  was  ordinarily  allowed 
in  the  Indies  the  rights  of  a natural-born  citizen.  Espe- 
cially did  Spain  aim  to  prevent  foreigners  from  engaging 
in  commerce  with  her  colonists.  In  1776  a royal  order 
was  issued  stipulating  that  no  foreigners  should  be  per- 
mitted to  reside  in  Spanish  America  or  to  trade  with  its 
inhabitants  without  a royal  license  and  providing  that 
unlicensed  foreigners  should  be  immediately  deported 
from  the  Indies.  Yet  English  merchants  evaded  those 
restrictions  in  manifold  ways.  In  particular  did  they  in- 
troduce their  goods  into  northern  South  America  and 
into  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata. 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


125 


Commerce  between  Spain  and  Her  Colonies. — Com- 
merce with  the  Indies  was  for  a long  period  managed 
by  the  House  of  Trade.  As  that  body  was  first  located 
at  Seville  and  later  at  Cadiz,  trade  with  the  Spanish  colo- 
nies was  for  many  decades  restricted  to  merchants  of  those 
cities.  Until  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  the 
commerce  between  Spain  and  Spanish  America  was  regu- 
larly carried  on  by  fleets  of  merchant  vessels  which  were 
convoyed  across  the  Atlantic  Ocean  either  to  Mexico  or 
to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  At  that  juncture  direct  trade 
might  legally  be  carried  on  only  between  a few  ports  in 
Spanish  America  and  certain  ports  in  Spain. 

Modifications  of  Her  Commercial  Policy  in  the  Eigh- 
teenth Century. — By  a series  of  measures,  however,  Spain 
gradually  abandoned  certain  features  of  her  commercial 
system.  Partly  due  to  the  influence  of  liberal  political 
economists,  she  abolished  the  practice  of  carrying  on  com- 
merce with  the  Indies  by  fleets.  These  were  replaced  by 
registered  vessels  which  were  conceded  permits  to  sail 
from  Spain  to  particular  ports  of  Spanish  America.  In 
the  third  decade  of  the  eighteenth  century  permission  was 
granted  to  certain  Spanish  merchants  to  carry  on  direct 
trade  from  Spain  with  Buenos  Aires.  In  1764  Charles 
III,  the  reforming  king,  established  mail  packets  which 
plied  every  month  or  two  between  Coruna  and  certain 
ports  in  Spanish  America.  By  a royal  decree  of  October 
16,  1765,  Spaniards  were  conceded  the  right  freely  to 
carry  on  commerce  between  nine  Spanish  ports  and  cer- 
tain ports  in  the  islands  of  Cuba,  Santo  Domingo,  Porto 
Rico,  Margarita,  and  Trinidad.  A few  years  later  this 
freedom  of  intercourse  was  extended  to  Yucatan,  Cam- 
peche, and  Louisiana.  About  the  same  time  the  King 
swept  away  some  of  the  restrictions  that  had  long  hin- 
dered the  direct  interchange  of  products  between  certain 
regions  in  America. 

The  Reform  Law  of  1778. — On  October  12,  1778,  a law 
was  promulgated  that  marked  a significant  change  in 
Spanish  colonial  policy.  In  addition  to  the  ports  specified 
in  the  decree  of  1765,  this  law  named  thirteen  other  ports 
in  the  Balearic  and  Canary  Islands  and  in  Spain  that  might 


126 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


carry  on  commerce  with  Spanish-American  ports.  It 
opened  to  that  trade  twenty-four  additional  ports  in 
Spanish  America,  including  Buenos  Aires,  Montevideo, 
Valparaiso,  Arica,  Callao,  Guayaquil,  Cartagena,  and 
Santa  Marta.  With  regard  to  the  payment  of  duties, 
those  Spanish-American  towns  and  cities  were  grouped 
into  major  and  minor  ports:  the  minor  ports  should  col- 
lect duties  of  one  and  one-half  per  cent  upon  the  value 
of  Spanish  products  that  might  be  imported,  and  duties 
of  four  per  cent  upon  the  products  of  foreign  countries; 
while  the  major  ports  should  collect  duties  of  three  per 
cent  upon  Spanish  and  of  seven  per  cent  upon  foreign 
products.  Article  XXII  of  the  law  provided  that  all 
goods  manufactured  in  Spain  from  wool,  cotton,  and  flax 
should  be  exempt  from  duties  at  Spanish-American  ports 
for  ten  years.  In  order  to  promote  the  development  of 
the  national  merchant  marine,  the  law  further  provided 
that  Spanish  vessels  which  were  exclusively  burdened 
with  national  products  should  enjoy  a reduction  of  one- 
third  of  the  regular  duties,  while  Spanish  vessels  which 
had  cargoes  that  were  two-thirds  national  products  should 
enjoy  a reduction  of  one-fifth.  This  reform  law  gave  the 
commerce  betwreen  Spain  and  her  American  colonies  a 
great  stimulus.  It  has  been  calculated  that  from  1772 
to  1776  there  only  entered  Buenos  Aires  thirty-five  ves- 
sels, while  during  each  year  from  1792  to  1796,  there 
entered  that  port  more  than  fifty  ships.  Another  liberal 
measure  was  taken,  because  of  a war  between  Spain  and 
England : in  1797  a royal  decree  was  issued  providing  that, 
subject  to  certain  restrictions,  neutral  vessels  might  en- 
gage in  the  carrying  trade  with  the  Spanish  colonies. 

Spain’s  Paternalistic  Policy  toward  Industry. — Spain’s 
policy  toward  her  colonies  was  not  only  animated  by  a 
spirit  of  monopoly  but  also  by  a spirit  of  paternalism.  At 
various  times  viceroys  were  instructed  to  encourage  the 
cultivation  by  the  Indians  of  flax  and  hemp.  In  the  end 
of  the  sixteenth  century  the  Spanish  government  pro- 
hibited the  extension  of  grape  culture  in  the  Indies.  Early 
in  the  following  century  Peruvian  viniculturists  were 
further  harassed  by  a prohibition  upon  the  export  of 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


127 


their  wines.  The  Spanish  government  thus  even  aimed 
to  prevent  Peruvian  wines  from  competing  with  Spanish 
wines  in  colonial  markets.  Another  illustration  of  Spain’s 
restrictive  policy  may  be  found  in  a decree  of  1614  which 
provided  that  tobacco  might  be  freely  sown  in  Spanish 
America  only  upon  the  condition  that  that  portion  of  the 
product  which  was  not  consumed  in  the  colonies  should 
be  transported  to  Seville.  Early  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury wool  produced  in  the  Indies  was  allowed  to  enter 
Spain  free  of  duty,  but  a heavy  tax  was  laid  upon  its 
exportation  to  foreign  countries. 

Tariff  Policy. — Duties  upon  goods  entering  the  ports 
of  the  Indies  were  levied  in  accordance  with  the  tenets 
of  the  mercantile  system.  The  imposts  were  levied  so  as 
to  favor  the  home  producer  at  the  expense  of  the  colonist. 
Certain  colonial  products  were  subjected  to  duties  when 
exported  from  the  colonies.  Here  an  illustration  may  be 
taken  from  Venezuela.  At  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury products  raised  or  manufactured  in  Spain  which 
were  imported  into  Venezuela  were  so  lightly  taxed  that 
they  were  termed  free  articles.  Articles  produced  abroad 
but  finished  in  Spain  paid  duties  aggregating  about  twelve 
and  one-half  per  cent  before  they  were  landed  at  Vene- 
zuelan wharves.  All  goods  of  foreign  manufacture  paid 
duties  upon  entering  Spain  that  amounted  to  fifteen  per 
cent,  upon  departing  for  America  seven  per  cent,  and  upon 
arriving  there  seven  per  cent,  besides  various  port  dues 
which  further  increased  the  price  of  all  foreign  products 
imported  from  the  mother  country.  Raw  materials  that 
went  to  supply  foreign  manufacturers  paid  heavy  duties 
upon  exportation  from  Spain  which  afforded  the  Spanish 
manufacturers  an  advantage. 

Consulates  in  Spanish  America. — The  consulate  was 
transplanted  from  Spain  to  Spanish  America.  During  the 
sixteenth  century  consulates  were  established  at  Mexico 
City  and  Lima,  which  were  patterned  after  the  consulates 
at  Burgos  and  Seville  respectively.  Before  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century  consulates  had  also  been  established 
at  Vera  Cruz  and  Guadalajara.  King  Charles  IV  issued 
a decree  in  1793  establishing  a consulate  at  Caracas  and 


128 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


providing  that  it  should  be  administered  according  to  the 
ordinances  of  the  consulate  of  Bilbao.  Early  in  1794  that 
King  issued  a decree  creating  a consulate  at  Buenos  Aires 
which  was  modeled  after  the  consulate  of  Seville.  Among 
the  officials  of  the  consulate  of  Buenos  Aires  were  two 
consuls,  nine  councillors,  a secretary,  an  accountant,  and 
a treasurer.  It  acted  as  a tribunal  of  justice  in  mercantile 
disputes  and  also  as  a council  to  promote  the  advancement 
of  agriculture  and  commerce.  A later  order  provided  that 
its  members  should  be  composed  in  equal  part  of  mer- 
chants and  ranchers.  Within  this  consulate  some  im- 
portant problems  were  debated,  such  as  the  commercial 
relations  of  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  with  foreign  na- 
tions. 

Church  Organization. — With  the  progress  of  the  Cath- 
olic faith  in  America  the  Church  gradually  perfected  its 
organization.  In  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  there 
were  six  archbishoprics  in  Spanish  America:  Santo  Do- 
mingo, Mexico,  Guatemala  or  Central  America,  Lima, 
Charcas,  and  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota. 

Archbishoprics  and  Bishoprics. — The  archbishopric  of 
Santo  Domingo  was  composed  of  five  bishoprics:  Caracas, 
Cuba,  Louisiana,  Porto  Rico,  and  Cuayaba.  In  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Mexico  there  were  eight  dioceses,  Tlascala  or 
Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  Valladolid  de  Michoacan,  Oajaca 
or  Antequera,  Guadalajara,  Yucatan  or  Merida,  Nueva 
Viscaya  or  Durango,  Leon  or  Linares,  and  Sonora. 
There  were  three  suffragan  bishops  in  the  archbishopric 
of  Guatemala:  Concuyagua  or  Honduras,  Nicaragua,  and 
Chiapas.  The  archbishopric  of  Lima  had  nine  bishops: 
Arequipa,  Trujillo,  Quito,  Cuzco,  Guamanga,  Panama, 
Santiago  de  Chile,  Concepcion,  and  Nueva  Cuenca.  In 
1802  another  bishopric  was  erected  in  the  missions  of 
Mainas.  The  archbishopric  of  Characas  was  composed  of 
five  dioceses;  namely,  La  Paz,  Tucuman,  Santa  Cruz  de 
la  Sierra,  Paraguay  or  Asuncion,  and  Buenos  Aires.  Four 
bishoprics  were  found  in  the  archbishopric  of  Santa  Fe 
de  Bogota:  Popayan,  Carthagena,  Santa  Marta  and 
Merida.  After  the  creation  of  the  viceroyalty  of  Buenos 
Aires,  the  diocese  of  Tucuman  was  divided  into  the  bish- 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


129 


opric  of  Salta,  and  the  bishopric  of  Tucuman,  which  was 
enlarged  by  the  addition  of  the  province  of  Cuyo  that  was 
separated  from  Chile.  In  1803  an  archbishopric  was  es- 
tablished at  Caracas  that  included  the  provinces  within 
the  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela. 

Chapters,  Cabildos,  and  Vicars. — In  each  cathedral 
church  there  was  a chapter  composed  of  a variable  number 
of  canons,  prebendaries,  and  other  dignitaries  who  formed 
the  archbishop’s  council.  When  an  archbishop  died  the 
respective  chapter  governed  the  archbishopric  through  a 
vicar.  The  spiritual  jurisdiction  in  certain  cities  was  con- 
trolled by  a cabildo  of  ecclesiastics.  In  towns  and  cities 
where  there  was  no  chapter  or  ecclesiastical  council  the 
spiritual  authority  was  ordinarily  exercised  by  vicars  who 
had  delegated  powers:  Members  of  the  regular  orders 

either  depended  upon  ecclesiastical  provinces  of  Spain  or 
they  were  organized  into  provinces  distinct  from  those  of 
the  motherland. 

Church  and  State. — Ecclesiastical  divisions  in  Spanish 
America  did  not  always  coincide  with  the  administrative 
areas.  After  the  captaincy  general  of  Chile  was  carved 
out  of  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru,  the  bishop  of  Santiago  re- 
mained for  some  time  a suffragan  of  the  archbishop  of 
Lima.  Although  no  bishops  or  archbishops  from  America 
were  present  at  the  Council  of  Trent,  yet  the  Pope  held 
that  the  Indies  were  under  its  jurisdiction.  By  the  au- 
thority of  the  Spanish  King  or  a colonial  magistrate  pro- 
vincial councils  were  occasionally  held  in  sections  of 
Spanish  America.  After  being  endorsed  by  the  bishop, 
the  resolutions  of  such  councils  had  to  be  approved  by  the 
chief  executive  or  the  audiencia  of  the  respective  district 
before  they  were  put  into  force.  If  the  latter  disapproved 
them,  they  had  to  be  sent  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies  to 
be  sanctioned  or  disallowed.  The  supremacy  of  the 
Spanish  crown  was  also  demonstrated  by  the  custom 
which  prevented  any  bull,  brief,  or  dispensation  of  the 
Pope  from  being  promulgated  in  the  colonies  without  the 
consent  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 

Extension  and  Activities  of  the  Inquisition. — In  Septem- 
ber, 1610,  an  inquisitorial  tribunal  was  established  at 


13° 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Carthagena  which  had  jurisdiction  over  the  Caribbean  regions, 
with  the  exception  of  Central  America.  Inquisitorial  tri- 
bunals regularly  published  the  edict  of  faith  and  staged  autos- 
dc-fe  at  Spanish-American  capitals.  They  strove  to  prevent 
the  impersonation  of  priesthood  and  to  eradicate  bigamy, 
heresy,  and  sorcery.  Their  punishments  were  chiefly  fines,  con- 
fiscations, exile,  and — in  extreme  cases — death.  Inquisitors 
occasionally  wasted  their  time  in  quarrels  with  secular  officials. 
A most  important  function  of  the  Inquisition  in  America  was 
censorship:  books,  works  of  art,  and  even  fancy  razors  were 
rigidly  scrutinized  by  its  ubiquitous  agents.  It  is  to  be  pre- 
sumed that  the  effect  of  Spanish-American  inquisitorial  tri- 
bunals upon  the  Catholic  faith  was  slight,  while  the  stifling 
influence  which  they  exerted  upon  intellectual  life  cannot  be 
measured. 

Spanish  Law  in  America. — In  accordance  with  the  doc- 
trine that  the  supreme  authority  resided  in  the  King,  the 
legislation  for  Spanish  America  was  promulgated  and  executed 
in  his  name.  The  laws  which  early  applied  in  the  colonies 
were  those  Spanish  codes  that  existed  at  the  epoch  of  the 
conquest,  supplemented  by  special  laws  formulated  for  the 
regulation  of  American  affairs*  The  Spanish  codes  that  lay 
at  the  basis  of  the  legal  system  of  the  Indies  accordingly  were: 
the  Siete  Partidas,  the  Leyes  de  Toro,  and  the  Nueva  Recopil- 
lacion. 

Special  Laws  and  Their  Codification. — Other  legislation 
was  found  necessary  for  the  Indies.  Special  laws  that  were 
ordinarily  formulated  through  the  Council  of  the  Indies  regu- 
lated various  branches  of  administration.  The  number  and 
peculiar  character  of  those  laws  soon  created  a crying  demand 
for  their  codification.  Officials  in  America  undertook  to 
collect  them,  while  jurists  in  Spain  wrote  about  legal  problems 
of  the  Indies.  Philip  II  ordered  that  a code  of  the  laws  of 
the  Indies  should  be  prepared,  omitting  what  was  unnecessary, 
making  additions  where  necessary,  clearing  up  obscurities,  and 
reconciling  discords.  Various  jurists  labored  upon  the  com- 
pilation which  was  finally  promulgated  in  1680.  This  was 
the  Recopilacion  de  leyes  de  los  reinos  de  las  Indias. 

The  Laws  of  the  Indies. — Almost  every  page  of  this 
comprehensive  code  reveals  the  humane  intentions  of  the 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


131 

Spanish  monarchs.  It  was  composed  of  nine  books  which 
were  subdivided  into  titles.  Twenty-four  titles  dealt  with  the 
Church,  ecclesiastical  imposts,  the  Inquisition,  universities,  and 
learning.  Thirty-four  titles  dealt  with  certain  administrative 
matters,  such  as  the  audiencias  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 
Sixteen  titles  were  concerned  with  viceroys,  military  affairs, 
corsairs  and  pirates,  and  the  mail  service.  Twenty-six  titles 
of  a miscellaneous  character  were  concerned  with  discoveries, 
colonization,  cabildos,  repartimientos,  public  works,  mines, 
banks,  and  pearl  fisheries.  Fifteen  titles  related  to  such  mat- 
ters as  governors,  corrcgidorcs,  alcaldes,  trials,  appeals,  and 
the  residencia.  Nineteen  titles  were  devoted  to  the  aborigines: 
reducciones,  pueblos,  tribal  properties,  tributes,  caciques, 
encomenderos,  and  personal  services.  Eight  titles  dealt  with 
divers  matters  which  were  mainly  judicial:  judges,  punish- 
ments, prisons,  mulattoes,  negroes,  and  vagabonds.  Thirty 
titles,  which  were  mainly  fiscal  in  character,  dealt  with  such 
matters  as  the  royal  fifths,  the  tribute  collected  from  Indians, 
the  administration  of  the  mines,  monopolies,  taxes,'  and  the 
sale  of  offices.  Forty-six  titles,  which  were  largely  commer- 
cial, concerned  such  topics  as  the  House  of  Trade,  the  freight- 
ing of  vessels,  navigation,  foreigners,  and  ports. 

Their  Relation  to  Spanish  Laws. — When  the  Laws  of 
the  Indies  were  promulgated  Charles  II  ordered  that  there 
should  still  remain  in  force  all  the  decrees  and  ordinances 
that  were  not  contrary  to  those  laws,  and  that  wherever  de- 
ficient they  should  be  supplemented  by  the  laws  of  Castile. 
In  the  age  of  Charles  IV  the  Spanish  laws  were  newly  codified 
in  La  novisima  recopilacion,  which  was  promulgated  in  1805. 

Colonial  Currency. — In  1621  a mint  was  established  at 
Santa  Fe  de  Bogota.  In  1675  gold  coins  were  first  minted 
in  Mexico  City.  Coins  or  monetary  tokens  were  also  manu- 
factured by  private  persons,  while  counterfeiters  were  not 
unknown.  The  coins  which  circulated  in  the  Indies  were 
eventually  those  of  Spain:  the  gold  coins  were  doubloons  and 
escudos,  while  the  silver  coins  were  the  peso,  the  half-peso, 
and  the  real,  and  besides  there  were  subsidiary  coins  of  copper. 
Despite  laws  and  regulations  of  the  Spanish  monarchs  pro- 
viding that  coins  minted  in  the  Indies  should  be  of  the  same 
weight  and  value  as  those  of  Castile,  the  moneys  used  in 


132 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


various  sections  of  the  Indies  were  frequently  not  of  the  same 
standard. 

Royal  Revenues. — The  revenues  collected  by  royal 
agents  at  the  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century  were  of  a 
diverse  character.  Most  of  the  regular  revenues  may  be  con- 
veniently grouped  under  four  overlapping  heads  : ( i ) The 

payments  due  to  the  King  as  lord  of  the  land,  including  the 
profits  of  the  coinage,  the  royal  tribute  paid  by  Indians,  and 
his  share  of  the  precious  metals  and  precious  stones.  (2)  The 
payments  due  to  the  King  in  his  capacity  as  head  of  the 
Church,  including  the  first-fruits,  the  tenth  part  of  the  agri- 
cultural and  pastoral  products,  and  the  revenue  arising  from 
the  sale  of  indulgences.  (3)  The  payments  due  to  the  King 
from  royal  monopolies,  including  stamped  paper,  quicksilver, 
and  tobacco.  (4)  The  payments  due  to  the  King  from  various 
taxes  upon  trade  or  upon  commercial  transactions,  including 
the  almojarifazgo,  a duty  levied  upon  imports  into  or  exports 
from  the  country,  and  the  alcabala,  a percentage  tax  upon  the 
sale  or  transfer  of  certain  articles. 

Universities. — In  the  early  seventeenth  century  a 
Franciscan  friar  endowed  the  University  of  Cordoba.  The 
faculty  of  that  university  was  eventually  grouped  in  two 
colleges:  the  college  of  arts,  which  furnished  instruction  in 
such  subjects  as  logic,  physics,  and  metaphysics;  and  the  col- 
lege of  theology,  which  gave  instruction  in  scholastic  and 
moral  theology.  The  University  of  San  Felipe  at  Santiago 
de  Chile,  which  was  founded  in  accordance  with  a royal  decree 
of  1738,  had  an  irregular  and  languid  existence  until  1759, 
when  Valeriano  Ahumada  became  its  rector.  Patterned  after 
the  University  of  San  Marcos,  it  served  as  a great  stimulus 
to  intellectual  life  in  the  captaincy  general  of  Chile.  The 
College  of  Santa  Rosa  at  Caracas  was  transformed  into  a 
university  by  a royal  decree  in  1721.  In  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury that  university  had  nine  chairs:  Latin,  philosophy, 

theology,  music,  ethics,  medicine,  canon  law,  civil  law,  and 
the  Scriptures.  One  of  the  most  notable  educational  institu- 
tions in  the  Spanish  Indies  was  located  at  Chuquisaca,  for 
die  University  of  San  Francisco  Javier,  which  was  founded 
there  upon  a preexisting  college  in  1624,  became  a great  center 
of  legal  study.  The  official  language  in  these  universities  was 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


133 


ordinarily  Latin;  while  the  mode  of  instruction  was  by  texts 
and  lectures,  which  occasionally  were  varied  by  disputations. 
In  conjunction  with  the  universities  founded  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  these  institutions  served  the  colonists  as  nurseries 
of  learning. 

The  Printing  Press. — At  an  early  date  in  the  history 
of  the  Spanish  Indies  viceroys  and  captains  general  were 
prohibited  from  allowing  books  to  be  printed  within  their 
respective  jurisdictions  unless  they  had  been  censored.  A 
Catholic  catechism  for  the  Indians,  the  first  book  printed  in 
the  viceroyalty  of  Peru,  was  published  in  Lima  by  permission 
of  the  audiencia  in  1584.  In  certain  parts  of  Spanish  America 
the  earliest  printing  was  done  under  the  direction  of  the 
Jesuits.  In  1738  a religious  tract  was  published  from  the 
printing  press  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota. 
It  seems  that  the  Jesuits  printed  a few  books  clandestinely 
which  had  a limited  circulation.  They  apparently  set  up  a 
printing  press  at  Cordoba  in  1765  and  printed  the  first  book 
upon  that  press  in  the  following  year.  Upon  granting  the 
Jesuits  of  Cordoba  permission  to  use  this  press  the  Peruvian 
viceroy  stipulated  that  neither  should  they  print  any  book 
about  the  Indies  without  a special  license  from  the  King,  nor 
should  they  print  any  book  concerning  law  or  the  Indian 
languages  unless  they  had  been  examined  and  censored.  The 
printing  press  earliest  used  in  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires  was 
brought  there  about  1780  from  the  former  Jesuit  college  at 
Cordoba. 

Colonial  Periodicals. — During  the  eighteenth  century 
gazettes  were  published  intermittently  in  Mexico.  The  first 
number  of  Papel  periodico  dc  Santa  Fc  dc  Bogota  was  pub- 
lished in  1791.  In  the  following  year  the  Papel  periodico  6 
primicias  de  la  cultura  de  Quito  was  published  on  the  press 
of  the  Jesuits  at  Ambato,  in  the  presidency  of  Quito.  At 
Lima  as  early  as  1790  there  began  to  appear  the  Diario  erudito, 
economico  y comercial  de  Lima.  The  initial  number  of 
the  epoch-marking  Mercurio  peruano  de  historia,  literatura  y 
noticias  publicas  was  published  in  the  same  city  in  1791.  In 
1801  the  first  number  of  the  Telegrafo  mercantil,  rural, 
poUtico-economico  e historiografo  del  Rio  de  la  Plata  was 
published  at  Buenos  Aires.  In  1807  a journal  styled  The 


134 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Star  of  the  South  was  published  at  Montevideo  in  English 
and  Spanish.  Not  until  1808  did  the  Gaceta  de  Caracas  issue 
from  the  press.  In  general  those  periodicals  contained  only 
a small  amount  of  news  besides  brief  notices  of  the  activities 
of  governmental  officials. 

Literature  of  Spanish  America. — Literature  in  Spanish 
America  during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  was 
of  a varied  character.  Some  literary  productions  suggestively 
described  the  relations  of  the  colonists  with  the  aborigines. 
In  his  old  age  Francisco  Nunez  de  Pineda  y Bascunan  wrote 
an  account  of  his  experiences  while  held  a captive  by  the 
Araucanian  Indians.  By  a defense  of  Gongorisrr,  a literary 
style  of  affected  elegance  which  was  flourishing  in  Spain,  in 
a book  published  in  1694,  a professor  at  the  University  of 
Cuzco  named  Juan  de  Espinosa  Medrano  made  himself  widely 
known  in  South  America.  Another  Peruvian  named  Pedro 
de  Peralta  Barnuevo  Rocha  y Benavides  was  an  erudite  poet, 
dramatist,  and  essayist.  In  addition  to  scientific  studies,  a 
Mexican  professor,  Carlos  de  Siguenza  by  name,  wrote  a poem 
published  in  1668  that  narrated  the  story  of  the  miraculous 
appearance  to  an  Indian  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadeloupe.  A 
Mexican  beauty  who  assumed  the  veil  under  the  name  of  Sor 
Juana  Ines  de  la  Cruz  produced  three  volumes  that  included 
plays  and  poems.  Although  some  poems  were  written  in 
Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,  yet  the  special  claim  which  the  viceroyaltv 
of  New  Granada  had  to  literary  distinction  during  this  period 
was  through  its  historical  productions.  Of  those  two  may 
here  be  mentioned : Noticias  historiales  which  was  written 

by  Friar  Pedro  Simon,  a Franciscan  who  settled  there  about 
1604;  and  the  Historia  general  del  Nuevo  Rcino  de  Granada 
composed  by  Lucas  Fernandez  de  Piedrahita.  The  first  poet 
born  upon  the  soil  of  Argentina  was  Luis  de  Tejada  who 
composed  an  autobiographical  poem  entitled  El  peregrino  en 
Babilonia  and  also  some  mystical  poems  which  have  only 
recently  been  edited.  Near  the  end  of  this  period  Manuel 
Jose  de  Labarden  wrote  a tragedy  entitled  Siripo  which  was 
concerned  with  the  old  story  of  the  relations  between  Indians 
and  white  men.  Labarden  was  also  the  author  of  a poem 
entitled  Oda  al  Parana  which  suggestively  described  the  course 
of  that  great  river  as  it  meandered  through  the  pampas. 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


135 


Population. — The  population  in  Spanish  America  was 
composed  of  three  basic  elements,  the  white,  the  aboriginal, 
and  the  negro  race.  These  elements  were  present  in  varying 
proportions  in  different  sections.  Whites  were  found  mainly 
along  the  coast  and  in  the  capital  cities.  In  general  the  Indians 
were  gradually  pressed  back  into  the  interior:  seldom  were 
they  exterminated  as  in  the  English  settlements  in  North 
America.  Negroes  were  found  in  the  low,  moist,  coastal 
regions,  especially  in  the  north.  Because  of  the  comparatively 
small  number  of  Spaniards  in  the  Indies,  most  of  the  manual 
labor  was  performed  by  the  lower  classes,  especially  by  Indians 
and  negroes. 

Mixed  Classes,  Castes. — From  the  intermixture  of  the 
white,  black,  and  red  races  there  resulted  a large  number  of 
ethnic  types.  Mestizos  were  the  offspring  of  Indians  and 
whites.  Zambos  were  the  children  of  Indians  and  negroes. 
Mulattoes  were  the  descendants  of  negroes  and  whites.  Pardos 
were  the  offspring  of  whites  and  mulattoes.  From  the  cross- 
ing of  those  types  there  resulted  an  almost  infinite  number 
of  blends.  The  white  inhabitants  of  Spanish  America  were 
divided  into  two  great  castes:  the  Peninsular  Spaniards,  and 
the  so-called  creoles,  who  were  persons  of  Spanish  blood  that 
had  been  born  in  the  Indies.  Peninsular  Spaniards  took  prec- 
edence of  all  other  classes.  By  the  favor  of  the  Spanish 
government,  they  monopolized  most  of  the  important  offices 
in  Church  and  State.  The  creoles  played  a somewhat  peculiar 
role  in  society.  Proud  of  their  American  birth,  they  some- 
times viewed  the  European  Spaniards  with  great  jealousy: 
at  certain  times  they  courted  the  favor  of  the  office-holding 
class;  and  at  other  times  they  displayed  signs  of  resentment 
toward  their  rulers.  With  a strong  trend  toward  intrigue, 
the  creole  caste  constituted  the  volatile,  uncertain  element  in 
the  colonial  population — the  class  most  receptive  to  new  ideas. 

The  Jesuits  in  Spanish  South  America. — Let  us  notice 
here  the  distinctive  activity  of  the  Jesuits  in  South  America. 
From  Cordoba  they  penetrated  the  wilderness  inhabited  by 
the  Guarani  Indians.  Authorized  by  a royal  order,  in  the 
seventeenth  century  they  proceeded  to  found  missions  upon 
the  banks  of  the  Parana  River.  The  center  of  their  system 
was  at  Candelaria.  By  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century 


136 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


they  had  established  more  than  thirty  reductions  near  the 
rivers  Uruguay,  Parana,  and  Paraguay.  The  missions  were 
erected  after  the  same  pattern ; a square  plaza  was  surrounded 
by  houses  upon  three  sides;  on  the  remaining  side  was  built 
a church,  with  the  houses  of  the  Jesuit  fathers  and  other 
structures.  Lands  were  cultivated  after  a communistic  method. 
In  and  about  the  misiones  were  gathered  thousands  of  Indians 
who  were  trained  by  the  Jesuits  in  manual  arts  and  catechized 
in  the  Catholic  faith. 

Empire  of  the  Jesuits. — Under  the  paternalistic  rule  of 
Jesuit  fathers,  however,  the  Indian  neophytes  were  deprived 
of  all  initiative,  if  indeed  they  were  not  actually  kept  in  a 
servile  condition.  In  practice  the  administration  of  the  mis- 
sions was  completely  controlled  by  the  friars.  As  the  mild- 
mannered  Indians  of  the  reductions  were  captured  by  fierce 
Portuguese  half-breeds  as  well  as  by  Spanish  slave-hunters, 
the  Spanish  crown  conceded  the  Jesuits  the  right  to  arm  their 
neophytes.  The  region  of  the  misiones — as  it  was  called — 
became  little  less  than  a Jesuit  Empire,  which  served  as  a 
bulwark  for  the  Spanish  colonists  against  the  expanding 
Portuguese. 

Their  Expulsion. — As  Charles  III  suspected  the  Jesuits 
of  engaging  in  intrigue  against  his  rule,  in  1767  he  ordered 
that  they  should  be  expelled  from  his  dominions.  After  this 
was  done  the  Jesuit  missions  fell  into  decay,  the  Indians  re- 
lapsed into  barbarism,  and  Jesuit  seminaries  were  transferred 
to  other  orders.  At  tnis  policy  some  Spanish  Americans  felt 
aggrieved. 

Uprisings  in  Spanish  America  in  the  Later  Eighteenth 
Century. — During  the  last  decades  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury discontent  with  Spanish  rule  was  manifested  in  various 
sections  of  the  Indies.  In  1780  two  Frenchmen  who  were 
living  in  Chile,  Antoine  Berney  and  Antoine  Gramuset,  with 
a Chilean  named  Jose  Antonio  Rojas,  formed  a conspiracy  to 
promote  the  independence  of  the  captaincy  general  from 
Spain.  The  Frenchmen  sketched  a programme  for  a revolu- 
tion and  framed  a constitution  for  a republic,  but  the  plotters 
were  denounced  to  the  audiencia  of  Santiago.  The  “three 
Antonios”  were  arrested,  secretly  tried,  and  deported.  In  No- 
vember, 1780,  an  insurrection  was  started  in  Peru  by  Tupac 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


137 


Amaru,  a descendant  of  the  Incas.  He  denounced  the  Spanish 
government  because  of  its  heavy  taxes  and  other  oppressive 
measures.  As  a large  horde  of  Indians  joined  him,  some 
Spanish  officials  were  terrified.  But  the  Peruvian  viceroy 
gathered  a large  army,  marched  against  the  Indian  rebels,  and 
put  them  to  rout.  Tupac  Amaru — who  seems  to  have  planned 
the  creation  of  an  independent  state — was  captured ; and  in 
May,  1781,  he  was  brutally  executed  in  the  plaza  of  Cuzco. 
During  the  same  year,  provoked  by  oppressive  monopolies 
and  taxes,  the  inhabitants  of  certain  towns  in  the  viceroyalty 
of  New  Granada  rose  in  revolt.  The  comuneros,  as  they  were 
known,  were  so  successful  that  they  proposed  terms  of  settle- 
ment to  the  viceregal  government — terms  which  emphasized 
the  abolition  or  modification  of  the  multiform  taxes.  Spanish 
officials  agreed  to  those  terms,  the  tumult  was  stilled,  but  the 
Spanish  government  did  not  fulfill  the  pledges  that  had  been 
made  to  the  rebels.  In  1795  and  1797  uprisings  occurred  in 
the  neighboring  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela,  which  were 
partly  inspired  by  foreign  influence.  The  chief  conspirators 
were  thrust  into  dungeons,  however,  while  others  escaped  to 
the  West  Indies.  The  captain  general  stated  that  these  con- 
spiracies aimed  to  subvert  Spanish  rule  and  to  establish  an 
independent  republic. 

The  Intellectual  Awakening. — At  this  epoch  in  some 
parts  of  Spanish  America  a keen  interest  was  shown  in  litera- 
ture and  science.  Two  great  centers  of  the  intellectual  awaken- 
ing were  the  viceroyalties  of  Peru  and  New  Granada.  At 
their  capitals  literary  societies  were  formed  which  were  largely 
composed  of  creoles.  In  both  viceroyalties  literary  journals 
were  founded  which  disseminated  new  ideas  and  aspirations 
among  the  people. 

Spain’s  Influence. — Even  more  important  than  such 
indigenous  tendencies  were  influences  that  emanated  from 
Europe  and  North  America.  The  doctrines  of  the  Spanish 
physiocrat  Jovellanos  became  known  in  certain  parts  of 
South  America.  Spain  occasionally  stimulated  her  colo- 
nists through  scientific  expeditions.  In  1760  there  arrived 
at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  a scientist  named  Jose  C.  Mutis, 
who  soon  devoted  himself  to  a botanical  survey  of  the 
viceroyalty  of  New  Granada.  With  the  aid  of  artists. 


138 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


draughtsmen,  and  botanists  he  prepared  a work  about  the 
flora  of  that  viceroyalty.  A creole  pupil  of  Mutis  named 
Francisco  Caldas  achieved  greater  distinction  than  his 
master.  Caldas  gathered  astronomical,  geographical,  and 
meteorological  data;  and  in  1807  he  founded  at  the  capital 
of  New  Granada  a noteworthy  scientific  periodical. 

French  Philosophy. — A special  stimulus  was  given  to 
some  Spanish  colonists  by  doctrines  that  emanated  from 
France.  Montesquieu’s  Spirit  of  the  Lazo  which  praised  the 
division — as  he  understood  it — of  executive,  legislative,  and 
judicial  authority  in  the  English  Constitution;  Voltaire’s 
essays,  histories,  and  poems  which  criticized  the  Church  and 
other  institutions  in  witty  phrases ; Raynal’s  Philosophical  and 
Political  History  of  the  Indies,  an  informing  volume  about 
colonization  that  denounced  priests  and  princes ; and  Diderot’s 
Encyclopedia  that  epitomized  the  results  of  free  inquiry: 
these  productions  stimulated  thinkers  in  various  sections  of 
Spanish  America.  Rousseau’s  Social  Contract,  published  in 
1762,  which  discussed  the  evils  of  monarchical  rule  and  for- 
mulated the  doctrine  that  governments  were  properly  based 
upon  compacts,  conveyed  the  leaven  of  revolt  to  certain  Latin 
Americans.  To  dissatisfied  colonists  in  Spanish  and  Por- 
tuguese America  the  French  Revolution  served  as  a great 
example.  Some  Spanish-American  leaders  were  profoundly 
influenced  by  its  philosophy.  Through  a Spanish  translation 
published  at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  in  1794  by  an  enterprising 
creole  named  Antonio  Narino  certain  colonists  in  northern 
South  America  became  familiar  with  the  theories  of  liberty 
which  the  French  National  Assembly  had  embodied  in  its 
“Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man  and  of  the  Citizen.” 
English  Invasion  of  la  Plata. — Nor  was  England  with- 
out an  influence  in  certain  quarters  of  South  America.  Promi- 
nent creoles  of  Buenos  Aires  read  Adam  Smith’s  Wealth  of 
Nations.  An  unauthorized  expedition  led  by  Commodore 
Popham  and  General  Beresford  against  the  viceroyalty  of 
la  Plata  in  1806 — which  resulted  in  the  temporary  conquest 
and  occupation  of  Montevideo  and  Buenos  Aires  by  English 
redcoats — weakened  the  prestige  of  Spain.  It  afforded  some 
of  her  colonists  training  in  the  art  of  war.  Further,  as  the 
English  invaders  lowered  the  duties  on  imports  into  the  vice- 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


139 


royalty  of  la  Plata,  they  encouraged  there  a spirit  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  Spanish  commercial  system. 

Example  of  the  United  States. — To  certain  South  Amer- 
icans the  United  States  served  as  a grand  exemplar.  A 
Chilean  journalist  named  Camilo  Henriquez  aptly  said  that 
the  revolution  of  the  thirteen  colonies  against  England  had 
lighted  the  sacred  fire  of  liberty  upon  the  American  continent. 
North  American  revolutionary  philosophy  had  an  extensive 
influence  in  South  America.  Early  in  the  nineteenth  century 
a Spanish  translation  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of 
July  4,  1776,  was  circulated  in  the  viceroyalty  of  New 
Granada  and  the  captaincy  general  of  V enezuela.  The  Articles 
of  Confederation  were  translated  into  Spanish  and  circulated 
in  that  captaincy  general  and  al^o  in  the  viceroyalty  of  la 
Plata.  A Spanish  version  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  circulated  in  la  Plata,  Venezuela,  and  New 
Granada. 

Brazil. — Because  of  the  absorption  of  Portugal  by  Spain 
administrative  practices  in  Portuguese  America  tended  to 
approximate  those  in  Spanish  America.  Brazil  became  in- 
volved in  the  struggle  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  renais- 
sant  Dutch. 

The  Dutch  Conquer  Northern  Brazil. — The  desire  of 
the  Dutch  to  free  themselves  from  Spain  inspired  them  to 
attack  her  colonies.  In  the  last  part  of  the  sixteenth  century 
the  “Beggars  of  the  Sea”  began  to  prey  upon  Brazilian  settle- 
ments. They  founded  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  to 
promote  colonization  in  America.  Soon  after  the  termination 
of  the  twelve-years’  truce  between  Spain  and  Holland  in  1621, 
the  Dutch  equipped  a fleet  to  attack  Brazil.  In  1624  an  expe- 
dition under  Admiral  Willekens  captured  Bahia;  but  that  port 
soon  surrendered  to  a Spanish  fleet.  Still  the  Dutch  did  not 
relinquish  their  colonial  designs.  In  February,  1630,  with  a 
fleet  of  some  fifty  vessels  they  besieged  Pernambuco.  They 
soon  captured  that  city;  and,  after  several  years  of  struggle, 
they  conquered  the  northern  part  of  Brazil.  In  1637  the 
Dutch  West  India  Company  entrusted  the  conquered  territory 
to  a prince  of  the  House  of  Orange,  Count  Maurice  of  Nassau- 
Siegen,  who  proved  to  be  a wise,  tolerant,  and  magnanimous 
ruler.  During  his  administration — which  lasted  until  1644 — • 


140 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  somber  Portuguese  and  the  gay  Fleming  lived  together  in 
peace 

Teixeira  Explores  the  Amazon  River. — During  Spanish 
rule  some  progress  was  made  in  the  exploration  and  settle- 
ment of  certain  portions  of  Brazil.  Attempts  to  plant  colo- 
nies were  made  in  the  captaincies  of  Sergipe,  Parahyba,  Rio 
Grande  de  Norte,  and  Ceara.  As  reports  of  the  navigability 
of  the  Amazon  River  frequently  reached  settlements  upon 
the  coast,  the  Spanish  government  decided  to  equip  an  explor- 
ing party.  On  October  28,  1637,  an  expedition  led  by  Pedro 
Teixeira,  which  was  composed  of  about  seventy  soldiers  and 
a thousand  natives,  left  Para  and  started  up  the  river.  After 
reaching  the  highest  navigable  point,  Teixeira  proceeded  over- 
land to  Quito,  where  bull  fights  were  held  in  honor  of  his 
achievement.  At  the  request  of  the  Peruvian  viceroy,  the 
daring  explorer  returned  by  the  same  route  in  order  to  per- 
fect his  survey.  He  reembarked  upon  a tributary  of  the  Napo 
River  and  descended  the  Amazon  to  Para,  where  he  landed 
on  December  12,  1639.  While  upon  that  wonderful  trip 
Teixeira  heard  rumors  about  a race  of  woman  warriors  with- 
out husbands  who  were  called  “Amazons.”  This  name  was 
later  applied  to  the  Great  River. 

Influence  of  Spanish  Rule  upon  Portuguese. — The  ad- 
ministration of  Portuguese  America  was  distinctly  modified 
by  Spanish  rulers.  Philip  II  soon  suppressed,  the  inspectors 
of  finance  and  replaced  them  by  a Council  of  Finance,  which 
exercised  jurisdiction  over  Brazil.  Under  his  successor  Por- 
tuguese administration  was  further  assimilated  to  Spanish 
administration;  for,  although  the  Council  of  Finance  was  left 
in  control  of  the  commerce  and  revenues  of  Brazil,  yet  in 
1604  it  was  supplemented  by  a Council  of  the  Indies  which 
was  granted  jurisdiction  over  the  civil  and  religious  affairs 
of  the  former  Portuguese  colonies.  After  December  1,  1640, 
when  Portuguese  patriots  took  possession  of  Lisbon,  and  the 
Duke  of  Braganza  became  King  of  Portugal  with  the  title 
of  John  IV,  the  subordination  to  Madrid  ended.  Yet  the 
administration  of  Brazil  did  not  return  to  its  former  condi- 
tion. To  the  Council  of  the  Indies  and  the  Council  of  Finance 
there  was  added  a Council  of  State  and  also  a Privy  Council. 
The  Council  of  State  made  civil  appointments  for  the  Por- 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


141 

tuguese  colonies,  while  the  Privy  Council  nominated  candi- 
dates for  judicial  offices.  The  legal  code  of  Brazil  remained 
the  Ordenacocs  Philippinas,  which  in  1643  was  confirmed  by 
King  John  IV. 

The  “Brazilian  Iliad.” — Soon  afterwards  an  uprising 
against  the  Dutch  broke  out  in  Pernambuco.  This  movement, 
which  the  Dutch  resisted  less  strenuously  because  of  the  suc- 
cess of  the  nationalistic  movement  in  Portugal,  spread 
throughout  northern  Brazil.  By  a treaty  signed  at  The  Hague 
in  1661  Holland  formally  relinquished  her  Brazilian  posses- 
sions. A noted  Portuguese  historian  has  not  inappropiately 
styled  the  reconquest  of  Pernambuco  by  his  compatriots  the 
“Brazilian  Iliad.”  Yet  the  Dutch  succeeded  in  retaining  their 
settlements  upon  the  coast  of  Guiana. 

Expansion  from  Sao  Paulo. — A significant  movement 
of  expansion  started  under  the  Spanish  monarchs.  This  was 
the  spread  of  Portuguese  influence  and  settlements  through 
expeditions  from  Sao  Paulo.  At  first  those  expeditions,  which 
began  about  1603  and  often  proceeded  up  the  Tiete  River, 
were  largely  designed  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  Indians 
and  of  selling  them  as  slaves  in  the  markets  of  Sao  Paulo 
and  Rio  de  Janeiro.  “Paulistas,”  as  the  half-breed  adven- 
turers from  Sao  Paulo  were  called,  gradually  penetrated 
farther  and  farther  into  the  interior.  In  1618,  after  gold 
mines  were  discovered  in  a region  that  had  been  explored  by 
Paulistas,  Philip  II  framed  ordinances  for  the  regulation  of 
the  Brazilian  mines.  Before  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury gold  was  found  in  a region  that  was  designated  Minas 
Geraes  and  early  in  the  following  century  diamonds  were 
discovered  there.  From  Minas  Geraes  pioneers  ventured  next 
into  a district  that  was  called  Goyaz.  In  the  second  quarter 
of  the  eighteenth  century  a Paulista  named  Cabral  discovered 
gold  mines  at  Cuyaba  within  a region  that  was  eventually 
called  Matto  Grosso.  In  1742  by  way  of  the  Saare,  Guapore, 
Madeira,  and  Amazon  Rivers,  Manuel  Felix  de  Lima  made 
a voyage  from  Matto  Grosso  to  Para.  Bold  adventurers  even 
menaced  Jesuit  missions  in  Paraguay.  To  the  far  south 
Paulistas  were  making  explorations  and  settlements  in 
Parana,  Santa  Catherina,  and  Rio  Grande  do  Sul.  In  1680 
a town  was  planted  at  Colonia  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  de 


142 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


le  Plata.  In  one  way  or  another  at  many  points  daring 
pioneers  spread  Portuguese  influence  far  beyond  the  imagi- 
nary line  that  had  been  sketched  by  the  Treaty  of  Tordesillas. 

Activities  of  the  Jesuits. — In  this  task  they  were  aided 
by  the  Jesuits.  In  1653  there  arrived  in  northern  Brazil  a 
remarkable  Jesuit  named  Antonio  Vieira.  At  once  he  began 
to  preach  fervently  against  the  enslavement  of  the  Indians. 
Thwarted  in  his  designs  by  the  opposition  of  planters  and 
slave  hunters,  he  went  to  Lisbon  where  in  1655  he  secured 
a royal  decree  that  placed  the  Indians  under  the  guardianship 
of  his  order.  While  Vieira  was  striving  with  more  or  less 
success  to  protect  the  Indians,  some  of  his  coadjutors  were 
planting  missions  in  the  interior  of  Brazil.  Long  after  his 
death,  the  Jesuits  prosecuted  their  labors  among  the  Indians 
of  the  hinterland:  they  founded  missions  and  built  chapels 
along  the  Great  River  and  its  chief  tributaries.  By  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  they  had  built  a chain  of  missions 
across  the  continent.  Portuguese  Jesuits  from  Para  had  met 
Spanish  Jesuits  from  Quito  near  the  headwaters  of  the 
Amazon  River.  Spanish  missionaries  near  the  Orinoco  River 
were  in  communication  with  Portuguese  missionaries  upon 
the  river  Negro,  while  far  to  the  south  Jesuits  from  Brazil, 
as  well  as  from  Paraguay,  were  catechizing  the  Indians  of 
la  Plata  basin. 

The  Creation  of  New  Captaincies. — As  a result  of  the 
expansion  of  Portuguese  settlements  to  the  north  and  to  the 
south,  as  well  as  into  the  interior,  some  changes  were  made 
in  the  number  and  the  extent  of  the  captaincies.  In  1621  a 
so-called  “State  of  Maranhao,”  including  a portion  of  Brazil 
southeast  of  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon,  was  organized  and 
made  directly  subordinate  to  the  government  in  the  Peninsula. 
During  the  following  century,  however,  this  state  split  into 
the  captaincies  of  Para,  Maranhao,  Piauhy,  and  Ceara.  Mean- 
time new  captaincies  designated  Parahyba  do  Norte  and  Rio 
Grande  do  Norte  were  being  organized  farther  south.  The 
captaincy  of  Bahia  was  absorbing  the  two  adjacent  captain- 
cies of  Ilheos  and  Porto  Seguro,  while  a region  called  Sergipe 
was  gaining  some  autonomy.  Springing  from  the  old  cap- 
taincy of  Sao  Vicente  and  including  a portion  of  the  captaincy 
of  Santo  Amaro,  the  new  captaincy  of  Sao  Paulo  was  defi- 


Map  of  Governor  Cevallos  of  Buenos  Aires  Indicating  the  u 
of  1750  (from  Biedma  and  Beyer,  Atlas  f 


' DEMOSTRAClON  grafica\  \ 

AVANCE  DE  LOS  PORTUGUESES 
:E  LAS  POSESIONES  ESPANOLAS 

nsecuencia  del  tralado  de  Uralles  nrmadol 
por  ol  Mlnlstro  Carvajal  en  la  Corle  \ 

do  Madrid,  en  1750.  I \ 


Jlhtot 


|p  s^avfcaltda 


Pu«blo5  rmt 

ImoMoladacIcioJ 
f,onu(ju<itr  &**»  i 


RRITORY  WHICH  SPAIN  RELINQUISHED  TO  PORTUGAL  BY  THE  TREATY 

de  la  republica  argentina,  Plate  VIII). 


i torico 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


i43 


nitely  recognized  in  1709.  Eleven  years  later  Minas  Geraes 
was  made  a separate  captaincy.  In  the  interior  region  there 
were  also  organized  during  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century  the  new  captaincies  of  Goyaz  and  Matto  Grosso.  The 
captaincy  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  included  the  original  captaincy 
of  Parahyba.  Colonists  who  had  spread  into  the  southern 
portions  of  Brazil  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury were  laying  the  foundations  of  a new  captaincy  in  the 
region  designated  Santa  Catharina.  In  the  debatable  land 
still  farther  south  settlements  were  being  made  in  Rio  Grande 
do  Sul  which  was  organized  as  a separate  captaincy  early  in 
the  nineteenth  century. 

The  Boundary  Treaty  of  1750. — In  theory,  until  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  limits  between  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  America  were  indicated  by  the  line  of  demar- 
cation drawn  by  the  Treaty  of  Tordesillas.  That  boundary 
was  never  surveyed.  It  was  probably  because  of  the  cordial 
relations  existing  between  the  crowns  of  Spain  and  Portugal 
that  on  January  13,  1750,  a treaty  was  signed  at  Madrid  by 
commissioners  of  those  nations  which  sketched  a new  demar- 
cation line  between  the  Spanish  and  the  Portuguese  territories 
in  the  Indies.  By  the  Treaty  of  Madrid  the  Portuguese  gov- 
ernment recognized  the  Spanish  title  to  the  Philippine 
Archipelago.  On  the  other  hand,  this  treaty  transferred  seven 
flourishing  Jesuit  missions  to  Portugal  in  return  for  Colonia 
which  was  ceded  to  Spain.  It  acknowledged  the  Portuguese 
claim  by  settlement  to  large  portions  of  the  Amazon  and 
Parana  basins.  It  further  stipulated  that  the  contracting 
parties  should  select  commissioners  to  survey  the  boundary 
line.  Some  time  afterwards  the  two  governments  appointed 
commissioners  who  encountered  many  difficulties  when  they 
attempted  to  determine  the  boundary.  In  addition,  the  mis- 
sion Indians  upon  the  Uruguay  River  fought  for  three  years 
to  prevent  the  transfer  of  the  Jesuit  reductions  to  Portugal. 
The  enormous  territorial  gains  that  Portugal  had  made  in 
South  America  by  the  Treaty  of  Madrid  were  graphically 
depicted  by  Pedro  de  Cevallos,  governor  of  the  province  of 
Buenos  Aires,  upon  a map  indicating  the  Spanish-Portuguese 
boundary. 


144 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Brazilian  Captaincies. — Under  both  Spanish  kings  and 
Portuguese  monarchs  the  power  of  the  captain-donatories 
steadily  decreased.  By  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century 
royal  agents  had  displaced  captain-donatories  as  the  chief 
executives  in  all  the  Brazilian  captaincies.  At  the  end  of  that 
century  there  were  seventeen  captaincies  in  Brazil.  The  gov- 
ernor who  administered  a captaincy  was  frequently  designated 
captain  general.  Ten  of  those  executives — who  controlled  the 
more  important  captaincies — could  correspond  directly  with 
the  Portuguese  government,  while  the  others  were  subordi- 
nated to  the  captains  general  of  the  first  class. 

The  Viceroy  and  the  Captains  General. — The  captain 
general  residing  at  the  capital  city  was  ordinarily  called  the 
viceroy.  In  1763  the  central  authority  in  Brazil  was  definitely 
transferred  from  Bahia  to  Rio  de  Janeiro.  The  viceroy  and 
captain  general  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  exercised  supervisory 
authority  over  the  other  captains  general.  Each  captain  gen- 
eral oversaw  all  branches  of  public  administration  within  his 
district.  He  was  the  commander  of  the  military  forces;  he 
directed  the  civil  administration,  founded  cities,  and  super- 
vised the  finances.  He  presided  over  a tribunal  of  accounts, 
and  was  further  assisted  in  the  fiscal  administration  by  such 
officials  as  customhouse  officers  and  superintendents  of  the 
mint.  Judicial  power  in  each  captaincy  was  in  the  hands  of 
superior  and  inferior  judges.  The  final  judicial  authority  in 
Brazil  was  vested  in  two  supreme  courts:  one  established  in 
1609  at  Bahia;  and  the  other  set  up  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  in  1751. 
In  certain  cases  appeals  might  be  taken  from  those  tribunals 
to  Lisbon. 

Towns  and  Cities. — Brazilian  municipalities  scarcely 
played  so  important  a role  as  the  cities  of  Spanish  America. 
A town  in  Brazil  frequently  included  the  surrounding  area. 
Ordinarily  its  administration  was  vested  in  a council  de- 
signated a scnado  da  camera.  The  powers  of  that  council 
were  frequently  determined  by  a royal  fora  or  charter  which 
was  often  modeled  upon  the  charter  of  a Portuguese  city. 
In  theory  the  officials  of  a Brazilian  city  were  elective : in 
practice  they  were  frequently  designated  by  the  royal  agent 
who  presided  over  the  meetings  of  its  council.  Brazilian  town 
councils  made  regulations  concerning  local  affairs,  while  the 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


145 


council  of  a capital  city  might  even  fill  temporarily  a vacancy 
in  the  governorship.  Upon  exceptional  occasions  a senado 
da  camera  might  even  act  as  a deliberative  assembly. 

Organization  of  the  Brazilian  Church. — During  the 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  the  organization  of  the 
Brazilian  Church  became  complex.  In  1676  Pope  Innocent 
XI  issued  a bull  that  made  the  bishop  of  Bahia  the  archbishop 
of  Brazil.  By  bulls  of  the  same  date  the  Pope  created  two 
new  dioceses  in  Brazil:  one  was  located  at  Rio  de  Janeiro; 
and  the  other  at  Pernambuco.  Soon  afterwards  he  installed 
a bishop  at  Maranhao  who  was,  however,  made  a suffragan 
of  the  archbishop  of  Lisbon.  At  those  cities  canons,  chapters, 
and  other  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  were  installed.  Before  the 
end  of  the  eighteenth  century  bishops  were  also  established 
at  Sao  Paulo,  Para,  Marianna,  Cuyaba,  and  Goyaz.  Two  of 
the  nine  Brazilian  bishops — those  located  at  Para  and  Maran- 
hao— still  remained  subject  to  the  archbishop  of  Lisbon.  In 
sharp  contrast  with  the  Spanish  Indies,  tribunals  of  the  In- 
quisition were  not  established  in  Portuguese  America. 

Portugal’s  Policy  toward  Immigration  and  Commerce. 
— Portuguese  colonial  policy  was  much  influenced  by  the  spirit 
of  mercantilism.  With  regard  to  immigration  into  Brazil 
the  policy  of  Portugal  originally  was  to  admit  any  Catholic, 
but  in  1591  a decree  was  issued  excluding  aliens  of  every 
religious  faith  from  her  colonies.  It  seems  probable  that  more 
foreigners  settled  in  Brazil  than  in  Spanish  America.  Some 
Jews  evidently  escaped  from  the  Iberian  Peninsula  to  Brazil. 
Soon  after  the  accession  of  John  IV  the  Portuguese  govern- 
ment relinquished  the  policy  of  carrying  on  trade  with  Brazil 
by  convoyed  fleets;  it  sanctioned  the  formation  of  a commer- 
cial company  which  was  entrusted  with  the  monopoly  of  trans- 
portation between  Portugal  and  Brazil.  In  1765,  when  an 
ambitious  and  intrepid  minister  named  the  Marquis  of  Pombal 
was  directing  the  government  for  King  Joseph,  a commercial 
company  was  organized  for  the  development  of  Para  and 
Maranhao,  while  another  company  was  formed  for  the  ex- 
ploitation of  Pernambuco  and  Parahyba.  After  the  fall  of 
Pombal  in  1777,  those  companies  were  abolished.  Yet  vessels 
of  foreigners  were  still  prohibited  from  entering  Brazilian 
ports. 


146 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Industrial  Paternalism. — The  government  of  Portugal 
displayed  a paternalistic  attitude  toward  certain  colonial  in- 
dustries. A decree  providing  that  no  manufacturer  of  sugar 
in  Brazil  should  be  detained  for  debt  indicated  the  Portuguese 
attitude  toward  a colonial  industry  that  did  not  compete  with 
home  manufacturers.  Pombal  exempted  colonial  indigo  and 
rice  from  imposts  for  a term  of  years.  At  the  same  time 
Brazilian  sugar  had  to  be  transported  across  the  Atlantic  in 
a crude  form  in  order  that  it  might  be  refined  in  Portugal. 
A portion  of  Brazilian  tobacco  was  by  law  reserved  for  Por- 
tuguese factories.  In  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  the 
cultivation  of  the  grapevine  was  prohibited  in  the  captaincy 
of  Sao  Paulo.  The  exportation  of  wheat  from  the  colony 
of  Rio  Grande  do  Sul  was  prohibited  in  1785.  In  the  same 
year  a royal  decree  was  issued  which  declared  that  all  Brazil- 
ian factories  where  articles  were  manufactured  out  of  gold, 
silver,  silk,  flax,  and  cotton  should  cease  to  operate. 

Revenues,  Taxes,  and  Money. — Monopolies  of  impor- 
tant colonial  industries  furnished  sources  of  revenue  for 
the  Portuguese  government.  Among  those  were  salt, 
Brazil  wood,  the  whale  fisheries,  the  gold  mines,  and  the 
diamond  mines.  Certain  Portuguese  taxes  resembled 
Spanish  taxes:  important  among  them  were  the  duties 
levied  at  customhouses.  Brazil’s  interior  commerce  was 
frequently  carried  on  by  means  of  barter.  In  mining  dis- 
tricts gold  bars  were  often  used  as  a medium  of  exchange; 
and  eventually  mints  in  Portugal  coined  money  for  use  in 
Portuguese  America. 

Higher  Education  in  Brazil. — For  more  than  two  cen- 
turies the  Jesuit  order  was  an  important  factor  in  Brazil- 
ian education.  Wherever  the  Jesuits  built  a chapel  or 
a mission,  there  they  opened  schools.  Occasionally  they 
established  colleges.  Other  religious  orders  frequently 
followed  their  example.  At  the  end  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  however,  higher  education  in  Brazil  was  limited 
to  a few  colleges  and  seminaries.  In  1699  an  artillery 
academy  was  created  at  Bahia;  and  in  1738  a similar 
academy  was  established  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  Two  years 
earlier  there  had  been  founded  in  that  capital  the  semi- 
naries of  Sao  Jose  and  Sao  Pedro.  The  seminary  of  Sao 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


147 


Pedro  had  professorships  of  rhetoric,  Christian  doctrine, 
Latin,  and  music,  while  the  seminary  of  Sao  Jose  had 
chairs  of  Latin,  philosophy,  theology,  and  liturgy.  About 
1776  certain  Franciscans  attempted  to  found  in  Rio  de 
Janeiro  a university  modeled  upon  the  statutes  which 
Pombal  had  granted  to  the  University  of  Coimbra.  Al- 
though a few  seminaries  and  academies  were  founded  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  colonial  regime,  yet  the  children  of 
Brazilian  aristocrats  were  ordinarily  sent  to  Portugal  to 
study  in  Coimbra’s  classic  halls. 

The  Colonial  Press. — Portugal  did  not  follow  a liberal 
policy  regarding  the  colonial  press.  About  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century  a printing  press  was  established 
in  Rio  de  Janeiro  which  published  books  and  pamphlets. 
Yet  that  press  was  soon  suppressed  by  the  Portuguese 
government. 

Literature. — Poets  of  colonial  Brazil  were  influenced  by 
two  great  factors:  the  poetry  of  Camoes;  and  the  scenery  of 
their  native  land.  In  a sense  early  Brazilian  poets  were  sec- 
tional. They  often  sang  about  the  natural  beauty  or  the  strik- 
ing events  of  Pernambuco,  Bahia,  or  Rio  de  Janeiro.  Bento 
Teixeira  composed  a poem  entitled  Prosopopea  in  which  he 
chanted  about  the  port  of  Recife.  At  Bahia  in  the  seventeenth 
century  certain  poets  imitated  the  rhythm  of  anonymous  verses 
entitled  Dialogos  das  grandezas  do  Brazil.  A lyric  note  was 
struck  by  T.  Antonio  Gonzaga,  when  in  1792  there  appeared 
from  the  Lisbon  press  the  first  edition  of  the  Lyras  de  Dirceu, 
which  describes  the  tragedy  of  an  unfortunate  Brazilian  lover 
who  had  been  compromised  in  a mining  conspiracy  and  ban- 
ished to  Africa.  Among  prose  writings  the  works  of  eloquence 
held  a high  place:  those  began  in  sermons  of  the  Jesuits. 
Certain  literary  productions  of  the  friars  partook  of  the  nature 
of  history.  In  1587  Gabriel  Soares,  a Portuguese  sugar 
planter  who  had  resided  in  Bahia,  wrote  a notable  geograph- 
ical tract  about  the  Brazilian  coast  which,  however,  was  not 
published  for  many  years.  Possibly  the  most  important  his- 
torical production  of  the  colonial  period  in  Brazil  was  Rocha 
Pitta’s  Historia  da  America  Portuguese  Many  chronicles 
were  concerned  with  the  annals  of  particular  captaincies. 
During  the  Old  Regime  there  is  to  be  noticed  the  faint  be- 


148 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


ginnings  of  the  picaresque*  novel — the  most  striking  example 
of  this  was  the  Pcrcgrino  da  America  of  Nuno  Margues 
Pereira.  Brazilian  histrionic  art  had  its  beginnings  in  rude 
dramas  depicting  the  lives  of  saints  and  in  comedies  or  comic 
tragedies. 

The  Mingling  of  Races. — Some  admixture  of  blood  took 
place  between  the  Portuguese  and  the  aborigines.  As  negroes 
from  Guinea  gradually  displaced  the  Indians  as  laborers  upon 
plantations,  African  slaves  became  an  important  element  in 
Brazil’s  population.  Even  in  the  sixteenth  century  there  was 
considerable  mingling  of  the  white,  the  negro,  and  the  Indian 
elements  in  Brazil.  In  time  freedmen — negroes  who  had  been 
emancipated — formed  a considerable  element  in  Brazilian 
society.  As  the  policy  of  Pombal  was  to  encourage  the 
amalgamation  of  the  whites  and  the  Indians,  during  the 
eighteenth  century  Brazil  became  a huge  melting-pot.  At 
least  in  certain  parts  of  that  colony,  the  tendency  was  toward 
the  formation  of  new  types  of  mankind.  In  Brazil  castes 
were  not  so  noticeable  as  in  Spanish  America. 

Exile  of  the  Jesuits. — A Portuguese  agent  sent  to 
demarcate  the  boundary  sketched  by  the  treaty  of  1750  was 
a brother  of  Pombal.  In  the  course  of  his  labors  he  visited 
the  Jesuit  missions  in  the  Amazon  valley  and  soon  accused 
the  Jesuits  of  keeping  the  aborigines  in  ignorance  and  serfdom. 
Further,  the  Jesuits  had  lowered  their  standing  by  engaging 
in  commercial  transactions.  The  Portuguese  government  con- 
sequently deprived  the  Jesuits  in  Brazil  of  their  temporal 
authority.  In  1759,  after  the  discovery  of  a conspiracy  against 
the  life  of  King  Joseph,  a royal  edict  was  issued  that  the 
Jesuits — who  were  suspected  of  being  involved  in  the  con- 
spiracy— should  be  expelled  from  Portuguese  soil.  The  prop- 
erties of  the  Jesuits  in  Brazil  were  consequently  confiscated, 
their  reductions  were  soon  neglected,  and  their  neophytes 
mostly  vanished  into  the  wilderness. 

Boundaries  between  Spanish  and  Portuguese  America. 
— Partly  because  of  difficulties  encountered  in  the  survey  of 
the  boundary  line  sketched  in  I75°>  on  February  12,  1761,  a 
convention  was  signed  between  Spain  and  Portugal  that  com- 
pletely annulled  the  Treaty  of  Madrid.  In  theory,  for  the 
time  being,  the  line  of  Tordesillas  again  marked  the  limits 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


149 


Map  Showing  the  Spanish-Portuguese  Boundary  and  the  Audiencias 
in  South  America  near  the  End  of  the  Eighteenth  Century. 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


150 

between  Spanish  America  and  Portuguese  America.  On 
October  1,  1777,  a new  treaty  was  signed  at  San  Ildefonso 
between  Spain  and  Portugal  which  sketched  the  boundary 
between  their  American  possessions.  It  also  provided  for  the 
choice  of  commissioners  who  should  determine  the  boundary 
line  exactly  and  who  should  prepare  a map  of  the  Spanish- 
Portuguese  frontiers  in  America.  At  many  points  that  line 
followed  the  demarcation  of  1750.  Yet  in  the  south  the 
Treaty  of  San  Ildefonso  recognized  the  Spanish  claim  to 
Colonia  and  to  the  seven  missions  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Uruguay  River.  On  the  other  hand,  that  treaty  acknowl- 
edged Portugal’s  claim  to  the  island  of  Santa  Catharina,  to 
the  adjacent  mainland,  and  to  extensive  interior  districts  that 
had  been  explored  and  sparsely  settled  by  Jesuit  fathers  and 
by  pioneers  from  Sao  Paulo.  It  is  probably  not  an  exagger- 
ation to  say  that  by  this  treaty  Portugal  obtained  a clear 
title  to  territory  in  South  America  that  was  more  than  twice 
as  large  as  that  conceded  to  her  by  the  Treaty  of  Tordesillas. 
Yet,  because  of  various  difficulties,  the  boundary  drawn  by 
the  Treaty  of  San  Ildefonso  was  never  completely  surveyed. 
In  a report  which  he  made  to  his  King  more  than  ten  years 
after  the  signing  of  that  treaty,  a Spaniard  who  had  been 
acting  as  a commissioner  to  determine  the  boundary  between 
the  possessions  of  Spain  and  Portugal  in  America  complained 
that  the  Portuguese  were  planting  new  settlements  beyond 
the  demarcation  line  of  1777  and  recommended  that  a de- 
finitive treaty  should  be  framed  which  would  end  the  con- 
troversies over  the  limits. 

Revolutionary  Tendencies  in  Brazil. — Signs  of  discon- 
tent with  the  existing  regime  were  shown  in  Brazil  at  various 
times.  Still,  few  movements  took  place  there  that  could  be 
designated  insurrections.  In  1787,  when  Thomas  Jefferson 
was  in  France,  a Brazilian  student  informed  him  that  cer- 
tain of  his  fellow  countrymen  desired  to  emulate  the  United 
States  by  establishing  a republic  in  Brazil.  That  student  later 
became  a leader  of  a coterie  of  Brazilians  who  aspired  for 
independence  in  the  captaincy  of  Minas  Geraes.  There  in 
1789  an  ensign  in  the  Brazilian  cavalry,  who  was  nicknamed 
“Tiradentes,”  headed  a group  of  conspirators  who  wished  to 
separate  from  Portugal  and  to  establish  Brazilian  independ- 


THE  OLD  REGIME 


iSi 

ence.  They  designed  a national  flag,  drafted  some  laws,  and 
formulated  certain  reforms.  Their  plot  was  betrayed  to  the 
viceroy,  however,  they  were  imprisoned,  and  in  1792  Tira- 
dentes  was  executed.  Discontent  with  the  rule  of  the  mother- 
land was  evidently  much  less  pronounced  in  Brazil  than  in 
Spanish  America. 

Summary. — The  more  or  less  futile  attempts  that  were 
made  accurately  to  define  the  boundaries  between  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  America  derive  much  of  their  importance  from 
the  fact  that  they  indicate  the  extent  to  which  Portuguese 
pioneers  had  penetrated  the  Amazonian  wilderness.  While 
the  Spaniards  had  been  occupying  Portugal  and  profoundly 
influencing  her  system  of  colonial  administration,  and  also 
after  the  Portuguese  King  was  restored  to  his  throne,  pioneers 
had  been  exploring  the  Brazilian  hinterland,  making  settle- 
ments along  the  waterways,  and  thus  gaining  for  Portugal 
a claim  to  the  territory  which  her  clever  diplomats  secured 
by  the  Treaty  of  San  Ildefonso.  In  Brazil  the  old  divisions 
into  captaincies  still  to  an  extent  persisted  and  furnished  a 
model  for  local  subdivisions  that  were  eventually  organized 
under  a viceroy  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  In  Spanish  America  new 
audiencias  were  created  and  the  independence  of  certain  cap- 
taincies general  from  adjacent  viceroyalties  was  recognized. 
Many  of  the  administrative  areas  that  were  thus  rudely  de- 
limited eventually  came  to  be  viewed  by  Spanish  colonists  as 
constituting  definite  areas  possessing  a distinct  entity.  At  a 
later  date  designated  the  uti  possidetis  of  1810,  the  limitary 
lines  sketched  by  Spain  for  her  chief  colonial  administrators 
in  America  suggested  the  metes  and  bounds  of  nations  that 
were  yet  to  be. 

As  far  as  economic  matters  were  concerned,  Spain  fol- 
lowed a policy  of  seclusion  and  paternalism  that  lasted  almost 
to  the  end  of  eighteenth  century.  In  her  vast  and  sparsely 
settled  dominions,  and  also  in  those  of  Portugal,  social  and 
intellectual  life  centered  mainly  in  the  cities.  The  only  Latin- 
American  colonial  institutions  which  remotely  resembled 
Anglo-Saxon  self-governing  institutions  were  the  town 
councils.  Yet  those  councils  furnished  no  such  opportunity 
for  political  training  as  the  town  meetings  of  New  England. 
There  were  no  deliberative  assemblies  in  Latin  America  like 


152 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  legislatures  of  the  Thirteen  Colonies.  An  age  of  transi- 
tion, the  latter  part  of  the  Old  Regime  in  Spanish  America 
was  marked  by  violent  expressions  of  discontent  with  eco- 
nomic conditions,  especially  among  the  lower  classes.  In  both 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  America  revolutionary  doctrines 
emanating  from  France  and  the  United  States  were  being 
secretly  introduced.  Still,  those  doctrines  scarcely  spread  be- 
yond the  circles  composed  of  well-educated  and  ambitious 
creoles  in  important  towns  and  cities.  A spark  was  needed 
from  without  to  ignite  the  powder  magazine  in  Spanish 
America. 


CHAPTER  VI 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

Napoleon’s  Iberian  Policy. — The  immediate  cause  for 
the  separation  of  the  Latin- American  colonies  from  their 
motherlands  was  Napoleon’s  policy  toward  the  Iberian  Pen- 
insula. Animated  by  a notion  that  the  best  mode  of  securing 
a permanent  peace  was  to  isolate  England  from  the  continent 
of  Europe  and  to  close  all  European  ports  to  her  commerce, 
early  in  the  nineteenth  century  the  French  Emperor  adopted 
a policy  of  intervention  toward  Spain  and  Portugal.  • For 
several  years  Napoleon  duped  Spain  and  secured  her  support 
in  his  designs  against  her  neighbor.  In  1801  he  secured  from 
Charles  IV,  the  king  of  Spain,  and  from  his  all-powerful 
minister,  Godoy,  Prince  of  the  Peace,  the  promise  of  coop- 
eration in  his  designs  against  Portugal.  A secret  clause  in 
the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau,  which  was  signed  by  France  and 
Spain  in  October,  1807,  provided  that  French  soldiers  should 
be  permitted  to  march  through  Spain  to  the  Portuguese  fron- 
tiers. The  treaty  also  provided  for  Portugal’s  dismember- 
ment. 

Portugal. — At  that  juncture  the  monarch  of  Portugal 
was  the  demented  Queen  Maria  I.  Her  son,  Prince  John — 
whose  wife  was  a daughter  of  Charles  IV  named  Carlota 
Joaquina — was  acting  as  regent.  In  July,  1807,  Napoleon 
had  informed  the  Portuguese  ambassador  at  Paris  that  his 
country  must  close  her  ports  to  English  commerce.  At  the 
court  of  Lisbon  the  French  envoy  made  three  specific  de- 
mands: all  Portuguese  ports  should  be  closed  to  English  com- 
merce; all  Englishmen  residing  in  Portugal  should  be  de- 
tained ; and  all  British  property  there  should  be  seized.  Those 
demands  frightened  the  Prince  Regent.  He  yielded  on  the 
first  demand;  but,  fearing  the  wrath  of  England,  he  hesitated 
to  grant  the  other  demands.  Napoleon  therefore  seized  Por- 
tuguese vessels  in  French  ports.  The  English  government 


153 


154 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


then  informed  Portugal  that  in  its  struggle  against  Napoleon 
it  might  have  to  overpower  the  neutral  countries.  On  Octo- 
ber 22,  1807,  a secret  treaty  was  signed  between  the  English 
secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  George  Canning,  and  the  Por- 
tuguese minister  in  London  which  provided  that,  if  the  Prince 
Regent  should  decide  to  leave  Lisbon  to  escape  French  sol- 
diers, England  should  furnish  a squadron  to  escort  the 
fugitive  prince  to  his  American  dominions. 

Flight  of  the  Braganza  Dynasty. — Upon  receiving  news 
of  the  approach  of  French  invaders,  the  members  of  the 
dynasty  of  Braganza  prepared  to  flee  from  Portugal.  On 
November  29,  1807,  a Portuguese  fleet  bearing  Queen  Maria 
and  the  royal  family  sailed  from  the  Tagus.  Upon  the  fol- 
lowing day  French  soldiers  under  Junot  entered  Lisbon.  Es- 
corted by  a British  squadron  under  Admiral  Sir  Sidney  Smith, 
the  Portuguese  vessels  crossed  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  in 
January,  1808,  they  reached  Bahia.  Regent  John  signal- 
ized his  arrival  in  Brazil  by  promulgating  a decree  that 
ended  Portugal’s  antiquated  colonial  policy.  For  it  provided 
that  Brazilian  ports  should  be  open  to  foreign  vessels.  The 
fugitive  dynasty  arrived  in  Rio  de  Janeiro  in  March,  1808. 
The  seat  of  the  Portuguese  government  was  thus  transferred 
from  Lisbon  to  Rio  de  Janeiro.  Proclamations  asserting  a 
claim  to  the  Spanish  Indies,  which  Carlota  Joaquina  sent  to 
cities  of  Spanish  America,  tended  to  foster  a spirit  of  inde- 
pendence in  la  Plata,  Paraguay,  and  Charcas. 

Effects  of  the  Flight  upon  Brazil. — The  government  of 
Brazil  was  soon  reorganized.  El  Conde  das  Arcos,  the  vice- 
roy, was  displaced  by  Regent  John  who  established  admin- 
istrative bureaus  modeled  after  those  of  Lisbon.  He  selected 
secretaries  and  councils  to  aid  him  in  managing  the  govern- 
ment. In  other  captaincies  than  Rio  de  Janeiro  he  permitted 
the  captains  general  to  continue  in  the  exercise  of  their  ex- 
tensive powers.  In  April,  1808,  Regent  John  issued  a de- 
cree which  removed  the  prohibition  upon  the  free  exercise  of 
industries.  Six  months  later  the  Regent  issued  another  decree 
that  established  the  bank  of  Brazil.  A printing  press  was 
founded  and  the  royal  library  was  made  accessible  to  readers. 
Honors  and  titles  were  scattered  among  the  Portuguese  who 
had  fled  from  Lisbon. 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


i5S 


Latin  America  on  the  Eve  of  the  Revolution  ( from  Robertson’s 
“Rise  of  the  Spanish-American  Republics"). 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


156 

Origins  of  Brazilian  Independence.  — The  Brazilian 
movement  for  independence  from  the  motherland  dates  from 
the  arrival  of  the  Braganza  family  in  Portuguese  America. 
On  December  16,  1815,  by  an  important  decree  Regent  John 
recognized  an  accomplished  fact.  The  decree  proclaimed 
that  the  colony  of  Brazil  was  a kingdom,  which  placed  it 
upon  the  same  constitutional  basis  as  Portugal.  Citizens  of 
Brazil  were  thus  accorded  the  same  rights  as  Portuguese  cit- 
izens. Further,  on  March  20,  1816,  Queen  Maria  I died: 
her  son  John  was  soon  formally  proclaimed  king  of  Portugal 
and  Brazil  with  the  title  of  John  VI.  Yet  some  Brazilians 
were  not  satisfied.  In  1817  a revolt  broke  out  in  the  province 
of  Pernambuco  where  conspirators  endeavored  in  vain  to 
establish  a republican  government  in  imitation  of  the  United 
States. 

Influence  of  the  Portuguese  Revolution  of  1820. — The 

position  of  King  John  VI  was  unique.  He  remained  the 
titular  monarch  of  Portugal  where  a Regency  had  been  ruling 
under  English  protection.  In  1820  revolutionists  overthrew 
that  government,  established  a new  Regency,  and  convoked 
a Constituent  Cortes.  This  revolution  naturally  affected 
Portuguese  America.  Some  Brazilians  championed  the  cause 
of  the  Portuguese  revolutionists,  while  others  advocated  the 
formation  of  a separate  constitution  for  Brazil.  By  a decree 
of  February  24,  1821,  King  John  VI  prematurely  approved 
the  national  Constitution  which  was  being  framed  by  the 
Portuguese  Cortes;  and  two  days  later  his  eldest  son  Pedro 
solemnly  swore  to  support  it.  A propaganda  spread  in  Rio 
de  Janeiro,  however,  in  favor  of  the  Spanish  Constitution  of 
1812.  King  John  accordingly  issued  another  decree  on  April 
21,  1821,  proclaiming  that  Constitution  to  be  in  force  until 
the  Portuguese  Constitution  should  be  definitively  formed. 
But  the  King  soon  changed  his  mind ; for,  on  the  next  day, 
he  issued  a decree  revoking  the  Spanish  Constitution  of  1812 
and  again  proclaiming  the  Constitution  which  was  being 
elaborated  in  Lisbon.  It  may  accordingly  be  said  of  Brazil 
in  1821  that  she  had  “two  constitutions  in  two  months.” 

Departure  of  John  VI. — On  April  22,  1821,  King  John 
VI  also  issued  a decree  which  granted  to  his  son  Pedro  the 
authority  of  regent  in  Brazil.  Accompanied  by  certain  mem- 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


157 


bers  of  his  family,  King  John  embarked  on  board  a warship 
on  the  evening  of  April  24.  Two  days  later  he  sailed  for 
Portugal.  Just  before  his  departure  the  King  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  Regent  expressing  his  apprehensions  about  the 
future  of  Portuguese  America  and  advising  Pedro  to  place 
the  Brazilian  crown  upon  his  own  head  rather  than  to  allow 
an  adventurer  to  seize  it. 

Regent  Pedro. — On  taking  the  reins  of  power,  Regent 
Pedro  swore  to  defend  the  Portuguese  Constitution  which 
had  been  framed  by  the  Cortes.  At  that  juncture,  however, 
the  Cortes  passed  certain  decrees  which  affected  Brazilians 
unfavorably.  It  established  juntas  of  government  in  the 
provinces.  It  reduced  the  supreme  court  in  Rio  de  Janeiro 
to  a provincial  court.  It  stipulated  that  local  magistrates 
should  correspond  directly  with  Portugal.  Many  Brazilians 
consequently  thought  that  the  Portuguese  Cortes  intended  to 
reduce  Brazil  to  the  status  of  a colony.  A Brazilian  scholar 
who  played  a prominent  part  in  the  ensuing  reaction  was 
Jose  Bonifacio  de  Andrada  e Silva,  who  in  1822  became 
Pedro’s  minister  of  the  interior  and  of  foreign  affairs.  In 
that  capacity,  on  June  3,  1822,  Bonifacio  signed  a decree  con- 
voking at  Rio  de  Janeiro  a Constituent  Assembly  of  deputies 
from  the  Brazilian  provinces. 

Grito  de  Ypiranga. — On  August  14,  1822,  Jose  Bonifacio 
addressed  a circular  to  the  diplomatic  corps  at  Rio  de  Janeiro 
announcing  that  Brazil  considered  herself  as  independent  as 
Portugal,  that  the  former  colony  had  been  freed  from  the 
yoke  with  which  the  mother  Kingdom  had  aimed  to  enslave 
her,  and  that  she  was  almost  ready  to  proclaim  her  independ- 
ence. Almost  resolved  to  declare  that  Brazil  was  independent 
of  Portugal,  on  the  same  day  Regent  Pedro  left  the  capital 
city  on  a trip  to  the  south.  After  he  had  perused  letters 
from  Rio  de  Janeiro  which  expressed  the  decision  of  many 
inhabitants  of  that  city  in  favor  of  a complete  separation  of 
Brazil  from  Portugal,  and  upon  becoming  aware  of  further 
measures  of  the  Portuguese  Cortes  directed  against  Brazil’s 
autonomy,  Pedro  decided  upon  a momentous  step.  On  Sep- 
tember 7,  1822,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ypiranga,  a small  stream 
near  the  city  of  Sao  Paulo,  Pedro  proclaimed  the  independ- 
ence of  Brazil  from  Portugal.  This  informal  proclamation, 


158 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


which  Brazilian  writers  have  styled  the  Grito  de  Y piranga, 
constituted  the  Brazilian  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Emperor  Pedro  I. — On  September  21  the  municipal 
council  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  announced  its  intention  to  make 
Pedro  the  Constitutional  Emperor  of  Brazil.  Pedro  accepted 
the  preferred  dignity  on  October  12  and  promised  to  put  into 
operation  the  constitution  that  should  be  framed  by  the  Con- 
stituent Assembly.  On  December  1,  1822,  the  former  regent 
was  solemnly  crowned  as  Constitutional  Emperor  of  Brazil. 
Meantime  the  separatist  spirit  was  spreading  through  the 
interior  Brazilian  provinces.  Aided  by  Lord  Cochrane,  a 
brave  English  officer  who  had  helped  Chile  and  Peru  to  es- 
tablish their  independence  of  Spain  and  who  now  organized 
Brazil’s  navy,  the  Brazilians  soon  subdued  the  Portuguese 
who  opposed  separation  from  the  motherland.  The  Portu- 
guese squadron  that  had  beseiged  Bahia  was  dispersed.  By 
November,  1823,  the  territory  of  Brazil  was  practically  freed 
from  the  Portuguese. 

First  Constituent  Assembly. — The  first  Constituent 
Assembly  of  Brazil  met  on  April  17,  1823,  in  Rio  de  Janeiro. 
Pedro  made  an  address  to  it  declaring  that  he  would  defend 
the  Constitution  which  it  might  frame,  if  that  Constitution 
should  prove  worthy  of  Brazil  and  of  himself.  The  Assembly 
entrusted  the  task  of  framing  a Constitution  to  a committee 
composed  of  Jose  Bonifacio  and  other  leaders.  Its  chair- 
man was  Antonio  Carlos.  Various  members  of  the  committee 
drafted  projects  of  a Constitution.  At  last  the  task  was  en- 
trusted to  Carlos,  who — after  determining  certain  funda- 
mental principles — selected  features  from  various  constitu- 
tions, and  in  about  two  weeks  prepared  a Constitution  for 
Brazil.  This  project,  which  was  considered  favorably  by  the 
Assembly,  stated  that  the  government  of  Brazil  should  be  an 
hereditary  monarchy  vested  in  the  dynasty  of  the  Emperor 
Pedro  I.  It  declared  that  the  Emperor  and  a bicameral  As- 
sembly were  the  representatives  of  the  nation.  It  further 
declared  that  the  powers  of  the  executive,  legislative,  and 
judicial  departments  were  all  delegated  by  the  sovereign 
people.  The  person  of  Pedro  I was  declared  to  be  sacred  and 
inviolable.  His  title  should  be  “Emperor  and  Perpetual  De- 
fender of  Brazil.”  Large  executive  powers  were  delegated  to 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


159 


the  Emperor,  who  was  to  be  aided  by  a ministry  and  a privy 
council  appointed  by  himself.  Legislative  authority  was 
vested  jointly  in  the  Emperor  and  the  Assembly.  The  legis- 
lative department  was  to  be  composed  of  a House  of  Deputies 
and  a Senate.  Deputies  were  to  be  elected,  while  Senators 
were  to  be  appointed  for  life.  Only  the  lower  house  was  to 
have  the  right  to  initiate  laws  concerning  taxes,  military  re- 
cruits, or  a new  dynasty.  It  alone  should  have  the  right 
to  ask  the  emperor  to  dismiss  his  ministers.  To  the  houses 
acting  jointly  was  given  the  right  to  select  a new  dynasty,  to 
take  the  oath  of  an  Emperor  or  of  a Regent  to  observe  the 
laws,  and  to  declare  martial  law. 

Its  Dissolution. — Evidently  this  project,  which  limited 
somewhat  the  Emperor’s  power,  displeased  him  grievously. 
On  November  12,  1823,  an  Imperial  military  officer  arbitrarily 
dissolved  the  Constituent  Assembly.  Its  prominent  members 
were  arrested.  The  Emperor  soon  selected  a commission  to 
frame  a Constitution  for  Brazil.  In  one  month  this  commis- 
sion— which  was  mainly  composed  of  Pedro’s  councillors — - 
drafted  a new  project  that  was  partly  based  upon  the  Consti- 
tution of  Antonio  Carlos.  It  was  transmitted  to  the  councils 
of  important  cities  in  December,  1823. 

Brazilian  Constitution  of  1824. — The  Constitution  of 
1824 — so  designated  because  it  was  proclaimed  on  March  25, 
1824 — declared  that  Brazil  was  an  independent  nation.  The 
government  of  the  nation  was  to  be  monarchical  and  heredi- 
tary, constitutional  and  representative.  Pedro,  the  head  of 
the  ruling  dynasty,  was  styled  Emperor  and  Perpetual  De- 
fender of  Brazil.  Roman  Catholicism  was  to  be  the  religion 
of  the  State;  but  the  exercise  of  other  religions  was  to  be 
permitted  in  special  edifices  that  should  not  have  the  external 
forms  of  temples.  The  Constitution  declared  that  executive, 
legislative,  judicial,  and  “moderative”  powers  were  delegated 
by  the  nation. 

The  Emperor. — The  chief  executive  authority  was 
granted  to  the  Emperor,  who  was  to  be  aided  by  secretaries 
of  state  and  by  a council  of  state.  He  was  to  appoint  the 
chief  civil,  military,  and  ecclesiastical  officers.  He  was 
granted  the  right  to  exclude  from  Brazil  papal  rescripts  or 
conciliar  decrees.  He  could  negotiate  treaties  with  foreign 


i6o 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


nations.  He  could  issue  ordinances  to  promote  the  proper 
execution  of  the  laws,  to  confer  honors,  titles,  and  distinctions, 
and  to  declare  war  or  make  peace.  Among  the  so-called 
moderative  powers  conferred  upon  the  Emperor  was  the  right 
of  suspensive  veto  upon  bills  passed  by  Congress,  and  the 
right  to  approve  or  temporarily  to  suspend  the  acts  of  provin- 
cial councils.  The  Emperor  might  grant  pardons,  commuta- 
tions of  punishment,  and  amnesties.  Upon  extraordinary 
occasions,  he  could  prorogue  or  convoke  Congress.  He  should 
appoint  Senators  by  selecting  one-third  of  the  personages 
chosen  by  indirect  election  in  the  respective  provinces. 

The  General  Assembly. — The  Congress  or  General  As- 
sembly, as  it  was  designated,  was  composed  of  a Chamber 
of  Deputies  and  a Senate.  Senators  were  given  the  exclusive 
power  to  take  cognizance  of  crimes  committed  by  members 
of  the  royal  family,  by  ministers,  and  by  Senators  or  Deputies 
during  the  session  of  the  legislature.  Upon  the  death  of  the 
Emperor,  they  could  convoke  the  Assembly  to  elect  a regency. 
Members  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  were  to  be  selected  by 
electors  chosen  by  popular  vote.  Deputies  were  to  have  the 
exclusive  right  to  initiate  laws  relating  to  imposts  or  to  re- 
cruits. They  also  had  the  right  to  indict  ministers,  councilors, 
and  other  magistrates.  Acting  jointly  the  houses  were  to  pass, 
revoke,  or  suspend  laws,  to  lay  taxes,  to  authorize  loans,  to 
administer  national  property,  to  regulate  the  coinage,  to  admin- 
ister oaths  to  the  rulers,  to  fix  the  powers  of  the  guardian  of  a 
young  Emperor,  to  determine  the  succession  when  it  was  doubt- 
ful, and  to  select  a new  dynasty  if  the  ruling  dynasty  became 
extinct. 

Judiciary. — The  judicial  department  was  declared  to  be 
independent  of  the  other  departments.  Juries  were  to  decide 
upon  the  facts  in  controversy,  while  judges  should  apply  the 
law.  A superior  court  was  to  exist  in  every  province.  In 
the  city  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  there  was  to  be  a supreme  court 
which,  among  other  powers,  should  decide  conflicts  between 
the  superior  courts  of  provinces  about  their  respective  jur- 
isdictions. 

Provinces. — Provisions  about  local  organization  were 
based  partly  upon  the  existing  system.  The  existing  cap- 
taincies were  now  styled  provinces.  The  chief  executive  of 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE  161 

a province,  who  was  called  president,  should  be  appointed  by 
the  Emperor.  Each  city,  town,  or  village  in  the  Brazilian 
Empire  should  have  an  elective  council  to  manage  its  muni- 
cipal affairs. 


Napoleon  Intervenes  in  Spain. — About  the  time  that 
Junot’s  soldiers  swarmed  into  Portugal,  Napoleon  intervened 
in  Spanish  affairs.  Intrigues  of  the  heir  apparent  Ferdinand, 
Prince  of  the  Asturias,  against  his  father,  furnished  the 
French  Emperor  with  a clue  to  the  situation.  Early  in  1808 
French  troops  seized  fortresses  in  northern  Spain.  At  that 
juncture  the  Spanish  Bourbons  may  have  dreamed  of  taking 
refuge  in  the  Indies.  If  such  designs  were  entertained,  they 
were  relinquished  after  a passionate  tumult  of  the  populace 
at  Aranjuez.  On  March  19,  1808 — alleging  that  his  health 
would  no  longer  permit  him  to  act  as  sovereign — Charles  IV 
abdicated  his  throne  in  favor  of  the  heir  apparent,  declaring 
that  Ferdinand  VII  should  be  recognized  as  King  in  all  the 
Spanish  dominions. 

Prince  Ferdinand  Assumes  the  Kingship.  — At  once 
Ferdinand  VII  informed  Murat,  the  lieutenant  of  Napoleon, 
that  he  had  received  from  his  father  the  crown  of  Spain  and 
the  Indies.  King  Ferdinand  also  expressed  his  earnest  desire 
to  strengthen  the  ties  which  united  Spain  with  France.  Murat, 
who  soon  entered  Madrid  with  a French  army,  carefully  re- 
frained from  recognizing  Ferdinand  as  king.  Although  the 
ex-King  soon  regretted  his  abdication  and  declared  that  this 
act  was  null,  yet  on  April  10 — at  the  request  of  the  idolized 
Ferdinand — the  Council  of  the  Indies  addressed  to  important 
royal  officials  in  America  an  order  announcing  that  the 
Spanish  crown  had  been  transferred  to  Ferdinand  VII. 

Charles  and  Ferdinand  Renounce  the  Spanish  Crown. — 
Yet  the  French  Emperor  thwarted  this  policy  by  his  machina- 
tions at  Bayonne.  After  an  uprising  took  place  in  Madrid 
against  Murat’s  soldiers,  Napoleon  induced  the  ex-King  to 
renounce  by  treaty  his  right  to  the  Spanish  throne.  The 
treaty  stipulated  that  the  integrity  of  the  Spanish  monarchy 
should  be  preserved,  that  the  prince  whom  Napoleon  would 
enthrone  at  Madrid  should  be  independent,  and  that  the 


162 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


boundaries  of  Spain  should  not  be  altered.  This  act  of  re- 
nunciation was  embodied  in  a decree  of  May  8,  1808,  by  which 
Charles  announced  that  he  had  given  to  the  French  Emperor 
the  sovereignty  over  Spain  and  the  Indies,  and  by  which  he 
ordered  magistrates  throughout  the  Spanish  dominions  to 
obey  Napoleon.  On  May  10  Ferdinand  agreed  to  a treaty 
with  Napoleon  in  which  he  declared  that  he  endorsed  his 
father’s  abdication,  and  stated  that,  as  Prince  of  Asturias,  he 
renounced  his  right  to  the  Spanish  throne.  Ten  days  later 
the  Council  of  the  Indies  addressed  to  the  chief  officials  in 
Spanish  America  documents  conveying  the  news  that  Charles 
IV  and  Ferdinand  VII  had  renounced  the  Spanish  crown. 

Joseph  Bonaparte  Proclaimed  King. — Meantime  Na- 
poleon had  formulated  plans  for  the  government  of  the 
Spanish  dominions.  Shortly  after  the  deposition  of  Ferdi- 
nand VII,  Murat  issued  an  ordinance  which  invited  Spanish 
notables  to  assemble  at  Bayonne.  From  that  city  on  June  6 
Napoleon  issued  a decree  anouncing  that  his  brother  Joseph 
was  king  of  Spain  and  the  Indies.  A few  days  later,  when 
the  notables  met  at  Bayonne,  they  recognized  Joseph  as  the 
king  of  Spain.  On  July  7 this  Assembly  adopted,  with  slight 
modifications,  a Napoleonic  statute  as  the  Constitution  for 
Spain — a Constitution  which  declared  that  the  Spanish  crown 
should  be  the  patrimony  of  the  male  descendants  of  King 
Joseph.  This  charter  declared  that  the  Spanish- American 
colonies  were  to  enjoy  the  same  rights  as  the  Peninsular  prov- 
inces. In  the  presence  of  the  Spanish  dignitaries,  on  July  8 
King  Joseph  swore  to  observe  the  Constitution  and  to  pre- 
serve the  integrity  and  independence  of  Spain.  The  new  King 
used  the  title  “King  of  Spain  and  the  Indies.” 

The  News  Sent  to  the  Indies. — Reports  of  the  startling 
events  in  Spain  were  transmitted  to  the  Indies  in  various 
ways.  Soon  after  the  deposition  of  Ferdinand,  Murat  sent 
the  news  of  the  fall  of  the  Spanish  dynasty  to  South  America. 
Napoleon  dispatched  vessels  from  French  ports  which  carried 
letters,  proclamations,  and  instructions  to  Spanish  officials  in 
the  colonies.  By  these  measures  and  by  the  dispatch  of  emis- 
saries, accounts  of  the  change  of  dynasties  in  Spain  were  sent 
to  Mexico,  Venezuela,  la  Plata,  and  even  to  Chile. 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


163 


The  Spanish  Juntas. — Meantime,  however,  significant 
changes  took  place  in  Spain.  Reports  of  the  abdication  of 
Charles  IV,  of  the  enforced  renunciation  of  the  Spanish  crown 
by  the  beloved  Ferdinand  VII,  and  of  the  installation  of 
Joseph,  el  rey  intruso,  provoked  a national  uprising — the  be- 
ginning of  the  war  of  the  peoples.  As  if  by  magic,  from 
Oviedo  to  Granada,  juntas,  or  local  councils,  sprang  up  which 
assumed  the  functions  of  government,  declaring  that  they 
ruled  on  behalf  of  Ferdinand  VII.  Certain  juntas  soon 
undertook  to  transmit  to  Spanish  America  the  news  of  their 
opposition  to  French  usurpations.  The  junta  of  Seville  dis- 
patched commissioners  to  announce  to  Mexicans  and  South 
Americans  the  steps  which  the  Spaniards  had  taken  against 
Napoleon  and  to  solicit  contributions  for  the  support  of  the 
Spanish  cause. 

Effects  of  These  Changes  upon  Spanish  America. — The 

changes  in  Spain  produced  significant  effects  in  the  Americas. 
Reports  about  the  abdication  of  Charles  IV  evoked  many 
expressions  of  loyalty  to  Ferdinand  VII.  He  was  formally 
proclaimed  king  in  Mexico  City,  Caracas,  Bogota,  Chuquisaca, 
and  Buenos  Aires.  Here  and  there  contributions  were  made 
for  the  support  of  the  war  against  Napoleon.  News  of  the 
formation  of  local  juntas  in  the  Spanish  Peninsula  occa- 
sionally created  a desire  to  imitate  that  example.  In  July, 

1808,  the  cabildo  of  Caracas  presented  a memorial  to  the 
captain  general  proposing  that  a governmental  junta  should 
be  established  in  that  capital.  Upon  the  advice  of  a junta  in 
Mexico  City  in  the  following  month  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain 
issued  a proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  his  viceroyalty 
announcing  that  this  junta  had  pledged  itself  to  obey  no  orders 
of  the  French  Emperor.  A junta  which  was  convoked  by 
the  viceroy  of  Buenos  Aires  decided  that  the  papers  belonging 
to  an  emissary  of  Napoleon  should  be  cast  into  the  flames. 
At  heart  not  all  of  the  colonial  leaders  were  loyal  to  Spain. 
Occasionally  a farsighted  thinker  argued  that  the  deposition 
of  Ferdinand  VII  had  broken  the  link  which  joined  Spain  and 
the  Indies. 

Acts  of  the  Junta  at  Seville. — A Central  Junta  that  had 
been  established  at  Seville  issued  a decree  on  January  30, 

1809,  which  declared  that  the  American  colonies  were  an  in- 


x64  the  latin-american  nations 

tegral  part  of  the  Spanish  monarchy.  It  further  declared  that 
Spanish  Americans  were  entitled  to  representation  in  the  gov- 
ernment. Each  viceroyalty  and  captaincy  general  was  invited 
to  send  deputies  to  Spain.  In  certain  quarters  of  Spanish 
America  those  proceedings  merely  added  fresh  fuel  to  insur- 
rectionary flames. 

Separatist  Tendencies  in  1809. — At  Chuquisaca,  on  May 
25,  1809,  President  Pizarro  was  deposed;  and  the  audiencia 
assumed  the  supreme  military  and  political  authority.  In  July 
citizens  of  La  Paz  in  the  same  presidency  deposed  the  intend- 
ant,  organized  a junta,  and  drew  up  a declaration  that  they 
would  defend  to  the  utmost  the  independence  of  their  native 
land.  Led  by  Pedro  Murillo,  those  insurrectionists — who 
protested  their  loyalty  to  Ferdinand  VII — waged  a brief  but 
unsuccessful  war  against  Spanish  soldiers.  On  August  10 
a group  of  colonists  deposed  Ruiz  de  Castilla,  president  of 
the  audiencia  of  Quito,  incarcerated  him,  and  created  a junta 
of  government  which  proclaimed  its  allegiance  to  Ferdinand. 
During  the  following  month  a junta  at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota 
selected  Camilo  Torres  to  frame  a memorial  of  grievances  for 
presentation  to  the  central  junta.  A number  of  conspirators 
apparently  schemed  to  start  a revolution  at  Caracas  in  De- 
cember, 1809.  In  the  same  month  a conspiracy  was  unearthed 
in  Valladolid,  Mexico,  which  evidently  had  as  its  object  to 
form  a junta  that  should  rule  the  viceroyalty  on  behalf  of 
Ferdinand  VII. 

The  Spanish  Regency. — Soon  the  patriot  government 
of  distracted  Spain  took  an  important  step.  The  Central 
Junta  created  a Regency  in  January,  1810,  to  which  it  trans- 
ferred the  supreme  authority.  In  the  following  month  the 
Regency  addressed  a proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Spanish  America  which  invited  them  to  choose  delegates  to 
a national  Cortes.  The  Regency  announced  that  Spanish 
Americans  were  now  elevated  to  the  dignity  of  freemen ; that 
they  would  no  longer  be  viewed  with  indifference,  vexed  by 
cupidity,  and  destroyed  by  ignorance;  and  that  their  destinies 
did  not  depend  upon  ministers,  governors,  or  viceroys,  but 
upon  themselves.  Such  statements  naturally  stimulated  the 
liberal  spirit  that  was  spreading  among  educated  creoles  in 
Spanish  America. 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE  165 

Spanish- American  Revolts  in  1810. — On  April  19,  1810, 
after  commissioners  had  arrived  from  Spain  with  orders  that 
the  Regency  should  be  recognized,  an  extraordinary  cabildo 
in  Caracas  deposed  Captain  General  Emparan  and  created  a 
governmental  junta  which  professed  to  act  for  King  Ferdi- 
nand. The  Junta  soon  deported  Emparan  and  other  Spanish 
officials,  established  certain  administrative  bureaus,  and  un- 
dertook some  political  reforms.  It  issued  a manifesto  disa- 
vowing the  authority  of  the  Spanish  Regency  and  addressed 
a proclamation  to  Spanish  Americans  asserting  that  V ene- 
zuela  had  taken  a place  in  the  ranks  of  free  nations.  It  also 
issued  an  address  to  cabildos  at  Spanish-American  capitals 
asking  them  to  join  the  insurrectionary  movement.  After  the 
viceroy  at  Buenos  Aires  had  incautiously  published  a mani- 
festo announcing  the  victories  of  French  arms  in  Spain,  in 
May,  1810,  the  cabildo  of  that  city  replaced  him  by  a pro- 
visional junta  which  was  ostensibly  formed  to  preserve  the 
authority  of  Ferdinand  VII.  On  July  20,  1810,  an  extra- 
ordinary cabildo  at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  established  a junta 
for  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Granda — a junta  which  declared 
that  it  would  not  abdicate  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  people 
to  any  other  person  than  the  unfortunate  Ferdinand.  It  was 
apparently  under  the  auspices  of  an  agent  of  Spain  that  in 
the  following  month  a junta  was  formed  at  Quito.  Rumors 
of  those  events,  as  well  as  the  unpopularity  of  Acting  Captain 
General  Garcia  Carrasco,  promoted  dissatisfaction  in  Santiago 
de  Chile.  On  September  18,  1810,  Garcia  Carrasco  was  dis- 
placed by  a governmental  junta  which  proclaimed  its  fidelity 
to  the  captive  king.  At  Dolores  two  days  earlier,  Miguel 
Hidalgo  y Costilla,  an  audacious  curate  who  had  formed  a 
conspiracy  that  aimed  to  establish  a provisional  junta  in 
Mexico,  started  a revolt  against  Spanish  rule.  The  sequel 
indicates  that — despite  protests  of  fidelity  to  Ferdinand  VII 
— in  many  parts  of  the  Indies  venturesome  leaders  had  visions 
of  independence  from  Spain. 

Miguel  Hidalgo  in  Mexico. — An  outline  of  the  Great 
Revolution  in  Spanish  America  may  rightly  begin  with  the 
movement  initiated  in  Mexico  by  Miguel  Hidalgo.  Around 
his  insurrectionary  banner — which  depicted  the  Virgin  of 
Guadeloupe,  the  patron  saint  of  the  Mexican  Indians — there 


i66 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


gathered  a large  number  of  dissatisfied  Mexicans  who  were 
largely  Indians  or  mestizos.  His  followers  were  successful 
against  royalist  soldiers  in  various  encounters.  After  a stub- 
born defense,  they  sacked  the  prosperous  mining  town  of 
Guanajuato;  they  captured  Valladolid,  the  capital  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Michoacan;  and  on  October  30,  1810,  they  almost  de- 
stroyed a small  force  of  royalist  soldiers  in  a bloody  conflict 
on  the  Monte  de  las  Cruces  near  Mexico  City.  If  Hidalgo  had 
next  led  his  forces  against  the  castle  of  Chapultepec,  he  might 
have  captured  the  capital  and  ended  the  revolution  in  triumph. 

His  Downfall  and  Execution. — Hidalgo  failed  to  do  so, 
however,  and  his  revolt  soon  encountered  an  increasing  oppo- 
sition. Unfortunately  for  his  cause,  he  never  promulgated  a 
definite  scheme  for  the  government  of  emancipated  Mexico. 
He  only  made  an  announcement  that  he  intended  to  convoke 
a Congress  which  should  enact  wise  laws  for  the  Mexican 
people.  His  revolt  met  the  stubborn  resistance  of  the  Mexican 
Church  and  of  many  persons  belonging  to  the  wealthy  and 
influential  classes.  The  Inquisition  stigmatized  the  curate  of 
Dolores  as  a libertine,  a heretic,  and  a rebel.  It  declared  that 
every  person  who  supported  Hidalgo,  who  failed  to  denounce 
him,  or  who  spread  revolutionary  doctrines,  would  be  fined 
and  excommunicated.  Viceroy  Francisco  Javier  Venegas  took 
energetic  steps  to  suppress  the  insurrection.  He  ordered  the 
experienced  and  skillful  military  commander,  Felix  Maria 
Calleja,  to  defeat  the  rebels.  Although  the  Indian  hordes  who 
followed  the  banner  of  Guadeloupe  greatly  outnumbered  the 
royalists,  yet  they  were  no  match  for  the  regular  soldiers  of 
Spain.  On  November  6,  1810,  General  Calleja  checked 
Hidalgo  at  Aculco.  At  a bridge  across  the  river  Calderon, 
near  Guadalajara,  on  January  17,  1811,  Spanish  soldiers 
decisively  defeated  the  revolutionists.  Hidalgo’s  army  was 
dispersed.  Shortly  afterwards,  while  traveling  through  the 
desert  plains  near  Monclova,  Hidalgo  and  other  revolutionary 
leaders  were  captured  by  a disgruntled  compatriot  who  had 
deserted  the  patriot  cause.  After  being  incarcerated  and  sum- 
marily tried,  early  on  the  morning  of  July  30,  Hidalgo  was 
shot  by  a squad  of  soldiers. 

Morelos. — Jose  Maria  Morelos,  a capable  priest  who 
had  served  as  a lieutenant  of  Hidalgo,  now  assumed  leader- 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


167 


ship  in  the  revolution.  In  October,  1810,  Hidalgo  had 
appointed  Morelos  commander  of  the  revolutionary  forces  in 
the  territory  south  of  Mexico  City.  Morelos  dispersed  the 
royalists  in  a brief  campaign  and  revolutionized  a region  which 
reached  to  the  mountain  ridge  that  surrounded  the  capital. 
Meantime  another  leader  named  Ignacio  Rayon  had  convened 
a meeting  of  revolutionists  at  Zitacuaro.  There,  on  August 
19,  1 8 1 1 , they  drew  up  an  act  which  announced  the  establish- 
ment of  a supreme  national  junta  composed  of  three  men. 
Its  members  took  an  oath  to  support  the  rights  of  the  Church 
and  of  Ferdinand  VII.  They  issued  a circular  asking  revolu- 
tionary chieftains  to  take  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  “Supreme 
Governmental  Junta  of  America.”  Although  appointed  a 
member  of  the  junta,  Morelos  held  somewhat  aloof  from  it, 
apparently  because  he  disliked  its  declarations  of  fidelity  to 
the  Spanish  King. 

The  Spanish  Constitution  of  1812. — On  March  18,  1812, 
a Cortes  which  the  Regency  had  convoked  at  Cadiz  promul- 
gated a Constitution  for  Spain.  The  Constitution  declared 
that  sovereignty  was  vested  in  the  Spanish  nation  which  in- 
cluded all  Spaniards  in  both  hemispheres.  Roman  Catholicism 
should  be  the  national  religion.  The  government  was  to  be 
a hereditary  monarchy.  Executive  authority  was  vested  in 
a King,  while  legislative  power  belonged  to  the  King  and  the 
Cortes.  A unicameral  legislature  was  to  include  deputies 
chosen  by  Spanish  citizens  in  Spain  and  the  Indies.  Each 
province  in  the  Spanish  dominions  was  to  be  administered  by 
a political  chief  selected  by  the  King.  An  important  article 
of  the  Constitution  provided  that  all  Spaniards  should  have 
the  right  to  express  their  political  ideas.  The  Regency  de- 
clared that  every  Spanish  subject  should  consider  the  Consti- 
tution of  1812  as  the  fundamental  law  of  the  monarchy.  In 
May,  1812,  the  Cortes  decreed  that  on  oath  of  allegiance 
should  be  taken  to  this  Constitution  throughout  Spain’s  domin- 
ions in  the  Old  World  and  the  New.  On  October  30  of 
that  year  the  chief  magistrates  of  the  viceregal  government  of 
Mexico  solemnly  swore  to  observe  the  Constitution  of  the 
Spanish  monarchy. 

The  Mexican  Congress  of  Chilpancingo  Declares  Inde- 
pendence.— Meantime  Morelos  had  invited  Mexican  revo- 


i68 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


lutionists  to  meet  at  Chilpancingo.  At  his  instance  the  prov- 
inces which  had  been  liberated  elected  representatives  to  an 
assembly  while  he  chose  deputies  to  represent  districts  that 
were  still  under  Spanish  rule.  To  that  Congress  on  September 
14,  1813,  Morelos  made  an  address  expounding  his  ideas  con- 
cerning governmental  policy.  He  suggested  that  Mexico 
should  be  declared  free  and  independent  of  Spain  and  of  all 
other  nations,  that  Roman  Catholicism  should  be  the  state 
religion,  and  that  a government  should  be  created  based  upon 
the  sovereignty  of  the  people.  Under  his  inspiration,  on 
November  6,  1813,  Congress  framed  a Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence from  Spain.  This  declaration  announced  that  be- 
cause of  the  existing  circumstances  in  Spain,  the  Mexicans 
had  recovered  the  exercise  of  their  usurped  sovereignty : the 
bonds  uniting  them  to  the  Spanish  throne  were  forever  dis- 
solved. It  stated  that  Congress  had  power  to  pass  laws,  to 
negotiate  treaties  with  foreign  nations,  and  to  make  concordats 
with  the  Papacy.  Only  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  should 
be  tolerated.  All  opponents  of  independence  were  to  be  con- 
sidered as  guilty  of  treason.  The  Congress  of  Chilpancingo 
soon  passed  laws  abolishing  slavery,  caste  distinctions,  and 
the  tribute  levied  upon  the  Indians. 

Constitution  of  Apatzingan. — Although  Ferdinand  VII 
was  released  from  captivity  early  in  1814,  yet  his  restoration 
to  the  throne  of  Spain  did  not  recall  the  Spanish -American 
insurrectionists  to  their  allegiance.  At  Apatzingan,  on  Octo- 
ber 22,  1814,  the  Mexican  Congress  adopted  a provisional 
Constitution.  Yet,  so  far  as  a large  part  of  Mexico  was  con- 
cerned, that  organic  law — which  established  a rudimentary 
government — remained  a paper  Constitution. 

Capture  and  Execution  of  Morelos  and  Mina. — Royalist 
troops  pressed  the  followers  of  Morelos  harder  and  harder. 
At  last  the  Mexican  Congress  became  a fugitive  body.  About 
a year  after  the  Constitution  of  Apatzingan  was  promulgated, 
while  guarding  the  flight  of  Congress,  Morelos  was  captured 
by  royalists.  Jubilant  soldiers  took  him  to  Mexico  City,  where 
they  cast  him  into  a dungeon.  After  the  most  expeditious 
trial  in  the  annals  of  the  Inquisition,  Morelos  was  unfrocked, 
condemned  to  death,  and  shot  in  the  back.  Subsequently  a 
brave  Navarrese  named  Mina  strove  to  promote  the  emanci- 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


169 

pation  of  Mexico  with  a band  of  followers  mainly  recruited 
in  the  United  States.  He  failed,  however,  to  enlist  the  sincere 
cooperation  of  the  Mexican  guerrillas.  After  some  initial  suc- 
cesses, he  was  captured,  and  sentenced  to  the  same  ignominious 
fate  as  Morelos.  In  Mexico  the  star  of  the  Revolution  seemed 
to  have  set. 

Francisco  de  Miranda. — The  precursor  of  the  South 
American  Revolution  was  Francisco  de  Miranda.  An 
energetic  native  of  Caracas,  and  a knight-errant  of  liberty, 
Miranda  had  spent  a large  part  of  his  mature  life  in  attempts 
to  interest  certain  nations  in  the  cause  of  Spanish-American 
independence.  He  had  just  persuaded  the  English  govern- 
ment to  equip  an  expedition  to  revolutionize  South  America, 
when  the  Spanish  uprising  against  Napoleon  began.  That 
movement  and  an  alliance  which  England  soon  formed  with 
the  Spanish  patriots  against  the  French  Emperor  caused 
Miranda  to  relinquish  the  hope  of  English  aid  in  the  revolu- 
tionizing of  Spanish  America.  In  December,  1810,  he  returned 
to  his  native  land. 

Venezuela’s  Declaration  of  Independence. — On  July  5, 
1811,  largely  as  a result  of  Miranda’s  influence,  the  revolu- 
tionary Congress  to  which  he  had  been  elected  a delegate 
formally  announced  that  Venezuela  was  independent.  In  their 
Declaration  of  Independence  the  Venezuelans  denounced  the 
policy  which  the  government  of  the  Spanish  patriots  had 
adopted  toward  their  country.  They  said  that  the  policy  of 
Spain  had  forced  them  out  of  a position  of  political  ambiguity. 
They  spoke  of  the  imprescriptible  right  of  a people  to  destroy 
every  political  agreement  that  did  not  fulfill  the  great  purpose 
for  which  governments  were  established.  The  “representa- 
tives of  the  United  Provinces  of  Venezuela’’ — as  they  styled 
themselves — solemnly  declared  that  those  provinces  were  inde- 
pendent states.  Venezuela  was  the  first  of  the  revolted 
Spanish  colonies  formally  to  declare  through  delegates 
assembled  in  a Congress  that  she  was  independent  of  the 
motherland. 

Constitution  of  18x1. — The  next  step  of  the  Venezuelans 
was  to  frame  a Constitution  for  the  new  state.  After  con- 
siderable discussion  concerning  the  type  of  government  to  be 
established — discussion  which  often  hinged  upon  the  respective 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


170 

merits  of  a centralistic  or  a federalistic  constitution — on 
December  21,  1811,  the  Venezuelan  Congress  adopted  a fed- 
eral Constitution.  Some  of  its  clauses  had  been  patterned 
after  the  United  States  Constitution,  while  other  clauses 
showed  the  influence  of  the  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man 
of  the  French  Assembly.  Yet  the  first  Constitution  of 
Venezuela  was  scarcely  put  into  operation.  In  July,  1812, 
largely  as  the  result  of  a terrible  earthquake,  which  ruined 
cities,  dispirited  the  patriots,  and  encouraged  the  royalists, 
the  patriot  commander,  General  Miranda,  who  had  been  made 
dictator  of  Venezuela,  capitulated  to  the  royalist  commander 
General  Domingo  Monteverde.  This  commander  treated  the 
inhabitants  of  the  former  captaincy  general  as  denizens  of 
conquered  provinces.  Miranda  was  betrayed  to  the  Spaniards 
by  some  of  his  own  disgruntled  compatriots. 

Simon  Bolivar. — A greater  captain  than  Miranda  was 
Simon  Bolivar.  Scion  of  a distinguished  family  of  Caracas, 
educated  in  Europe,  he  was  living  on  a plantation  in  the 
beautiful  valley  of  Aragua  when  the  sudden  death  of  his 
young  bride  induced  him  to  forsake  agriculture  for  politics. 
In  1810  he  became  an  outspoken  champion  of  independence. 
After  Miranda’s  betrayal  he  succeeded  in  escaping  from  the 
toils  of  Monteverde  and  fled  to  the  West  Indies.  He  soon 
decided  to  join  the  revolutionists  in  the  viceroyalty  of  New 
Granada. 

Revolutionary  Measures  in  New  Granada. — In  the  city 
of  Carthagena,  on  November  11,  1811,  a revolutionary  junta 
had  adopted  a Declaration  of  Independence  from  Spain. 
Those  revolutionists  declared  that  the  cession  of  the  Spanish 
crown  to  Napoleon  had  severed  the  bonds  that  joined  the 
Spanish  King  to  his  people.  They  characterized  as  imprudent 
and  provocative  the  measures  which  the  patriot  government 
of  Spain  had  adopted  toward  New  Granada.  They  declared 
that,  using  the  imprescriptible  rights  which  they  had  acquired 
as  a result  of  Napoleon’s  usurpations  in  Spain,  they  erected 
the  province  of  Carthagena  into  a free  and  independent  state. 
On  July  16,  1813,  a Congress  of  delegates  from  Cundinamarca 
— the  central  province  of  New  Granada — which  assembled  at 
Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  also  adopted  a Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. Even  before  that  declaration  was  framed,  a 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


171 

Congress  of  delegates  from  several  provinces  had  formed  a 
confederate  Constitution  for  the  United  Provinces  of  New 
Granada. 

Bolivar’s  Early  Campaigns. — Early  in  1813  Bolivar 
entered  the  military  service  of  the  junta  at  Carthagena.  He 
soon  expelled  the  Spanish  soldiers  from  the  lower  Magdalena 
Valley.  He  then  marched  against  the  royalists  in  Venezuela. 
At  Trujillo  on  June  -15,  1813,  Bolivar  issued  a proclamation 
of  war  to  the  death  against  the  Spaniards.  In  August  he 
triumphantly  entered  his  native  city.  About  two  months  later 
an  extraordinary  cabildo  of  that  city  proclaimed  him  Liberator 
of  Venezuela.  Forced  to  leave  Venezuela  because  of  the  fierce 
campaigns  of  the  royalist  commander  Boves,  Bolivar  was  next 
sent  by  the  confederate  government  of  New  Granada  against 
the  province  of  Cundinamarca  which  was  maintaining  an 
organization  distinct  from  that  of  the  other  provinces  of  New 
Granada.  Bolivar  soon  forced  the  Dictator  of  Santa  Fe  de 
Bogota  to  capitulate.  Early  in  1815  the  seat  of  the  govern- 
ment of  New  Granada  was  fixed  at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota.  In 
May  following,  after  a strong  army  dispatched  by  Ferdinand 
VII  had  landed  in  Venezuela,  Bolivar  embarked  at  Carthagena 
for  the  West  Indies.  Under  the  command  of  General  Pablo 
Morillo — a veteran  of  the  Peninsular  War — by  the  middle  of 
1816,  that  army  had  completed  the  reconquest  of  New  Granada 
and  Venezuela. 

The  Junta  of  la  Plata. — Let  us  now  turn  to  the  early 
revolutionary  movement  in  the  South.  The  “provisional  junta 
of  the  provinces  of  la  Plata  River,”  which  was  established 
at  Buenos  Aires  in  May,  1810,  selected  Colonel  Saavedra  as 
its  president.  It  entrusted  the  administration  of  the  govern- 
ment to  two  departments  which  were  placed  in  charge  of 
secretaries. 

The  Role  of  Mariano  Moreno. — Juan  J.  Paso  was  made 
secretary  of  finance,  while  Mariano  Moreno — “the  soul  of 
the  revolution  of  1810” — was  made  secretary  of  military  and 
political  affairs.  In  the  columns  of  the  Gazette  of  Buenos 
Aires  which  he  edited,  Moreno  argued  in  favor  of  the  estab- 
lishment of  independent  and  democratic  governments  in  South 
America.  He  promoted  public  education  by  founding  a public 
library  at  Buenos  Aires.  Under  his  influence,  the  junta  of 


172 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Buenos  Aires  rejected  the  authority  of  Ihe  patriot  government 
in  Spain;  it  also  tried  to  extend  its  jurisdiction  over  important 
provinces  of  the  former  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata.  To  the  in- 
tendancy of  Paraguay  and  to  the  Banda  Oriental  del  Uruguay 
— a region  lying  between  the  Uruguay  River  and  the  Atlantic 
Ocean — it  sent  letters  and  messengers  inviting  the  people  to 
join  the  insurrectionary  movement.  It  equipped  an  expedition 
against  Paraguay  under  Manuel  Belgrano  which  served  to 
disseminate  there  the  news  of  the  kaleidoscopic  changes  that 
had  taken  place  upon  the  banks  of  la  Plata  River.  Yet  its 
attempts  to  extend  authority  over  all  the  provinces  of  the 
former  viceroyalty  proved  unsuccessful.  A spirit  of  particu- 
larism was  too  strong;  and  the  distances  that  separated  the 
various  provinces  were  too  great.  The  vast  viceroyalty  even- 
tually disintegrated. 

Paraguay. — In  July,  1811,  a provisional  junta  at  Asun- 
cion expressed  its  intention  not  to  recognize  the  Spanish 
patriot  government.  Not  only  were  certain  Paraguayan 
leaders  incited  by  news  of  the  changes  that  had  taken  place 
in  Spain,  but  they  were  provoked  by  rumors  concerning  Por- 
tuguese designs  against  their  province.  On  October  12,  1813, 
a Congress  of  delegates  at  Asuncion  adopted  a fantastic  plan 
of  government  which  provided  that  the  supreme  power  should 
be  conferred  upon  two  citizens  who  were  to  be  designated 
“Consuls  of  the  Republic  of  Paraguay.” 

Francia. — About  a year  afterwards  a subservient  Con- 
gress made  the  first  consul,  Jose  de  Francia,  dictator  of  the 
Paraguayan  state.  Francia  was  a capable  and  astute  lawyer 
who  had  gained  the  reputation  of  being  an  honest  man.  A 
Congress  which  assembled  on  June  1,  1816,  declared  that 
Francia  should  be  “perpetual  dictator”  of  the  republic. 

La  Banda  Oriental. — Another  portion  of  the  extensive 
viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  which  eventually  separated  from  the 
provisional  junta  at  Buenos  Aires  was  the  Banda  Oriental  del 
Uruguay.  From  i8to  to  1814  certain  leaders  in  that  region 
cooperated  with  revolutionists  at  Buenos  Aires. 

Artigas. — The  hero  of  the  movement  for  independence 
on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Uruguay  River  was  Jose  Artigas, 
a forceful  leader  who  was  influenced  by  federal  ideas.  To 
delegates  whom  he  sent  to  a Constituent  Assembly  at  Buenos 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


*73 


Aires  in  1813  Artigas  gave  instructions  that  have  become 
famous  in  South  American  history.  These  delegates  were 
to  urge  the  adoption  of  a declaration  of  independence.  1 he 
Instructions  of  the  Year  Thirteen — as  they  have  been  desig- 
nated— proposed  that  a Confederation  should  be  formed  by  the 
provinces  of  the  former  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata.  Each  of  the 
provinces  should  be  allowed  to  organize  its  own  government, 
the  central  government  should  direct  only  the  general  business 
of  the  state,  while  other  affairs  should  be  managed  by  the 
provinces.  Every  province  should  have  the  right  to  sanction 
the  constitution  for  the  United  Provinces  that  was  approved 
by  the  Constituent  Assembly.  The  national  constitution 
should  guarantee  those  provinces  a republican  form  of  gov- 
ernment. Other  provisions  regarding  relations  among  the 
provinces  were  obviously  modeled  upon  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Origins  of  Uruguayan  Independence. — The  Constituent 
Assembly  at  Buenos  Aires,  however,  declined  to  admit  the 
delegates  from  the  Banda  Oriental,  declaring  that  their  creden- 
tials were  not  acceptable.  In  the  following  year  Artigas  left 
the  soldiers  of  Buenos  Aires  who  were  besieging  Montevideo. 
At  that  date  the  people  upon  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Uruguay 
River  began  a movement  for  separation  from  Buenos  Aires 
under  the  leadership  of  Artigas,  who  struggled  against  the 
Director  of  the  revolutionary  government  at  Buenos  Aires, 
the  King  of  Spain,  and  the  Regent  of  Brazil.  In  1815  Artigas 
dominated  the  city  of  Montevideo,  several  provinces  of  the 
viceroyalty  of  la  Plata,  and  also  the  region  of  the  misiones. 

The  Government  at  Buenos  Aires. — Meantime  the  gov- 
ernment at  Buenos  Aires  had  undergone  some  changes.  In 
December,  1810,  certain  deputies  from  the  provinces  were 
incorporated  in  the  provisional  junta.  Mariano  Moreno  had 
died  while  on  a mission  to  England.  On  April  5 and  6,  181 1, 
after  a tumult  of  the  populace,  the  junta  was  reorganized. 
In  September  of  that  year  the  executive  power  was  lodged 
in  a triumvirate  composed  of  Feliciano  Chiclana,  Manuel  de 
Sarratea,  and  Juan  J.  Paso,  while  the  reorganized  junta  acted 
as  a legislative  chamber.  As  secretary  of  that  triumvirate, 
Bernardino  Rivadavia,  a talented  leader  of  Italian  descent, 
exerted  a large  influence.  In  October,  1812,  that  triumvirate 


174 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


was  overthrown,  and  another  triumvirate  was  formed  which 
was  composed  of  Juan  J.  Paso,  Rodriguez  Pena,  and  Alvarez 
Jonte.  This  triumvirate  convoked  an  Assembly  which  vested 
the  executive  authority  in  a Director  and  enacted  laws  that 
promoted  the  movement  for  independence. 

Jose  de  San  Martin. — On  March  9,  1812,  Jose  de  San 
Martin  landed  at  Buenos  Aires.  The  fourth  son  of  a captain 
who  served  Spain  in  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata,  at  an  early 
age  San  Martin  was  taken  to  the  Iberian  Peninsula  where 
he  soon  enlisted  under  the  Spanish  banner.  From  1789  to 
1811  Jose  de  San  Martin  fought  for  his  King  in  Africa, 
Portugal,  and  Spain.  In  1808  he  was  presented  with  a medal 
for  his  valiant  service  and  promoted  to  the  rank  of  colonel. 
Upon  hearing  of  the  revolt  in  South  America,  he  relinquished 
his  colonelcy  in  order  that  he  might  promote  the  liberty  of 
his  native  land. 

San  Lorenzo. — A few  days  after  his  arrival  the  govern- 
ment at  Buenos  Aires  entrusted  Colonel  San  Martin  with  the 
organization  of  a regiment  of  mounted  grenadiers.  He  soon 
established  a military  training  school  and  stimulated  the 
morale  of  the  citizen  soldiery  of  Buenos  Aires  in  diverse  ways. 
On  February  3,  1813,  at  the  head  of  a regiment  of  his 
grenadiers,  San  Martin  defeated  and  dispersed  a band  of 
marauding  Spanish  soldiers  at  San  Lorenzo  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Parana  River. 

Belgrano  Battles  with  the  Royalists. — Meantime  Bel- 
grano  was  battling  with  the  royalists  in  the  interior.  At 
Tucuman  on  September  24,  1812,  he  checked  Spanish  soldiers 
under  P10  Tristan  who  were  invading  the  viceroyalty.  His 
soldiers  forced  the  royalists  to  capitulate  at  Salta  on  February 
20,  1813.  Upon  entering  the  presidency  of  Charcas,  how- 
ever, his  army  was  routed  in  a bloody  battle  at  Vilcapugio 
on  October  1 ; and  on  November  26,  it  was  again  defeated 
upon  the  plains  of  Ayohuma. 

San  Martin  at  Tucuman. — Because  of  those  reverses,  in 
December,  1813,  Colonel  San  Martin  was  given  command  of 
an  expedition  which  was  sent  to  reenforce  Belgrano.  On 
January  18,  1814,  San  Martin  was  appointed  commander  in 
chief  of  the  soldiers  of  Buenos  Aires  that  were  stationed  near 
the  city  of  Tucuman.  After  reaching  the  defeated  army,  he 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE  175 

took  steps  to  reform  it  and  to  train  its  officers.  While  reorgan- 
izing and  inspiriting  the  army,  his  study  of  the  military 
situation  convinced  San  Martin  that  the  project  of  the  gov- 
ernment at  Buenos  Aires  to  defeat  the  royalists  by  driving 
them  out  of  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru  through  the  presidency 
of  Charcas  was  unwise.  In  April,  1814,  he  accordingly  gave 
up  his  post  as  commander  of  the  army  of  Upper  Peru.  In 
August  the  Director  at  Buenos  Aires  appointed  him  governor- 
intendant  of  the  province  of  Cuyo,  which  lay  south  of 
Tucuman. 

His  Plan. — That  appointment  was  doubtless  in  accord 
with  the  wishes  of  the  patriot  commander.  For  he  had  formed 
a daring  plan  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  for  independence. 
His  project  was  to  organize  and  equip  a small,  well-disciplined 
army  at  Mendoza,  thence  to  cross  the  Andes  in  order  to  expel 
the  royalists  from  Chile,  and  then  to  lead  the  soldiers  of 
independence  by  sea  against  the  Spaniards  who  were  en- 
trenched at  Lima.  In  February,  1816,  San  Martin  sent  from 
Mendoza  to  Buenos  Aires  a plan  of  his  campaign  for  the 
liberation  of  Chile. 

Independence  of  the  United  Provinces  Proclaimed. — 

Meantime  the  Assembly  and  the  Director  at  Buenos  Aires 
had  been  carving  the  former  viceroyalty  into  provinces.  On 
March  24,  1816,  delegates  from  that  region  assembled  at 
Tucuman.  In  that  Congress  there  were  no  representatives 
from  Paraguay  or  the  Banda  Oriental,  and,  as  the  presidency 
of  Charcas  was  occupied  by  royalists,  there  were  only  a few 
delegates  from  that  region.  The  Congress  of  Tucuman 
appointed  Juan  Martin  de  Pueyrredon  the  “Supreme  Director” 
of  the  state.  San  Martin  wrote  to  the  delegate  who  repre- 
sented the  province  of  Cuyo  in  Congress  to  urge  that  it  should 
adopt  a declaration  of  absolute  independence  from  Spain. 
General  Belgrano  lent  his  voice  to  those  delegates  who  favored 
the  establishment  of  a monarchical  government.  On  July  9 
the  members  of  Congress  adopted  a Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence from  Spain,  as  representatives  of  the  “United  Prov- 
inces of  South  America.”  A few  days  later  Congress  made 
a slight  addition  to  the  declaration  to  the  effect  that  the  new 
nation  should  be  considered  as  independent  not  only  of  Ferdi- 
nand VII  but  also  of  any  other  foreign  domination.  This 


176 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Declaration  of  Independence  was  the  logical  culmination  of 
the  movement  that  had  been  initiated  in  May,  1810.  The 
political  entity  which  was  thus  formed  was  ordinarily  styled 
the  United  Provinces  of  la  Plata. 

Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Patriots  in  Chile. — The  scene  now 
shifts  to  Chile.  The  provisional  junta  that  had  displaced 
the  captain  general  soon  convoked  a Congress  of  delegates  at 
Santiago  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a government.  When 
the  delegates  met  in  July,  1811,  they  took  an  oath  of  fidelity 
to  Ferdinand  VII,  and  also  swore  to  support  the  constitution 
and  laws  which  Congress  might  establish.  From  that  ambigu- 
ous position  Jose  M.  Carrera,  an  ambitious  military  officer 
who  had  served  in  Spain,  came  forward  to  lead  those  Chileans 
who  favored  independence  of  the  motherland.  In  September, 
1811,  he  overthrew  the  existing  government.  During  the  fol- 
lowing year  he  sanctioned  a republican  Constitution,  which, 
however,  recognized  the  sovereignty  of  Ferdinand  VII.  The 
Constitution  vested  the  supreme  authority  in  a junta  of  three 
members  which  was  controlled  by  Carrera.  As  the  leader 
of  a faction  that  opposed  the  domination  of  Carrera  and  his 
brothers  there  stepped  forward  Bernardo  O’Higgins,  the 
impetuous,  natural  son  of  an  Irishman  who  had  a notable 
career  in  the  Spanish  colonial  service.  Followers  of  Carrera 
and  O’Higgins  were  defeated  in  October,  1814,  at  the  battle 
of  Rancagua  by  a royalist  army  which  was  partly  composed 
of  soldiers  who  had  been  sent  to  Chile  by  the  viceroy  of  Peru. 
After  this  disastrous  defeat  O'Higgins  and  Jose  Carrera  led 
bands  of  Chilean  emigres  beyond  the  snow-capped  Andes 
where  they  sought  a refuge  with  the  followers  of  Colonel 
San  Martin  at  Mendoza.  There,  for  the  present,  we  shall 
leave  them. 

Peru,  1810-1814. — Peru  was  perhaps  the  most  impor- 
tant stronghold  of  Spanish  power  in  South  America.  Before 
1816  no  such  revolutionary  disturbances  had  taken  place  in 
that  viceroyalty  as  in  other  sections  of  Spanish  America.  In 
1810  reports  of  conditions  existing  in  Spain,  and  rumors  of 
movements  in  certain  parts  of  Spanish  America  encouraged 
secret  plots  and  murmurings  against  the  existing  regime. 
Groups  of  Peruvians  held  meetings  to  discuss  reform  meas- 
ures. A prominent  leader  of  those  coteries  was  Jose  de  la 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


177 


Riva  Agiiero,  an  aristocratic,  clever,  well-educated  creole  who 
had  traveled  in  Europe.  Under  his  inspiration  secret  clubs 
were  formed  which  stimulated  the  smoldering  disaffection. 
The  fomenters  of  discontent,  however,  were  denounced,  and 
Riva  Agiiero  was  banished  to  an  interior  province.  Another 
tendency  in  ante-revolutionary  Peru  is  illustrated  by  the 
activity  of  Jose  Baquijano  y Carrillo  who  was  a member  of  a 
secret  society  which  sponsored  a seditious  journal.  In  that 
periodical — which  was  soon  suppressed — Baquijano  declared 
that  the  inhabitants  of  Spanish  America  were  brothers  who 
had  the  same  interests. 

Revolt  of  Pumacahua. — The  most  formidable  indication 
of  discontent  with  the  existing  regime,  however,  was  a revolt 
led  by  a brigadier  of  aboriginal  descent  called  Pumacahua. 
Followed  by  a large  number  of  creoles  and  Indians  who 
resented  the  heavy  taxes  and  were  incited  by  reports  of  the 
revolution  in  the  provinces  of  la  Plata,  in  August,  1814, 
Pumacahua  deposed  the  Spanish  officials  and  created  a loyalist 
junta  in  Cuzco.  From  that  city  he  sent  out  military  expedi- 
tions to  the  north,  the  south,  and  the  southeast.  But  on  March 
11,  1815,  his  followers  were  defeated  by  the  soldiers  of  the 
Peruvian  viceroy  at  Umachiri. 

Spanish  America  in  1816. — Early  in  1816  a well-in- 
formed contemporary  might  have  prophesied  that  the  insur- 
rection against  Spanish  power  in  the  Three  Americas  had 
been  fought  in  vain.  Restored  to  the  Spanish  throne,  the 
idolized  Ferdinand  VII  was  resolved  to  establish  his  absolute 
authority  in  the  Indies.  Calleja,  the  indomitable  military  com- 
mander who  had  become  a viceroy,  had  almost  stamped  out 
the  insurrection  in  New  Spain.  The  persevering  royalist  com- 
mander Morillo  had  reconquered  northern  South  America. 
Dissatisfied  Peruvians  had  been  expatriated,  pacified,  or  sub- 
jugated. Leaders  of  the  Chilean  revolution  had  taken  refuge 
at  Mendoza.  Still  there  is  another  side  to  the  shield.  Down 
in  a province  of  la  Plata,  San  Martin  was  silently  recruiting 
the  Army  of  the  Andes.  Artigas  had  established  his  authority 
as  Protector  over  some  provinces  in  the  interior  of  the  former 
viceroyalty  of  la  Plata.  Under  the  sway  of  Dictator  Francia, 
Paraguay  had  assumed  the  status  of  an  independent  nation. 
In  an  asylum  in  the  West  Indies  the  idealistic  patriot  Bolivar 


178 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


was  dreaming  of  an  American  state  system  and  meditating 
about  a system  of  government  for  the  liberated  Spanish  Amer- 
icans. An  intrepid  but  discredited  royalist  officer  named 
Agustin  de  Iturbide  was  brooding  over  his  fancied  wrongs 
in  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Aztecs. 

The  Spanish  Revolution  of  1820. — From  1817  to  1820 
the  revolutionary  cause  in  the  viceroyalty  of  Mexico  declined. 
Many  of  its  leaders  sought  pardon  of  Ferdinand  VII.  In 
1820,  however,  events  occurred  in  Spain  which  profoundly- 
affected  conditions  in  Spanish  America.  On  January  1,  Rafael 
Riego,  the  commander  of  an  Asturian  regiment,  announced 
his  adherence  to  the  Constitution  of  1812.  As  a result  of 
the  insurrection  which  ensued  Ferdinand  VII  was  soon  com- 
pelled to  relinquish  his  absolute  power  and  to  declare  his  in- 
tention to  support  that  Constitution. 

Its  Effects  in  Mexico. — In  April,  1820,  reports  of  the 
Spanish  revolution  reached  Vera  Cruz.  Government  officials 
in  Mexico  City  soon  took  oath  to  support  the  Constitution 
of  1812.  Its  promulgation  encouraged  liberal  ideas.  The  free- 
dom of  the  press  was  again  proclaimed  in  Mexico.  In  Sep- 
tember deputies  were  chosen  to  represent  that  \dceroyalty 
in  the  Spanish  Cortes.  Before  they  sailed  for  Spain,  how- 
ever, the  Cortes  adopted  decrees  that  suppressed  certain  re- 
ligious orders.  Such  measures  much  disturbed  the  Mexican 
Church.  Soon  conservative  Mexicans  began  to  hearken  to 
revolutionary  voices! 

Guerrero. — In  the  end  of  1820  the  Mexican  insurgents 
who  still  fought  for  independence  were  waging  a guerrilla 
warfare  against  the  royalists  in  the  region  south  of  the  capital 
city.  Their  leader  was  Vicente  Guerrero  who,  after  the  execu- 
tion of  Morelos,  gradually  became  the  inspiriting  leader  of  the 
revolutionists.  The  commander  of  the  royalist  army  operat- 
ing against  Guerrero  was  General  Jose  Gabriel  Armijo. 

Agustfn  de  Iturbide. — When,  after  failing  to  subdue  the 
revolutionists,  Armijo  relinquished  his  post,  Viceroy  Apodaca 
selected  as  his  successor  the  ruthless  commander  Agustin  de 
Iturbide,  a creole  who  in  April,  1816,  had  been  removed  from 
his  colonelcy  because  of  alleged  misconduct.  On  November 
9,  1820,  Colonel  Iturbide  accepted  the  appointment;  and,  about 
a week  later,  he  left  Mexico  City  to  take  charge  of  the  royalist 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


i79 


forces.  After  a few  encounters  with  the  insurgent  guerrillas, 
however,  Iturbide  began  to  negotiate  with  Guerrero,  without 
informing  the  viceroy.  Those  negotiations  culminated  in  an 
agreement  between  Guerrero  and  Iturbide  to  unite  their  forces 
and  to  pacify  Mexico. 

The  Plan  of  Iguala. — Their  agreement  was  embodied 
in  a plan  for  the  independence  of  Mexico  which  Iturbide  first 
published  in  the  obscure  hamlet  of  Iguala  on  February  24, 
1821.  That  plan  was  a crude  pronunciamiento  which  con- 
tained a Declaration  of  Independence  from  Spain  and  also  a 
sketch  of  a provisional  government  for  Mexico.  The  preamble 
of  the  Plan  of  Iguala  suggested  that  the  independence  of 
Mexico  was  destined  to  be  established  in  the  natural  course 
of  events.  It  declared  that  the  evils  which  arose  in  Mexico 
because  of  the  remoteness  of  Madrid  could  only  be  cured  by 
the  absolute  independence  of  the  viceroyalty.  It  declared  that 
only  a union  of  Europeans,  Indians,  and  creoles,  would  furnish 
an  enduring  basis  for  the  happiness  of  the  Mexican  people. 
It  boldly  proclaimed  the  independence  of  Mexico  from  Spain. 
Roman  Catholicism  should  be  the  only  religion  tolerated  in 
the  new  state.  Regular  and  secular  clergy  throughout  Mex- 
ico were  to  be  protected  in  all  their  rights  and  properties.  A 
monarchy  was  to  be  established  there  that  should  be  regulated 
by  a constitution.  The  ruler  of  Mexico  should  be  Ferdinand 
VII,  a member  of  his  family,  or  a member  of  some  other 
European  dynasty.  Until  an  Emperor  was  selected,  the  gov- 
ernmental authority  should  be  exercised  by  a junta  which  was 
to  frame  regulations  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  a Mexican 
Congress.  The  new  government  was  to  be  supported  by  the 
army  of  independence,  which  should  be  designated  “the  army 
of  the  three  guarantees.”  That  army  should  sacrifice  itself, 
if  necessary,  for  the  preservation  of  the  Roman  Catholic  re- 
ligion, the  establishment  of  independence,  and  the  union  of 
Mexicans  and  Spaniards. 

Treaty  of  Cordoba. — This  sagacious  plan — which  virtu- 
ally provided  that  the  titular  sovereignty  over  Mexico  might 
be  held  by  a Spanish  prince — soon  won  the  support  of  many 
Mexicans.  The  viceroy  was  deposed  by  a mutiny  of  his  own 
troops.  When  his  successor  Juan  O’Donoju  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz  with  a small  escort,  he  found  that  the  plan  of  Iturbide 


i8o 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


had  won  general  acceptance  throughout  Mexico.  On  August 
24,  1821,  O’Donoju  signed  a treaty  with  that  leader  at 
Cordoba.  The  Treaty  of  Cordoba  embodied  the  main  provi- 
sions of  the  Plan  of  Iguala,  but  it  also  provided  that  if  a 
Spanish  prince  did  not  accept  the  Mexican  throne  the  Cortes 
of  Mexico  should  elect  a monarch. 

Emperor  Agustfn  I. — On  September  27,  1821,  the  army 
of  the  three  guarantees  marched  into  Mexico  City.  At  once 
Iturbide  selected  the  members  of  a governmental  junta  which 
on  September  28  signed  an  act  that  proclaimed  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Mexican  Empire.  The  junta  soon  appointed 
a Regency  that  was  to  act  as  an  executive  body  until  an 
Emperor  was  elected.  Of  the  Regency  Iturbide  was  made 
president.  After  news  reached  Mexico  that  the  Spanish  Cortes 
had  disavowed  the  Treaty  of  Cordoba,  on  May  18,  1822,  a 
military  officer  proclaimed  Iturbide  as  Agustin  I,  Emperor  of 
Mexico.  Upon  the  following  day  the  Mexican  Congress 
passed  an  act  which  stated  that  it  had  selected  Iturbide  as 
the  constitutional  Emperor  of  Mexico,  according  to  the  Plan 
of  Iguala.  On  July  21  Iturbide  was  ostentatiously  crowned 
Emperor. 

Central  America  Absorbed  by  Mexico. — Meantime  the 
Mexican  revolution  had  affected  the  neighboring  captaincy 
general.  Early  in  September,  1821,  a junta  in  the  province 
of  Chiapas  declared  its  intention  to  seek  independence  from 
Spain  and  to  support  the  Plan  of  Iguala.  On  September  15 
a junta  that  had  been  convoked  by  the  captain  general  in 
Guatemala  City  declared  in  favor  of  independence.  Other 
sections  of  the  captaincy  general  expressed  their  desire  to  be- 
come independent  of  the  motherland.  In  the  end  of  1821 
Iturbide  dispatched  a military  expedition  into  Central  America. 
The  government  of  the  Mexican  Empire  issued  orders  in  Sep- 
tember, 1822,  that  Augustin  I should  be  proclaimed  Emperor 
in  the  principal  Central  American  towns  and  cities.  Augustin  I 
thus  became  the  ruler  of  an  Empire  that  stretched  from  the 
forty-second  parallel  of  north  latitude  to  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama. 

Congress  of  Angostura. — Let  us  now  return  to  Simon 
Bolivar.  In  December,  1816,  he  sailed  from  the  West  Indies 
and  landed  in  the  island  of  Margarita.  With  a small  band 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE  181 

of  guerrillas,  he  persistently  led  the  struggle  against  the 
royalists  in  Venezuela.  He  liberated  a region  in  the  lower 
valley  of  the  Orinoco  River  and  established  the  provisional 
capital  of  Venezuela  at  Angostura.  Early  in  October,  1818, 
he  decided  to  assemble  there  a Congress  of  delegates.  On 
February  15,  1819,  the  Liberator  delivered  an  eloquent  address 
to  the  Congress  of  Angostura  expounding  his  ideas  about  gov- 
ernment. He  criticised  the  federal  system  of  government  and 
argued  that  the  powers  of  the  Venezuelan  executive  should 
be  similar  to  those  of  the  English  King.  Eventually  he  was 
induced  to  accept  the  presidency  of  the  Venezuelan  republic. 
Some  of  his  political  ideas  were  embodied  in  a provisional 
Constitution  which  was  adopted  by  the  Congress  of  Angostura 
on  August  15,  1819.  That  Constitution  vested  the  executive 
power  in  a President,  while  the  legislative  authority  was  given 
to  a bicameral  Congress. 

Battle  of  Boyaca. — In  the  meantime  Bolivar  had  led  his 
army  into  New  Granada  by  a daring  march  over  the  ice- 
capped  Andean  range.  After  crossing  the  desolate  plateau 
of  Pisba — thirteen  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea 
— Bolivar’s  soldiers  intercepted  the  Spanish  forces  under 
General  Barreiro  at  a bridge  across  the  River  Boyaca.  There 
on  August  7,  1819,  the  royalists  were  defeated  decisively. 
Two  days  later  Juan  de  Samano,  the  last  viceroy  of  New 
Granada,  fled  precipitately  from  Bogota.  The  battle  of 
Boyaca  freed  from  Spanish  rule  the  viceroyalty  of  New 
Granada — with  the  exception  of  the  presidency  of  Quito. 
Under  the  influence  of  the  victory,  on  December  17,  1819, 
the  Congress  of  Angostura,  which  had  been  enforced  by  some 
delegates  from  New  Granada,  enacted  a law  proclaiming  the 
union  of  the  former  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada  and  the 
captaincy  general  of  Venezuela  into  a state  that  was  styled 
the  Republic  of  Colombia.  The  republic  was  divided  into 
three  departments:  Venezuela,  Cundinamarca  (New  Gra- 

nada), and  Quito.  The  capital  of  Cundinamarca  was  hence- 
forth to  be  styled  Bogota.  Bolivar  was  made  president  of 
the  new  nation  which — to  distinguish  it  from  a state  that 
emerged  later — has  sometimes  been  designated  “Great 
Colombia.” 


182 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Carabobo. — Soon  afterwards  the  patriot  commander 
prepared  for  an  expedition  against  the  royalists  who  were 
entrenched  in  Venezuela.  V eterans  who  had  fought  at  Boyaca 
were  reenforced  by  soldiers  of  New  Granada.  In  March  and 
April,  1821,  Bolivar  decided  to  assemble  the  revolutionary 
soldiers  at  a central  point  and  there  to  give  battle  to  the 
enemy.  While  certain  patriot  divisions  attacked  the  royalists 
at  Caracas,  San  Felipe,  and  Valencia,  other  soldiers  marched 
toward  the  chosen  rendezvous.  At  Tinaquillo  the  Liberator 
reviewed  the  united  army  which  was  about  six  thousand  five 
hundred  strong.  He  then  led  it  against  the  royalists  under 
General  La  Torre  who  had  succeeded  Morillo.  On  June  24, 
upon  the  plains  of  Carabobo,  Bolivar’s  soldiers  routed  the 
royalist  army.  La  Torre  fled  to  Puerto  Cabello.  Although 
some  royalists  still  clung  tenaciously  to  fortified  posts  along 
the  seacoast,  yet  the  battle  of  Carabobo  ensured  the  inde- 
pendence from  Spain  of  northern  South  America.  As  a con- 
stitutional result  of  the  victory  the  Congress  of  Colombia 
which  had  met  at  Cucuta  soon  took  measures  to  strengthen 
the  union  between  New  Granada  and  Venezuela.  On  August 
30,  1821,  it  adopted  a new  Constitution  for  Colombia.  Soon 
afterwards  it  elected  Bolivar  president. 

Sucre  Liberates  Quito. — The  Liberator  had  decided 
that  he  would  next  turn  his  conquering  arms  against  the 
royalists  in  the  presidency  of  Quito.  There  a revolutionary 
junta  had  been  established  in  October,  1820.  In  January, 
1821,  Bolivar  ordered  his  ablest  lieutenant,  General  Antonio 
Jose  de  Sucre,  to  lead  an  expedition  by  sea  to  Guayaquil.  On 
May  24,  1822,  General  Sucre  defeated  General  Aymerich,  the 
president  of  Quito,  upon  the  slopes  of  Mount  Pichincha  which 
overlooked  the  capital  city.  The  resulting  capitulation  pro- 
vided that  the  presidency  of  Quito  should  be  relinquished  by 
the  Spaniards.  Sucre’s  victory  aided  Bolivar  who  on  his 
southward  march  to  Quito  had  fought  a fierce  battle  against 
royalists  at  Bombona.  Soon  after  entering  the  city  of  Quito, 
Bolivar  announced  that  the  liberated  presidency  had  been  in- 
corporated with  Colombia. 

The  “Army  of  the  Andes.” — Meantime  the  revolution- 
ary fires  in  la  Plata  had  spread  westward  and  northward. 
They  were  destined  soon  to  merge  with  the  flames  that  had 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


183 


swept  down  the  Pacific  coast  from  Colombia.  At  Mendoza, 
from  August,  1814,  to  February,  1817,  San  Martin  had  been 
organizing  and  training  an  army  for  the  invasion  of  Chile. 
Early  in  1817  his  army  made  an  heroic  march  over  the 
cordillera  into  Chile  by  lofty  mountain  passes.  The  Uspallata 
pass  by  which  part  of  the  “Army  of  the  Andes”  surmounted 
the  mountains  was  some  twelve  thousand  feet  above  the  level 
of  the  sea. 

Battle  of  Chacabuco. — On  the  morning  of  February  12, 

1817,  San  Martin’s  soldiers  issued  from  mountain  paths  and 
attacked  the  royalist  soldiers,  who,  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  Maroto,  had  gathered  to  dispute  their  advance.  After 
an  obstinate  defense,  Maroto’s  soldiers  were  dislodged  from 
a hill  near  the  village  of  Chacabuco.  Captain  General  Marco 
del  Pont  fled  from  Santiago,  and  San  Martin  soon  entered 
the  capital.  A cabildo  abierto  in  that  city  selected  him  to  be 
the  governor  of  Chile  but  he  declined  the  office  in  order  that  he 
might  carry  out  his  designs  against  Peru.  Prominent  citizens 
of  Santiago  then  elected  O’Higgins  supreme  director  of  the 
new  state. 

Chile’s  Independence  Ensured  by  the  Battle  of  Maipu. 

— Early  in  January,  1818,  O’Higgins  and  his  secretaries  wrote 
Chile’s  Declaration  of  Independence.  This  document  declared 
that  Chile  constituted  a free  and  sovereign  state  which  would 
forever  remain  separate  from  the  Spanish  monarchy.  On 
February  7 the  Chilean  government  issued  a proclamation 
stating  that  upon  February  12  the  independence  of  Chile  from 
Spain  would  be  formally  announced.  Upon  that  day  in  the 
great  plaza  of  Santiago,  San  Martin  and  the  leading  officials 
of  the  government  took  oath  to  sustain  the  absolute  inde- 
pendence of  the  Chilean  nation.  It  was  not  until  April  5, 

1818,  however,  when  San  Martin  routed  the  royalists  upon 
the  plains  of  Maipu,  that  the  independence  of  Chile  was 
ensured. 

Peru  Liberated. — Soon  afterwards,  with  the  aid  of 
O’Higgins  and  Pueyrredon,  San  Martin  took  energetic  steps 
to  organize  an  expedition  against  Lima.  He  was  appointed 
brigadier  general  of  Chile’s  armies  in  April,  1819.  Lord 
Cochrane  joined  the  Chilean  patriots  and  helped  to  organize 
the  expedition  which  was  destined  for  the  liberation  of  Peru. 


184 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


In  August,  1820,  vessels  bearing  soldiers  of  the  Army  of  the 
Andes  and  also  Chilean  soldiers  sailed  out  of  Valparaiso 
harbor.  After  landing  upon  the  Peruvian  coast  south  of  Lima, 
San  Martin  started  a propaganda  to  promote  Peruvian  inde- 
pendence. LTpon  the  evacuation  of  Lima  by  Viceroy  La  Serna, 
General  San  Martin  entered  the  Peruvian  capital.  On  July 
28,  1821,  in  the  great  plaza  of  Lima,  he  formally  proclaimed 
the  independence  of  Peru  from  Spain. 

San  Martin  as  Protector  of  Peru. — On  August  3 San 
Martin  issued  a proclamation  announcing  that  the  supreme 
military  and  civil  authority  of  the  former  viceroyalty  of  Peru 
was  vested  in  himself  with  the  title  of  protector.  He  expressed 
the  opinion  that  to  convoke  a congress  while  there  still  were 
royalists  in  a country  was  dangerous.  On  October  8 the  Pro- 
tector issued  a provisional  decree  concerning  the  government. 
This  decree  provided  that  the  laws  of  Spain  which  harmonized 
with  the  new  regime  should  remain  in  force.  It  defined  the 
Protector’s  powers  and  provided  for  a council  of  state  which 
was  to  advise  him  in  governmental  affairs.  By  subsequent 
decrees  San  Martin  made  further  arrangements  for  the  re- 
organization of  Peru. 

Interview  of  Bolivar  and  San  Martin  at  Guayaquil. — 

Yet  the  war  for  liberation  of  South  America  had  not  termi- 
nated. For  the  royalists  still  controlled  the  Peruvian  high- 
lands and  also  the  presidency  of  Charcas.  San  Martin  felt 
that  the  junction  of  the  Colombian  forces  with  his  soldiers 
would  perhaps  ensure  the  subjugation  of  the  Spaniards.  In 
July,  1822,  he  accordingly  sailed  from  Callao  for  Guayaquil 
to  discuss  the  destiny  of  South  America  with  Bolivar.  The 
result  of  a mysterious  interview  at  Guayaquil  was,  in  brief, 
that  the  high-minded  San  Martin  withdrew  from  the  South 
American  war  for  independence  and  allowed  Bolivar  to  as- 
sume the  undisputed  leadership  of  the  patriot  cause. 

Sucre  in  Peru. — Bolivar  soon  sent  General  Sucre  to 
Peru.  There  Sucre  established  intimate  relations  with  certain 
Peruvians.  Soon  their  talented  leader,  Jose  de  la  Riva 
Agiiero,  declined  in  authority  and  decided  to  leave  his  native 
land.  After  the  arrival  of  the  Liberator  at  Lima  in  Septem- 
ber, 1823,  Bolivar  and  Sucre  prepared  for  a campaign  against 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


i»5 


the  royalists  under  General  Canterac.  In  the  end  of  1823  and 
early  in  1824  Sucre  organized  and  equipped  the  united  army 
of  liberation  in  northern  Peru  which  was  mainly  composed  of 
soldiers  from  la  Plata,  Chile,  Peru,  and  Colombia,  including 
Venezuela. 

Battles  of  Junfn  and  Ayacucho. — In  the  middle  of  June, 
1824,  those  soldiers  broke  camp  and  marched  in  separate  de- 
tachments toward  an  appointed  rendezvous.  On  August  6 the 
patriot  army  met  the  royalists  under  Canterac  upon  the  ele- 
vated plains  of  Junin  and  drove  them  into  rout.  Shortly  after- 
wards Bolivar  left  Sucre  in  charge  of  the  army  and  proceeded 
to  the  sea  coast.  After  some  complicated  maneuvers,  Sucre — 
who  had  been  directed  by  Bolivar  to  avoid  a battle — was  con- 
ceded permission  to  fight  the  royalists.  On  December  9,  1824, 
he  overwhelmingly  defeated  them  upon  an  old  Inca  battlefield 
at  Ayacucho.  This  battle  sealed  the  fate  of  Spain’s  Empire  in 
the  Three  Americas:  on  the  one  hand,  it  supplemented  the 
labors  of  San  Martin;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  virtually 
completed  the  work  of  Bolivar. 

Independence  of  Bolivia. — Sucre  proceeded  from  Aya- 
cucho into  the  presidency  of  Charcas  where  the  remaining  roy- 
alists soon  laid  down  their  arms.  He  issued  a proclamation  to 
the  people  on  February  9,  1825,  announcing  that  the  presidency 
would  remain  under  the  control  of  his  army  until  delegates 
from  its  provinces  might  assemble.  He  further  proposed  that 
those  delegates  should  decide  the  political  fate  of  Upper  Peru. 
With  reluctance  Bolivar  sanctioned  that  measure.  On  August 
6,  1825,  delegates  who  assembled  at  Chuquisaca  formally  de- 
clared the  independence  of  the  presidency  of  Charcas,  justi- 
fying the  step  because  of  the  misgovernment  and  oppression  of 
Spain.  They  expressed  their  intention  to  establish  a sovereign 
state  that  would  be  independent  of  all  nations  in  the  Old  World 
and  the  New.  Five  days  later  this  Congress  decreed  that  the 
new  state  should  be  designated  the  Republic  of  Bolivar  or,  as 
it  came  to  be  known — Bolivia.  Its  capital,  Chuquisaca,  was  to 
be  rechristened  Sucre. 

Policy  of  United  States  toward  Spanish  America. — 

During  the  early  stages  of  the  Spanish-American  Revolution 
the  government  of  the  United  States  showed  a keen  interest  in 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


1 86 

the  struggle.  Its  policy  was  to  investigate  conditions  in  the 
revolted  colonies,  to  preserve  its  neutrality  in  the  wars  between 
Spain  and  the  insurgents,  and  to  watch  any  developments  that 
might  enable  it  to  take  measures  which  were  favorable  to  the 
nascent  states.  After  the  treaty  of  1819  with  Spain  concern- 
ing the  Floridas  had  been  ratified  by  the  Spanish  King,  and 
after  Iturbide,  San  Martin,  and  Bolivar  had  triumphed  over 
the  royalists,  President  Monroe  and  Secretary  Adams  felt  that 
the  time  was  ripe  for  the  acknowledgment  of  Spanish- 
American  independence.  On  January  30,  1822,  the  House  of 
Representatives  asked  President  Monroe  to  lay  before  it  docu- 
ments and  information  about  the  status  of  the  governments  of 
Spanish  America.  In  response  Monroe  sent  a special  message 
on  March  8,  1822.  His  recommendation  was  that  the  new  na- 
tions should  be  recognized.  Despite  the  protests  of  Spain,  both 
houses  of  Congress  accepted  this  view,  and  on  May  4,  1822, 
Monroe  signed  an  act  that  appropriated  money  for  diplomatic 
missions  to  independent  nations  on  the  American  continent. 

Recognition  of  Spanish- American  Nations  by  the 
United  States. — The  first  nation  of  Spanish  America 
actually  to  be  recognized  by  the  United  States  was  Colombia. 
Secretary  of  State  John  Quincy  Adams  presented  the  Colom- 
bian charge  d’affaires,  Manuel  Torres,  to  President  Monroe  on 
June  19,  1822.  By  that  act  the  United  States  acknowledged 
Colombia  as  an  independent  nation.  On  December  12  follow- 
ing Adams  presented  to  the  President  Jose  Manuel  Zozaya, 
minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  Mexican  Empire.  This  act 
constituted  the  recognition  of  Mexico  by  the  United  States. 
Recognition  by  the  United  States  of  other  Spanish-American 
nations  which  were  included  within  the  purview  of  the  law 
of  May  4,  1822,  was  consummated  by  the  appointment  of  diplo- 
matic agents  to  those  states.  Caesar  A.  Rodney  was  appointed 
United  States  minister  to  the  United  Provinces  of  la  Plata  on 
January  27,  1823.  Upon  the  same  day  Heman  Allen  was 
appointed  minister  to  Chile.  Peru,  as  well  as  several  Spanish- 
American  nations  that  did  not  appear  distinctly  upon  the  map 
of  South  America  in  1823,  were  recognized  subsequently. 

The  United  States  Recognizes  Brazil. — During  the 
same  decade  that  the  United  States  decided  to  acknowledge  the 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


187 


independence  of  Spanish-American  nations,  she  also  recog- 
nized Brazil.  On  January  21,  1824,  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  of  Pedro  I appointed  Jose  S.  Rebello  charge  d’affaires  to 
Washington.  Rebello's  instructions  declared  that  the  United 
States  ought  to  recognize  the  Brazilian  Empire.  Upon 
Rebello’s  arrival  in  Washington,  Monroe’s  cabinet  carefully 
considered  whether  or  not  the  independence  of  Brazil  should 
be  acknowledged  at  once.  After  the  Brazilian  agent  had  sub- 
mitted to  Adams  a memoir  about  the  separation  of  Brazil  from 
Portugal,  on  May  26,  1824,  President  Monroe  received 
Rebello  as  Brazilian  charge.  That  act  constituted  the  recog- 
nition of  the  Empire  of  Brazil  by  the  United  States. 

England’s  Policy  toward  Spanish  America. — The  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  independence  of  Latin-American  nations 
by  the  United  States  was  not  without  influence  upon  the  pol- 
icies of  certain  nations  of  Europe.  Further,  the  news  of  the 
Doctrine  promulgated  by  President  Monroe  in  his  message 
to  Congress  of  December  2,  1823,  stimulated  those  Englishmen 
who,  largely  because  of  commercial  motives,  advocated  the 
immediate  recognition  of  the  revolted  Spanish  colonies. 
Early  in  1825  the  English  minister  George  Canning  announced 
to  the  diplomatic  corps  in  London  his  intention  to  recognize 
the  Spanish-American  states.  On  February  2,  1825,  a com- 
mercial treaty  was  signed  at  Buenos  Aires  by  diplomats  repre- 
senting England  and  the  United  Provinces  of  la  Plata.  At 
Bogota  on  April  18  following  a similar  treaty  was  signed  by 
diplomats  of  England  and  Colombia.  A treaty  between 
England  and  Mexico  was  signed  at  London  on  December  26, 
1826. 

Toward  Brazil. — In  the  recognition  of  the  Brazilian 
Empire  by  European  nations,  England  played  an  important 
role.  In  November,  1823,  Brazil’s  minister  of  foreign  affairs 
appointed  two  agents  to  England  who  were  empowered  to 
negotiate  for  the  recognition  of  her  independence.  They  soon 
held  a series  of  conferences  with  the  Portuguese  minister  at 
the  court  of  London.  Between  the  conflicting  views  of  those 
negotiators  George  Canning  strove  to  find  a compromise 
ground.  John  VI  issued  a proclamation  on  May  13,  1825, 
announcing  that  he  recognized  Brazil  as  an  independent  Em- 


i88 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


pire,  with  an  administration  distinct  from  that  of  Portugal. 
On  August  29  of  that  year  through  the  good  offices  of  the 
capable  English  diplomat  Sir  Charles  Stuart  a treaty  was 
signed  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  between  Brazil  and  Portugal.  By 
that  treaty  Portugal  acknowledged  Brazil  as  an  independent 
Empire.  In  1827  a treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  between 
England  and  Brazil  was  ratified  by  the  contracting  parties. 
Even  before  England  thus  formally  recognized  Brazilian  inde- 
pendence the  independent  status  of  Brazil  had  been  acknowl- 
edged by  France.  A treaty  between  France  and  Brazil  had 
been  signed  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  on  January  8,  1826. 

Spain  and  Spanish  America. — For  many  years  the 
United  States  strove  to  promote  the  acknowledgment  of  the 
independent  status  of  the  Spanish-American  states  by  the 
motherland.  Not  until  after  the  death  of  King  Ferdinand  VII, 
however,  did  the  Spanish  government  decide  to  end  the  family 
quarrel.  On  December  4,  1836,  the  Spanish  Cortes  adopted  a 
decree  which  authorized  the  government  to  conclude  treaties 
of  peace  and  amity  with  the  nations  of  Spanish  America  upon 
the  basis  of  the  acknowledgment  of  their  independence.  In 
accordance  with  the  decree,  on  December  28,  1836,  a treaty 
was  signed  between  the  Mexican  republic  and  Spain  by  which 
Isabella  II  acknowledged  Mexico  as  a free,  sovereign,  and 
independent  nation.  The  ratified  treaty  was  published  in 
Mexico  City  on  March  4,  1838.  Mexico  was  thus  the  first 
nation  that  had  been  carved  from  Spain’s  colonial  Empire  in 
the  Americas  to  be  recognized  by  the  motherland.  Other 
Spanish-American  nations  soon  indicated  their  desire  to  foster 
commercial  relations  with  the  motherland;  and,  in  course  of 
decades,  Spain  tardily  recognized  the  independence  of  all  of 
her  former  colonies  upon  the  American  continent. 

Summary. — As  the  result  of  a train  of  events  precipi- 
tated by  the  designs  of  Napoleon  upon  Spain  and  Portugal, 
new  nations  thus  appeared  in  America.  The  colony  of  Brazil 
became  an  independent  nation  through  a series  of  steps  which 
began  with  the  flight  of  the  dynasty  of  Braganza  from  Lisbon 
and  which  ended  by  the  promulgation  of  a monarchical  Con- 
stitution in  1824.  So  quietly  was  the  transformation  from  a 
colony  to  an  independent  Empire  accomplished  in  Portuguese 
America  that  the  separation  of  Brazil  from  Portugal  might 


THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE  189 

almost  be  styled  bloodless.  In  sharp  contrast  with  the  Bra- 
zilian secession  from  the  motherland  was  the  separatist  move- 
ment in  the  Spanish  Indies.  The  Spanish-American  Revolu- 
tion— which  in  reality  terminated  with  the  victory  of  Sucre 
upon  the  plains  of  Ayacucho — was  for  the  most  part  a bloody, 
protracted,  internecine  struggle  which  devastated  large  areas, 
destroyed  capital,  property,  and  many  lives,  and  encouraged 
revolutionary  habits.  Yet,  with  the  exception  of  stormy  meet- 
ings of  extraordinary  cabildos  and  agitated  deliberations  of 
revolutionary  juntas  or  occasional  congresses,  few  oppor- 
tunities had  been  furnished  Spanish  Americans  for  training  in 
the  art  of  politics. 

Although  the  War  for  Independence  had  terminated  in  tri- 
umph upon  the  American  continent,  yet  the  struggle  for  true 
democratic  government  had  scarcely  begun.  While  the  Bra- 
zilians had  founded  an  Empire,  in  the  Spanish  Indies  only  the 
Mexicans  began  their  national  career  by  establishing  an  Im- 
perial regime.  Most  of  the  other  nations  that  were  clearly 
outlined  upon  the  map  of  Latin  America  in  the  second  decade 
of  the  nineteenth  century  had  created  systems  of  government 
that  were  republics  in  form.  In  the  early  years  of  that  decade 
Central  America  was  attached  to  the  Mexican  Empire.  In 
northern  South  America  there  had  been  founded  by  Bolivar 
the  republic  often  designated  “Great  Colombia”  which  was 
composed  of  the  regions  formerly  styled  the  viceroyalty  of 
New  Granada,  the  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela,  and  the 
presidency  of  Quito.  The  independent  republic  denominated 
Peru  claimed  jurisdiction  over  a large  portion  of  the  ancient 
viceroyalty  of  that  name.  In  1822  the  people  living  in  the 
territory  which  had  been  controlled  by  the  captain  general  of 
Chile  constituted  an  independent  nation  under  Director  O’ Hig- 
gins. A loosely  organized  political  entity  called  the  United 
Provinces  of  la  Plata  was  attempting  to  exercise  jurisdiction 
over  the  major  portion  of  the  former  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata. 
A small  part  of  that  viceroyalty  upon  the  east  bank  of  the 
Uruguay  River — the  region  later  styled  Uruguay- — had  not 
established  its  independence  in  1824.  Dictator  Francia  dom- 
inated another  fragment  of  that  viceroyalty  which  was  styled 
“the  Republic  of  Paraguay.”  Through  the  influence  of  Sucre 
the  presidency  of  Charcas  had  just  become  the  republic  of 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


i go 

Bolivia.  Upon  the  east  of  the  Spanish-American  peoples  the 
Empire  of  Brazil  asserted  that  her  limits  extended  to  the 
bounds  of  the  colony  as  sketched  by  the  Treaty  of  San  Ilde- 
fonso.  Upon  the  other  hand,  the  Spanish-American  nations 
ordinarily  ^maintained  that  their  limits  were  determined  by  the 
uti  possidetis  of  1810. 


CHAPTER  VII 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL. 

Character  of  Pedro  I. — On  March  25,  1824,  Emperor 
Pedro  I solemnly  swore  to  observe  the  new  constitution  of 
Brazil.  This  step  completed  the  process  by  which  the  Portu- 
guese colony  of  Brazil  was  transformed  into  an  independent 
Empire.  The  agitated  years  from  1824  to  1831  have  aptly 
been  called  the  second  period  of  Pedro’s  rule.  Pedro  I played 
a strange  role  in  Brazilian  history.  He  championed  a move- 
ment which  culminated  in  the  separation  of  the  colony  of 
Brazil  from  the  motherland:  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  even- 
tually induced  to  return  to  Portugal ; for  he  was  unable  to 
check  a propaganda  directed  against  himself.  The  first  Em- 
peror of  Brazil  was  a mixture  of  good  and  bad  qualities.  His 
morals  were  not  always  above  reproach.  Ambitious,  impulsive, 
and  ingenuous,  although  deficient  in  education  and  political 
experience,  yet  he  had  some  imagination.  Of  Pedro  I the 
Austrian  chancellor  Prince  Metternich  once  said  that  he  had 
spirit  and  was  not  devoid  of  intelligence,  that  there  was  some 
firmness  in  his  character,  and  that  he  desired  to  do  what  was 
right.  The  brilliant  Brazilian  litterateur,  Euclydes  da  Cunha, 
declared  that  Pedro  was  part  soldier,  part  king,  and  part  con- 
dottiere. 

Constitutional  Problems. — Emperor  Pedro  I was  con- 
fronted by  difficult  problems.  One  task  was  to  put  the  new 
Constitution  into  operation.  Even  before  he  swore  to  observe 
the  fundamental  law,  the  Emperor  had  suspended  that  article 
of  the  Constitution  which  guaranteed  personal  liberty.  In  cer- 
tain sections  of  Brazil  opposition  to  the  new  Constitution  did 
not  die  out  for  several  years,  \yhen  Pedro  sent  Imperial 
soldiers  to  crush  a revolt  that  aimed  to  establish  a union  of 
the  northern  provinces  in  the  so-called  “Confederation  of  the 
Equator,”  his  policy  was  opposed  by  some  Brazilians.  His 
appointment  of  certain  persons  to  act  as  the  presidents  of 


TKE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


192 

recalcitrant  provinces  did  not  restore  them  to  tranquillity.  Con- 
stitutional problems  also  arose  in  the  Emperor’s  relations  with 
Congress.  The  two  houses,  which  first  assembled  in  1826, 
found  it  difficult  to  agree  upon  certain  questions  of  legislative 
procedure.  When  Congress  became  aware  that  in  the  treaty 
of  recognition  the  Emperor  had  promised  to  pay  a large  in- 
demnity to  Portugal,  his  policy  was  bitterly  criticised.  Prom- 
inent congressmen  wished  that  the  Emperor’s  ministers  should 
have  seats  in  the  national  legislature.  A ministry  of  that  type 
was  eventually  formed  on  November  20,  1827,  headed  by 
Araujo  Lima,  a member  of  the  House  of  Deputies.  When 
John  VI  died  in  July,  1825,  the  crown  of  Portugal  reverted  to 
Pedro,  who  reluctantly  conceded  it  to  his  little  daughter  Maria. 
Some  Brazilians  even  suspected  that  Pedro  preferred  the  Por- 
tuguese crown  to  that  of  Brazil. 

The  War  with  Argentina. — A serious  problem  for 
Pedro  I was  the  condition  of  the  Banda  Oriental  del  Uruguay. 
After  Artigas  renounced  the  government  at  Buenos  Aires,  his 
native  land  became  the  dark  and  bloody  ground  of  South 
America.  Upon  the  one  side,  it  was  claimed  by  the  United 
Provinces  of  la  Plata : upon  the  other  side,  it  was  claimed  by 
Portugal;  for  that  nation  maintained  that  her  jurisdiction  ex- 
tended south  to  la  Plata  River.  After  the  downfall  of  Artigas 
in  1820,  Portuguese  soldiers  under  General  Lecor  took  posses- 
sion of  Montevideo ; and  an  assembly  in  that  city  declared  that 
the  Banda  Oriental  was  incorporated  with  the  kingdom  of 
Portugal  and  Brazil  under  the  title  of  the  cisplatine  province. 
When  Brazil  separated  from  Portugal,  some  of  the  soldiers 
who  occupied  the  debatable  land  declared  in  favor  of  John  VI, 
while  others  acclaimed  Pedro  I. 

The  “Thirty-three  Immortals”  of  Uruguay. — In  1825 
some  thirty-three  natives  of  that  region,  led  by  Juan  Antonio 
Lavalleja,  invaded  it  and  at  Florida  on  August  25  they  framed 
a Declaration  of  Independence.  Yet  that  declaration  was  suc- 
ceeded by  a pledge  of  their  adherence  to  the  United  Provinces 
of  la  Plata.  The  Congress  at  Buenos  Aires  accepted  the 
pledge  and  informed  Pedro  I of  its  action.  He  accordingly 
declared  war  against  the  United  Provinces  on  December  1, 
1825.  After  the  Brazilians  had  been  checked  in  conflicts  by 
sea  and  land,  on  February  20,  1827,  they  were  decisively  de- 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  193 


feated  by  soldiers  of  Argentina  and  Uruguay  at  Ituzaingo. 
In  the  following  May  a preliminary  convention  of  peace  was 
signed  between  Argentina  and  Brazil  which  contained  a pro- 
vision that  Uruguay  should  be  free  and  independent.  Not  only 
did  the  Emperor  thus  fail  to  retain  control  of  a valuable  prov- 
ince; but  the  defeats  of  the  Brazilian  army  had  injured  his 
prestige,  and  the  expenses  of  an  inglorious  war  had  drained 
his  treasury. 

Growth  of  the  Liberals. — Partly  because  of  his  fondness 
for  absolute  rule,  Emperor  Pedro  I became  unpopular  with  his 
subjects.  Although  the  Brazilian  Constitution  guaranteed  the 
liberty  of  the  press,  yet  leading  journals  were  censored  or  sup- 
pressed. The  Emperor  frequently  interfered  with  the  work 
of  his  ministers.  His  ministry  occasionally  assumed  legislative 
authority.  Cliques  or  party  groups  began  to  form  whose  align- 
ments were  determined  by  their  attitude  towards  the  Imperial 
administration.  A Conservative  party  appeared  that  was 
mainly  composed  of  absolutists  and  constitutionalists.  Abso- 
lutists were  persons — largely  wealthy  Portuguese  or  office- 
holders— who  supported  the  unconstitutional  measures  of  the 
Emperor.  Constitutionalists  disliked  Pedro’s  arbitrary  meas- 

Iures  but  favored  the  existing  Constitution.  Liberals  were 
opposed  to  the  Emperor’s  method  of  government.  Certain 
Liberal  leaders,  influenced  by  the  example  of  the  United  States, 
dreamed  of  founding  a republic  in  Brazil.  Other  Liberals 
desired  to  establish  a system  of  responsible  government,  such 
as  had  developed  in  England.  As  the  opposition  to  Pedro’s  dic- 
tatorial rule  increased,  Liberal  journals  came  into  existence. 
Among  them  was  the  Aurora  Fliiminense,  edited  by  Evaristo 
da  Veiga,  which  criticised  the  government  and  exposed  the 
Emperor’s  extravagance.  Another  journal,  called  the  Re- 
publica,  spoke  ironically  of  Pedro  as  the  “very  dear  Emperor”  ! 
In  1829  the  Emperor  had  a serious  quarrel  with  the  House  of 
Deputies,  which  he  arbitrarily  dissolved. 

Quarrels  between  Portuguese  and  Brazilians. — When 
news  arrived  in  Brazil  of  the  revolution  of  July,  1830,  in 
Paris,  the  discontented  Liberals  received  a fresh  stimulus. 
Pedro  I decided  to  visit  the  province  of  Minas  Geraes,  which 
seemed  the  focus  of  agitation  against  him.  In  some  parts  of 
that  province  he  was  very  coldly  received.  The  festivities  that 


194 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


celebrated  his  return  to  Rio  de  Janeiro  ended  in  quarrels  be- 
tween the  Portuguese  and  the  Brazilians.  The  night  of  March 
13,  1831,  when  the  Conservatives  in  the  capital  engaged  in  con- 
flicts with  the  Liberals,  among  whom  were  officers  of  the  army, 
is  known  in  Brazilian  history  as  the  noite  das  garrafadas,  the 
night  of  the  bottles.  Those  quarrels  increased  the  hatred  of 
natural-born  Brazilians  for  the  Portuguese  and  diminished  the 
popularity  of  the  Emperor,  who  was  a native  of  Portugal. 
Twenty-three  deputies  and  one  senator  soon  took  counsel  to- 
gether about  the  critical  condition  of  public  affairs.  They 
selected  Evaristo  da  V eiga  to  frame  an  address  to  the  Emperor. 
In  the  address  those  congressmen  alleged  that  the  Imperial 
government  had  neglected  to  check  the  attacks  of  Portuguese 
Conservatives  upon  the  Liberals;  they  declared  that  the  Bra- 
zilians were  justly  indignant,  and  demanded  punis’hment  for 
the  offenders.  They  boldly  spoke  of  the  traitors  who  sur- 
rounded the  throne ; and  in  menacing  language  they  declared 
that,  unless  the  Brazilians  received  redress,  the  public  peace, 
the  stability  of  the  state,  and  the  very  existence  of  the  throne 
would  be  endangered.  Upon  responding  for  the  Emperor  the 
minister  of  justice,  Viscount  Alcantara,  declared  that  his  gov- 
ernment had  taken  the  necessary  steps  to  preserve  public  tran- 
quillity. 

Increasing  Unpopularity  of  Pedro’s  Rule. — On  March 
20  Emperor  Pedro  I dismissed  the  majority  of  his  ministers 
and  replaced  them  by  native  Brazilians  who  did  not  suit  the 
Liberals.  When  on  March  25  the  Emperor  appeared  at  a 
solemn  Tc  Dcum  which  was  attended  by  many  Liberals  in  the 
church  of  Sao  Francisco  de  Paula,  he  was  greeted  with  spon- 
taneous vivas  from  many  people.  Some  worshipers,  however, 
limited  their  good  wishes  for  Pedro  I to  the  period  when  he 
might  remain  Constitutional  Emperor.  To  those  persons  he 
apparently  replied  that  he  was  and  always  had  been  a constitu- 
tional ruler.  There  is  a tradition  that  to  certain  persons  who 
acclaimed  Pedro  II,  the  Emperor  responded  that  his  heir  was 
still  a child.  Early  in  April  Pedro  I abruptly  dismissed  his 
ministers  and  replaced  them  by  a group  of  unpopular  aristo- 
crats. Meantime  seditious  meetings  were  being  held  and  the 
spirit  of  discontent  was  spreading  rapidly,  especially  among 
the  Imperial  soldiers.  The  disaffected  populace  of  the  capital 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  195 


city  demanded  that  the  Emperor  should  dismiss  his  aristo- 
cratic cabinet  and  reinstate  the  ministry  of  Brazilians  that  had 
preceded  it — a demand  to  which  he  would  not  accede.  Pedro  I 
then  issued  a justificatory  proclamation:  he  declared  that  he 
would  always  support  the  existing  constitution;  he  asserted 
that  his  cabinet  was  animated  by  constitutional  principles,  and 
implored  the  Brazilians  to  preserve  tranquillity.  To  agents  of 
the  discontented  populace  who  asked  Pedro  for  the  restoration 
of  the  previous  ministry,  he  responded  epigrammatically  that 
he  would  do  everything  for  the  people  but  nothing  by  the 
people.  Upon  learning  of  that  response  the  people  of  Rio  de 
Janeiro  arose  in  a revolt  which  was  vigorously  supported 
by  Imperial  soldiers.  It  appears  that  some  Liberals  were 
not  certain  whether  they  wished  to  establish  a republic  or 
to  retain  the  monarchy. 

His  Abdication. — Deserted  by  his  soldiers  and  unable 
to  get  into  touch  with  Brazilian  leaders,  in  his  spacious  palace 
at  B5a  Vista,  early  on  the  morning  of  April  7,  1831,  Pedro  I 
wrote  an  act  of  abdication.  That  state  paper  was  a brief  and 
curious  document;  for  Pedro  I declared  that,  availing  himself 
of  his  constitutional  right,  he  voluntarily  abdicated  in  favor 
of  his  very  beloved  and  esteemed  son,  Dom  Pedro  de  Alcan- 
tara. So  perturbed  was  the  monarch  that  he  omitted  to  state 
that  he  was  abdicating  the  Brazilian  crown.  The  people  of 
Rio  de  Janeiro  joyfully  acclaimed  the  new  Emperor,  who 
was  only  five  years  of  age. 

The  Transfer  of  Power. — At  the  request  of  his  minis- 
ters, the  ex-Emperor  soon  dismissed  them,  with  the  exception 
of  the  Marquis  de  Inhambupe,  who  was  to  transfer  the  govern- 
ment to  the  new  authorities.  Early  upon  the  following  morn- 
ing, accompanied  by  his  wife,  his  daughter,  and  a few  servants, 
Pedro  embarked  on  the  English  vessel  “Warspite.”  On  board 
that  warship,  under  date  of  April  8,  Pedro  addressed  a letter 
to  Brazilian  Deputies  and  Senators  which  stated  that  in  the 
exercise  of  his  constitutional  right  he  had  appointed  Jose 
Bonifacio  as  the  tutor  of  his  children.  After  the  abdication 
of  Pedro  I was  announced,  a special  session  of  the  Brazilian 
Congress  assembled  which  appointed  a Provisional  Regency 
composed  of  the  Marquis  of  Caravelas,  Campos  Vergueiro, 
and  General  Francisco  de  Lima  e Silva.  Soon  afterwards  they 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


196 

issued  a proclamation  to  the  Brazilians  which  announced  that 
Pedro  de  Alcantara  was  Constitutional  Emperor  of  Brazil, 
which  expressed  confidence  that  that  prince  would  learn  to  love 
Brazil  in  his  childhood,  and  which  declared  that  the  Regency 
would  remain  in  power  only  until  a regular  session  of  Con- 
gress should  assemble.  With  sanguine  words  the  Provisional 
Regency  ushered  in  the  most  agitated  epoch  in  Brazilian  his- 
tory. 

The  Regency  of  Three. — When  the  two  houses  as- 
sembled in  regular  session,  as  provided  by  the  Constitution, 
they  appointed  a Regency  composed  of  three  persons ; namely, 
General  Francisco  de  Lima  e Silva,  Jose  da  Costa  Carvalho, 
and  Joao  Braulio  Muniz.  That  Regency  ruled  from  1831  to 
1835.  The  insubordination  of  the  soldiers  and  the  growth  of 
a sectional  spirit  in  various  provinces  made  that  period  almost 
anarchic.  The  revolution  of  April  7 had  evidently  spread  the 
taint  of  disaffection  in  the  army.  In  the  capital  city  soldiers 
often  deposed  their  officers.  Revolts  broke  out  against  the 
existing  government  in  several  provinces.  In  the  province  of 
Para  soldiers  deposed  their  commanders  and  assassinated  the 
magistrates,  thus  beginning  an  insurrection  that  lasted  about 
four  years.  In  Pernambuco  the  people  had  to  arm  themselves 
for  defense  against  the  infatuated  soldiery.  In  Maranhao  in- 
surrectionists deposed  the  chief  civil  and  military  commanders. 
In  Ceara  a certain  Pinto  Madeira  plotted  to  restore  the  prov- 
ince to  Pedro  I.  Anarchic  disturbances  took  place  even  in  the 
interior  province  of  Matto  Grosso.  The  great,  littoral  prov- 
inces of  Sao  Paulo  and  Rio  de  Janeiro,  with  Minas  Geraes, 
acted  as  the  ballast  of  the  Brazilian  Empire.  Most  closely  re- 
lated to  the  revolutionists  were  the  extreme  Liberals,  who  had 
promoted  the  April  revolution.  A Moderate  party  supported 
the  Regency,  while  some  reactionary  leaders  vainly  aspired  to 
restore  the  former  Imperial  regime.  A commanding  figure 
that  emerged  during  this  tumultuous  epoch  was  the  minister  of 
justice,  Father  Diogo  Antonio  Feijo,  who  created  a national 
guard  and  quelled  uprisings  in  and  about  the  capital  city. 
Euclydes  da  Cunha  likened  Feijo  to  Carlyle’s  providential 
heroes. 

Proposed  Amendments  to  the  Constitution. — The  spirit 
of  reform  was  manifested  by  attempts  to  amend  the  funda- 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  i97 

■ 


The  Latin- American  Nations  in  1831  {from  Robertson's 
“Rise  of  the  Spanish-American  Republics”). 


ig8 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


mental  law.  On  May  6,  1831,  Miranda  Ribeiro  introduced  a 
motion  into  the  House  of  Deputies  requesting  the  appointment 
of  a commission  to  revise  certain  articles  of  the  Constitution. 
A special  committee  was  consequently  appointed  which  was 
composed  of  Miranda  Ribeiro  and  two  other  deputies.  It  soon 
reported  to  Congress  in  favor  of  certain  constitutional  amend- 
ments. Among  its  proposals  was  an  amendment  abolishing 
the  life  tenure  of  the  Senators.  Other  projected  amendments 
related  to  the  personnel  and  the  responsibility  of  the  regency. 
Another  amendment  proposed  that  the  government  of  Brazil 
should  be  a federal  monarchy.  A compromise  between  the  two 
houses  was  the  law  dated  October  12,  1832,  which  authorized 
the  electors  of  Deputies  to  the  next  Congress  to  confer  upon 
their  representatives  the  power  to  amend  specified  articles  of 
the  Constitution. 

The  Acto  Addicional. — Accordingly  the  Congress  of 
1834-1837  seriously  considered  the  modification  of  the  Con- 
stitution. On  May  6,  1834,  it  appointed  a committee  to  frame 
constitutional  amendments.  By  a vote  of  seventy  against  six- 
teen the  lower  house  of  Congress  resolved  to  revise  the  Con- 
stitution without  the  sanction  of  the  Senate.  With  the  ap- 
proval of  the  regency  the  House  of  Deputies  embodied  cer- 
tain proposed  amendments  in  the  Acto  Addicional  which  was 
adopted  on  August  12,  1834.  That  act  abolished  the  council  of 
state.  It  provided  that,  in  the  absence  of  an  adult  heir  to  the 
throne,  electoral  colleges  in  the  provinces  should  select  a Re- 
gent who  was  to  serve  for  four  years.  It  also  provided  that 
instead  of  councils  with  very  restricted  functions,  the  provinces 
should  have  autonomous  legislative  assemblies.  The  exiled 
ex-Emperor  died  in  Portugal  in  the  same  year  as  that  in  which 
the  Brazilian  Constitution  was  thus  amended  by  concessions  to 
the  spirit  of  particularism. 

Regent  Feijo. — On  October  12,  1835,  Congress  in- 
stalled Father  Feijo  as  sole  regent.  This  step  marked  a tem- 
porary loss  of  power  by  the  Liberals.  Feijo  pursued  an  inde- 
pendent policy  and  did  not  select  his  ministers  from  Congress. 
He  was  compelled  to  establish  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  gov- 
ernment against  revolutionists  and  also  to  carry  on  a struggle 
with  Congress  which  was  determined  to  assert  its  authority. 
In  September,  1835,  a federalist  revolt  gained  startling  head- 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  199 

way  in  the  province  of  Rio  Grande  do  Sul.  Although  the 
leader  of  the  republican  partisans  in  that  quarter  was  captured, 
yet  Feijo  was  unable  to  suppress  the  insurrectionary  move- 
ment. A decree  restricting  the  liberty  of  the  press  added  to  his 
unpopularity.  Parliamentary  opposition,  which  was  based 
upon  the  union  with  moderate  Liberals  of  those  reactionaries 

I who  wished  a restoration  of  previous  conditions,  hastened 
Feijo’ s downfall.  Prominent  in  the  formation  of  the  new 
party  group  were  Bernardo  de  Vasconcellos  and  Pedro  de 
Araujo  Lima — later  the  Marquis  of  Olinda.  The  new  party 
won  the  elections  of  1836;  and  Regent  Feijo  gave  up  his  posi- 
tion in  September,  1837.  In  that  month  Araujo  Lima  assumed 
the  functions  of  the  regent,  who  acted  in  the  name  of  Emperor 
Pedro  II. 

The  Liberals  Announce  the  Majority  of  Pedro  II. — The 

accession  of  Araujo  Lima  to  the  Regency  signalized  the  tri- 
umph of  those  politicians  who  wished  a species  of  responsible 
government  adopted.  The  new  Regent  chose  a ministry  from 
members  of  Congress.  A law  was  soon  passed  that  restricted 
the  provincial  autonomy  which  had  been  conceded  by  the  Acto 
Additional.  Civil  wars  did  not  entirely  subside  during  the 
term  of  Araujo  Lima.  Most  significant  was  the  movement 
concerned  with  the  youthful  Emperor.  In  April,  1840,  an 
association  was  founded  to  promote  the  accession  of  Dom 
Pedro  II.  On  July  23,  1840,  the  Liberals  succeeded  in  passing 
through  both  houses  of  Congress  a declaration  that  Pedro  de 
Alcantara  had  attained  his  majority.  A project  of  a proclama- 
tion was  framed  to  announce  that  decision ; and  a committee 
was  appointed  to  inform  the  prince  of  the  step  which  Congress 
had  taken.  The  spokesman  of  this  committee  informed  Pedro 
de  Alcantara  that  Congress — the  sole  repository  of  the  senti- 
ments of  the  Brazilian  nation — had  become  convinced  that  the 
best  remedy  for  the  existing  evils  was  the  immediate  acclama- 
tion of  his  majority  and  his  consequent  elevation  to  the  Bra- 
zilian throne.  Pedro  was  requested  benignantly  to  consider 
that  expression  of  national  sentiment:  he  was  invited  to  take 
the  oath  of  office  as  Emperor.  This  step  was  evidently  in 
accord  with  Pedro’s  own  wishes.  Upon  the  afternoon  of  July 
23  the  youthful  prince  appeared  in  the  halls  of  the  Senate 
where  he  took  an  oath  to  maintain  the  Catholic  religion  and 


200 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  integrity  of  the  Empire,  to  execute  the  Imperial  laws  and 
Constitution,  and  to  promote  the  general  welfare  of  Brazil. 
The  coronation  ceremony  took  place  on  July  18,  1841,  amid 
great  festivities. 

Emperor  Pedro  II. — Pedro  de  Alcantara  became  Em- 
peror Pedro  II  of  Brazil  in  his  fifteenth  year  in  spite  of  a con- 
stitutional provision  that  the  heir  to  the  throne  should  be  con- 
sidered a minor  until  he  had  completed  his  eighteenth  year.  It 
is  scarcely  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  Pedro  II  assumed  Im- 
perial power  by  virtue  of  a parliamentary  revolution.  Shortly 
afterwards  the  youthful  Emperor  married  a daughter  of  the 
King  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  For  many  years  deprived  of  ma- 
ternal care,  trained  by  his  tutors  to  sit  at  the  Imperial  council 
table,  and  withal  something  of  a bookworm,  still  Pedro  II  had 
an  unusually  attractive  personality.  His  dignified  demeanor 
and  unostentatious  manners  won  for  him  a high  measure  of 
popularity.  A model  of  domestic  virtues — he  was  accused  of 
resorting  to  personal  influence  in  politics.  He  lacked  initiative ; 
he  was  not  a champion  of  political  progress;  and  he  neglected 
to  cultivate  the  army.  With  some  of  the  characteristics  of  a 
benevolent  despot,  Pedro  II  became  the  chief  magistrate  of 
what  a Brazilian  historian  has  styled  a republican  Empire. 

The  Restoration  of  Internal  Tranquillity. — The  youth- 
ful Emperor  began  his  long  rule  by  selecting  a ministry  of 
Liberals.  His  mode  of  government  may  be  termed  parliamen- 
tary. The  political  complexion  of  his  ministries  varied  with 
that  of  the  House  of  Deputies:  from  1840  to  1889  his  min- 
isters were  alternately  Liberals  and  Conservatives.  Certain 
constitutional  and  legal  reforms  strengthened  his  hands.  By 
a law  of  November  23,  1841,  the  council  of  state  was  reestab- 
lished ; and  it  soon  exercised  a steadying  influence  upon  public 
policies.  On  December  3 of  that  year  a code  of  procedure  was 
promulgated  which  standardized  legal  processes.  Still  internal 
dissensions  were  not  quelled  for  some  years.  By  the  end  of 
1845,  however,  civil  wars  which  had  raged  in  the  provinces  of 
Sao  Paulo,  Minas  Geraes,  and  Rio  Grande  do  Sul  had  been 
suppressed  by  Imperial  soldiers  commanded  by  the  Marquis 
of  Caxias.  A revolt  in  the  province  of  Pernambuco,  which 
was  precipitated  by  persons  who  wished  that  commerce  should 
be  monopolized  by  native  Brazilians,  was  suppressed  in  1848. 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  201 


Pedro  II  and  his  chief  captain  thus  gave  the  land  a good  peace. 
Upon  the  other  hand,  in  1851-1852  Brazil  became  involved  in 
the  war  which  was  being  waged  against  Rosas,  the  dictator  of 
Argentina.  Complications  with  Uruguay  followed  which  cul- 
minated in  a war  against  Paraguay  that  will  be  described  in  a 
subsequent  chapter. 

Economic  Progress. — The  long  reign  of  Pedro  II  was  an 
epoch  of  great  progress.  In  1850  the  first  regular  line  of 
packets  was  established  between  Brazil  and  Europe.  Four 
years  later  the  first  railway  line  in  Brazil  was  opened  to  traffic. 
More  than  five  thousand  miles  of  railway  had  been  laid  by 
1889.  By  that  date  some  eleven  thousand  miles  of  telegraph 
lines  were  in  use,  besides  submarine  cables.  Between  1831  and 
1889  the  revenues  of  the  Empire  increased  about  fourteen- 
fold. The  value  of  the  products  of  the  Empire  from  1840  to 
1889  increased  about  tenfold.  Immigration  from  Europe  was 
encouraged:  in  1888  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand 
immigrants  landed  in  Brazil. 

The  Navigation  of  the  Amazon. — As  Brazil  possessed 
extensive  lands  bordering  upon  the  Amazon  River,  her  policy 
toward  the  navigation  of  that  river  was  of  interest  not  only  to 
South  American  nations  but  also  to  leading  commercial  nations 
of  the  world.  Through  diplomatic  negotiations  with  republics 
owning  territories  along  the  river  Amazon  the  Brazilian  Em- 
pire tried  so  to  influence  the  policies  of  those  states  as  to 
exclude  from  the  navigation  of  that  vast  river  nations  which 
did  not  possess  land  upon  its  banks.  After  Uruguay,  Argen- 
tina, Paraguay,  and  Bolivia  had  conceded  the  freedom  of  navi- 
gation of  their  international  rivers,  an  increasing  propaganda 
in  Brazil  in  favor  of  similar  action  induced  the  Imperial  gov- 
ernment to  alter  its  policy.  On  December  7,  1866,  the  minister 
of  foreign  affairs  published  a decree  which  announced  that 
after  September  7,  1867,  the  navigation  of  the  Amazon  River 
and  its  tributaries  should  be  free  to  the  merchant  vessels  of  all 
nations  up  to  the  Brazilian  frontiers.  By  a supplementary 
decree  of  July  31,  1867,  the  Brazilian  government  announced 
that  the  main  channel  of  the  Amazon  would  be  open  so  far  as 
Tabatinga. 

Political  Problems. — More  than  one  student  of  Brazilian 
politics  has  said  tlxit  the  “personal”  influence  which  Pedro  II 


202 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


exercised  by  virtue  of  the  so-called  moderative  power  was 
largely  responsible  for  the  progress  which  was  made  during  the 
years  from  1840  to  1889.  The  personal  influence  of  the  Em- 
peror was  certainly  not  without  an  effect  upon  politics.  Ap- 
parently he  aimed  to  hold  the  balance  between  Conservatives 
and  Liberals.  During  his  reign  some  ministries  were  dissolved 
because  they  did  not  have  the  sanction  of  public  opinion.  Dis- 
cerning Brazilians  have  asserted  that  Pedro  II  used  such  occa- 
sions to  enhance  his  own  political  prestige  as  the  permanent 
factor  in  national  politics.  A certain  Senator  once  styled 
Pedro’s  rule  as  a “veiled  despotism.”  Yet  it  is  clear  that  the 
Emperor  permitted  a large  measure  of  freedom  to  public 
opinion  and  the  press. 

Founding  of  the  Republican  Party. — A most  significant 
development  of  his  long  reign  was  the  founding  of  a new  po- 
litical party.  On  December  3,  1870,  the  first  number  was  pub- 
lished of  a journal  named  A Republica,  which  became  the 
organ  of  the  Republicans.  A manifesto  which  that  number 
contained,  signed  by  fifty-seven  leaders  of  the  newT  movement, 
argued  that  an  organization  of  Republicans  w-as  legitimate  and 
necessary.  They  proposed  that  a constituent  assembly  should 
be  convoked  with  powder  to  formulate  social  and  political  re- 
forms and  to  inaugurate  a new  regime.  Their  programme  wTas 
favorably  received  in  certain  provinces,  especially  in  Sao  Paulo 
and  Minas  Geraes,  where  Republican  clubs  wrere  formed. 

Church  and  State. — A grave  politico-religious  problem 
arose  to  provoke  new  party  alignments.  The  ttanquil  relations 
that  had  existed  between  Church  and  State  in  Brazil  wTere 
seriously  disturbed  after  1872  because  of  a dispute  precipitated 
by  the  Bishop  of  Olinda  w’ho  ordered  Catholic  societies  to  expel 
such  members  as  belonged  to  masonic  lodges.  In  the  opinion 
of  the  Brazilian  government  that  action  v:as  unauthorized : it 
ordered  the  bishop  to  withdraw  the  interdict  which  he  had 
laid  upon  churches  where  his  orders  had  not  been  obeyed.  As 
the  offending  bishop  refused  to  obey  the  commands  of  the 
government,  it  dispatched  an  agent  to  the  Holy  See  who  se- 
cured a scathing  disapproval  of  the  bishop’s  proceedings  from 
Pope  Pius  IX.  The  government  then  prosecuted  two  bishops 
w'ho  were  consequently  sentenced  to  imprisonment  writh  hard 
labor — to  the  scandal  and  indignation  of  tlte  Brazilian  clergy. 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  203 


who  consequently  harbored  resentment  against  the  Imperial 
regime. 

The  Military  Element  in  Politics. — Other  disturbing  in- 
cidents were  caused  by  the  ambition  of  certain  military  officers 
— who  were  not  excluded  by  law  from  a political  career — to 
exert  an  influence  in  politics.  The  issue  was  raised  in  1883 
when  a Brazilian  colonel  contributed  articles  to  a periodical  of 
Rio  de  Janeiro  criticising  a bill  which  had  been  introduced  into 
the  Senate.  The  government  assumed  the  position  that  mili- 
tary officers  should  obtain  the  consent  of  the  minister  of  war 
before  they  presumed  to  make  contributions  to  the  newspapers. 
As  the  government  declined  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  a mili- 
tary tribunal  that  soldiers  had  the  constitutional  right  to  ex- 
press their  views  in  newspapers,  a popular  officer  named  Gen- 
eral Manoel  Deodoro  da  Fonseca,  who  was  vice-president  of 
the  province  of  Rio  Grande  do  Sul,  espoused  the  soldiers’ 
cause.  In  February,  1886,  Deodoro  da  Fonseca  sent  an  open 
letter  to  the  Emperor  accusing  the  government  of  injustice  to 
the  soldiers.  When  in  consequence  the  government  retracted 
its  views  upon  the  mooted  point,  its  prestige  was  sadly  injured. 
Conversely,  the  militaristic  influence  in  politics  was  strength- 
ened. 

The  Slavery  Issue. — While  the  balance  of  effective 
political  power  was  thus  slowly  shifting  from  the  Imperial 
government  toward  the  army,  another  cloud  loomed  up  om- 
inously upon  the  horizon.  That  was  the  problem  of  the  eman- 
cipation of  the  Brazilian  slaves.  In  time,  besides  the  Con- 
servatives, the  Liberals,  and  the  Republicans,  the  abolitionists 
and  the  slavocrats  formed  factions  which,  however,  scarcely 
crystallized  into  definite  parties. 

Anti-Slavery  Agitation. — Slavery  had  struck  its  roots 
deeply  into  Brazilian  soil.  Yet,  partly  because  of  the  anti- 
slavery policy  pursued  by  England,  on  November  7,  1831,  a 
law  had  been  adopted  which  aimed  to  abolish  the  African  slave 
trade:  it  provided  that  with  certain  exceptions,  all  negroes 
brought  into  Brazil  should  be  free.  On  September  4,  1850,  a law 
was  sanctioned  which  contained  effective  provisions  for  the 
abolition  of  the  domestic  trade  in  slaves.  To  some  prominent 
Brazilians  the  Civil  War  in  the  United  States  conveyed  the 
lesson  that  the  horrors  of  a war  about  slavery  should  be 


204 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


avoided.  During  the  war  with  Paraguay  Emperor  Pedro  II 
and  his  advisers  were  forced  to  realize  that  Brazil  was  some- 
times despised  by  her  neighbors  because  she  had  about  one  and 
one-half  million  bondsmen.  During  that  war  Pedro  II  decided 
in  favor  of  the  gradual  emancipation  of  the  negroes.  In  April, 
1868,  a commission  of  the  council  of  state  headed  by  Joaquim 
Nabuco  was  selected  to  frame  a project  of  a law  concerning 
slavery.  With  a few  modifications,  Nabuco’s  project  became 
the  basis  of  the  law  of  September  28,  1871,  which  was  vigor- 
ously championed  in  Congress  by  the  distinguished  statesman 
and  diplomat,  Viscount  Rio  Branco. 

The  “Rio  Branco  Law.” — The  law  of  September  28, 
1871 — sometimes  called  the  “Rio  Branco  law” — provided  that 
the  children  of  slaves  born  after  that  date  should  be  free.  Such 
children  should  remain  under  the  guardianship  of  their 
mothers’  masters  until  they  had  attained  the  age  of  eight  years, 
when  those  masters  might  either  accept  an  indemnity  from  the 
state  or  avail  themselves  of  the  services  of  the  freed  minors 
until  they  became  twenty-one  years  old.  The  names  of  all 
slaves  should  be  inscribed  in  registers  by  their  owners,  while 
children  freed  by  law  should  be  recorded  in  distinct  registers. 
Slaves  who  had  been  abandoned  by  their  masters  were  declared 
free.  This  law  which  provided  for  the  gradual  abolition  of 
slavery  made  possible  a steady  decrease  in  the  number  of 
slaves  but  it  did  not  suit  radical  Liberals  or  extreme  abolition- 
ists. Prominent  publicists  founded  an  anti-slavery  society  on 
September  28,  1880.  In  various  quarters  of  Brazil  progressive 
planters  liberated  their  slaves.  On  September  28,  1885,  a law 
was  sanctioned  which  provided  that  all  slaves  who  had  reached 
the  age  of  sixty  years  should  be  free.  It  stipulated,  however, 
that  such  freedmen  should  serve  their  masters  for  three  years. 

Abolition  of  Slavery. — That  law  did  not  satisfy  the 
radicals.  Some  of  them  favored  emancipation  without  com- 
pensation. In  1887  when  the  Emperor  decided  to  make  a 
trip  to  Europe,  leaving  his  daughter  Princess  Isabel — who  had 
married  Compte  d’Eau — to  serve  as  regent,  conditions  were 
ripe  for  a further  change.  Italian  immigrants  in  the  province 
of  Sao  Paulo,  believing  that  slave  labor  was  inimical  to  their 
interests,  encouraged  slaves  to  flee  from  plantations.  Regent 
Isabella  profited  by  that  incident  to  advocate  immediate  eman- 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  205 


cipation.  On  May  8,  1888,  the  minister  of  agriculture  intro- 
duced a bill  into  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  which  provided  that 
slavery  should  at  once  be  declared  extinct  in  Brazil  and  which 
abrogated  all  regulations  to  the  contrary.  After  some  debate 
the  bill  passed  both  houses;  on  May  13  it  was  sanctioned  by 
Regent  Isabella. 

Effects  of  Abolition. — This  law,  which  liberated  some 
six  hundred  thousand  negro  slaves  without  compensation  to 
their  owners,  may  be  likened  to  a two-edged  sword.  On  the 
one  side,  it  crowned  the  labors  of  the  extreme  abolitionists  and 
caused  Brazilian  laborers  to  rejoice.  On  the  other  side — 
humanitarian  though  it  was — it  naturally  provoked  great  dis- 
content among  the  land  owners  and  furnished  a pretext  for 
political  disaffection.  Rich  planters — who  had  been  the  main- 
stay of  the  monarchy — became  affiliated  with  discontented 
ecclesiastics,  Republicans,  and  military  officers.  On  June  11, 
1889,  in  the  House  of  Deputies  a member  exclaimed:  “Down 
with  the  monarchy!  Long  live  the  Republic!” 

Deposition  of  the  Emperor. — In  November,  1889,  at  the 
instigation  of  Professor  Benjamin  Constant — who  had  become 
a champion  of  Positivist  principles — disgruntled  civil  and  mili- 
tary leaders  formed  a conspiracy  to  overthrow  the  monarchy. 
Early  on  the  morning  of  November  15  a brigade  of  Brazilian 
soldiers  commanded  by  General  Manoel  Deodoro  da  Fonseca 
marched  from  a barracks  in  the  suburbs  into  the  capital  city 
and  took  possession  of  the  government  buildings  almost  with- 
out opposition.  The  cabinet  resigned.  Although  the  aged 
Emperor — who  had  just  returned  from  Europe — still  hoped  to 
form  a new  cabinet,  yet  his  palace  was  surrounded  by  soldiers 
and  he  was  placed  under  arrest.  Revolutionary  leaders  headed 
by  Deodoro  da  Fonseca  issued  a decree  which  announced  that 
Brazil  had  been  transformed  into  a federal  republic.  They 
declared  that  the  Brazilian  provinces  joined  by  a bond  of  fed- 
eration now  constituted  the  United  States  of  Brazil ; and  they 
stated  that,  pending  the  election  of  a Constituent  Congress,  the 
nation  would  be  ruled  by  a provisional  government.  Further, 
they  said  that  the  national  government  would  forcibly  inter- 
vene in  those  Brazilian  states  which  might  be  unable  to  pre- 
serve tranquillity.  On  November  16  the  provisional  govern- 
ment decided  to  grant  a sum  of  money  to  the  family  of  Pedro 


206 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


II.  Upon  the  following  day  the  Imperial  family  sailed  for 
Portugal.  Upon  November  18  the  provisional  government 
issued  a circular  announcing  that  it  would  recognize  and 
respect  all  obligations,  contracts,  treaties,  and  debts  which  had 
been  legally  contracted  by  previous  governments.  Certain  na- 
tions of  South  America  and  also  the  United  States  soon  recog- 
nized the  Brazilian  Republic. 

The  Interregnum. — The  proclamation  of  the  Brazilian 
republic  was  followed  by  a brief  interregnum.  By  a series  of 
decrees  the  provisional  government  initiated  various  reforms. 
By  a decree  of  December  3,  1889,  it  appointed  a commission 
to  frame  a constitution  for  the  United  States  of  Brazil.  On 
January  7,  1890,  it  issued  a decree  that  separated  Church  and 
State.  On  June  22  following  it  issued  a decree  convoking  a 
Constituent  Assembly  which  should  meet  on  November  15. 
A project  of  a constitution  for  Brazil,  which  had  been  framed 
by  Ruy  Barbosa  and  other  Republican  leaders  and  had  been 
approved  by  Fonseca,  was  laid  before  the  Constituent  Assem- 
bly. That  Assembly  referred  the  project  to  a committee  of 
twenty-one  members  who  represented  the  states  and  the  district 
that  included  the  capital  city.  After  some  discussion  and  a few 
modifications,  Brazil’s  republican  Constitution  was  promul- 
gated on  February  24,  1891.  That  Constitution  embodied 
some  changes  which  had  been  decreed  by  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment. It  contained  a statement  that  the  nation  was  com- 
posed of  the  former  provinces  united  in  an  indissoluble  union 
called  the  United  States  of  Brazil. 

Brazil’s  Constitution  of  1891. — Unlike  the  Constitution 
of  1824,  this  Constitution  provided  for  executive,  legislative, 
and  judicial  departments  of  government.  The  President  and 
Vice-President  were  to  be  elected  by  direct  popular  vote  for 
four  years.  A cabinet,  composed  of  men  who  did  not  sit  in 
Congress,  should  be  appointed  by  the  President.  With  the 
approval  of  the  Senate,  the  President  might  appoint  other  im- 
portant federal  officers.  The  President  was  the  commander  in 
chief  of  the  army  and  navy:  in  case  of  a foreign  invasion,  he 
might  declare  war  at  once.  He  had  the  right  to  sanction  laws, 
or  to  veto  them;  but  Congress  might  override  his  veto  by  a 
two-thirds  vote.  He  might  issue  decrees  to  promote  the  faith- 
ful execution  of  the  laws,  and  might  pardon  criminals  or  com- 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  207 


mute  punishments.  The  upper  house  of  Congress  was  to  be 
composed  of  three  Senators  from  each  state  and  from  the  fed- 
eral district  who  should  be  elected  by  direct  popular  vote.  The 
lower  house  should  be  composed  of  Deputies  elected  by  each 
state  in  proportion  to  its  population.  Congress,  which  should 
hold  annual  sessions,  was  given  extensive  legislative  powers. 
Only  registered  citizens  over  twenty-one  years  of  age  might 
vote.  The  judiciary  of  the  Brazilian  Union  was  to  be  com- 
posed of  a federal  supreme  court  and  of  inferior  courts  that 
should  be  distributed  throughout  the  country.  A peculiar 
feature  showing  Latin  influence  was  the  provision  that  the 
attorney  general  should  be  a member  of  the  supreme  court. 
Some  of  the  provisions  regarding  its  jurisdiction  were  clearly 
patterned  after  North  American  precedents. 

Local  Government. — The  federal  government  was  pro- 
hibited from  interfering  in  the  affairs  of  the  states  except  in 
certain  specified  cases.  That  government  was  also  prohibited 
from  making  discriminations  for  or  against  the  ports  of  any 
state.  The  states  of  Brazil  were,  however,  conceded  the  right 
to  levy  export  duties.  A clause  in  the  Constitution  provided 
that  each  state  must  be  organized  according  to  the  republican 
form:  that  the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  departments 
must  be  distinct ; that  the  governors  and  members  of  state  legis- 
latures must  be  elective;  and  that  federal  judges  might  not  be 
removed  except  upon  a judicial  sentence.  After  the  federal 
Constitution  had  been  adopted  the  Brazilian  states  promulgated 
constitutions  which  were  modeled  after  that  pattern. 

President  Fonseca. — In  accordance  with  a constitutional 
provision,  Congress  in  joint  session  proceeded  to  ballot  for  a 
President  and  Vice-President  of  Brazil,  who  were  to  hold 
office  for  the  regular  term  of  four  years.  General  Deodoro  da 
Fonseca  was  elected  President  and  another  military  man,  Mar- 
shal Floriano  Peixoto,  was  elected  Vice-President.  President 
Fonseca’s  rule  resembled  closely  his  dictatorship  during  the 
interregnum.  He  interfered  in  the  affairs  of  the  state  of  Sao 
Paulo  upon  the  pretext  that  her  president  was  acting  in  an 
irregular  fashion.  On  March  18,  1891,  a group  of  prominent 
Brazilians  accordingly  issued  a protest  against  Fonseca’s  arbi- 
trary, corrupt,  and  unconstitutional  rule.  So  strong  did  the 
opposition  to  Fonseca  become  in  Congress  that  it  even  refused 


208 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


to  vote  the  appropriations  which  were  necessary  to  carry  on 
the  government. 

His  Downfall. — On  November  3,  1891,  Fonseca  issued 
an  arbitrary  decree  by  which  he  dissolved  Congress  and  in- 
vited the  nation  to  select  representatives  to  an  assembly  that 
should  revise  the  Constitution.  To  justify  his  arbitrary  meas- 
ures Fonseca  asserted  that  monarchical  conspirators  were 
intriguing  against  the  republic.  His  dictatorial  policy  pro- 
voked opposition,  especially  in  the  states  of  Para,  Sao  Paulo, 
and  Rio  Grande  do  Sul.  The  navy  stationed  at  Rio  de 
Janeiro  displayed  its  disaffection.  On  the  morning  of  No- 
vember 23,  1891,  Admiral  Custodio  Jose  de  Mello,  who  was 
disgusted  with  Fonseca’s  rule,  assumed  charge  of  the  navy 
and  thus  assured  the  overthrow  of  the  Dictator.  Upon  the 
same  day  Fonseca  resigned  the  presidency  and  made  way  for 
his  constitutional  successor  Marshal  Peixoto  who  at  once  con- 
voked an  extraordinary  session  of  Congress. 

President  Peixoto. — Still,  the  presidency  of  Peixoto, 
1891-1894,  was,  in  the  main,  a continuation  of  arbitrary  rule. 
Brazil  had  merely  passed  from  the  hands  of  one  military  dic- 
tator to  those  of  another.  Some  Brazilians  suspected  that 
Peixoto  desired  to  perpetuate  his  power;  for  he  vetoed  a bill 
providing  that  a vice-president  who  became  president  should 
not  be  eligible  for  the  presidency  during  the  ensuing  term. 
By  a decree  of  April  10,  1892,  Peixoto  announced  that  the 
federal  district  should  be  considered  under  martial  law. 
Against  this  measure,  Ruy  Barbosa  protested  and  insisted  that 
accused  persons  were  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  the  writ 
of  habeas  corpus.  Successful  in  his  contention,  in  May,  1893, 
Ruy  Barbosa  took  charge  of  the  Jornal  do  Brasil  which  be- 
came a champion  of  constitutional  government.  So  active 
a campaign  did  he  wage  against  “praetorian  centralization” 
that  the  President  apparently  contemplated  his  arrest,  and  in 
September,  1893,  the  editor  fled  to  Buenos  Aires.  On  Sep- 
tember 6 the  marines  in  the  harbor  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  rose 
against  the  government.  Admiral  Mello  issued  a manifesto 
to  the  people  declaring  that  Marshal  Peixoto  had  corrupted 
the  people,  emptied  the  national  treasury,  and  abused  the 
Constitution.  As  many  insurrectionary  sympathizers  resided 
in  the  capital,  Mello  could  only  threaten  to  bombard  it.  He 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  209 


accordingly  left  the  harbor  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  in  one  vessel  and 
established  a capital  in  the  city  of  Santa  Catherina,  where  he 
hoped  to  obtain  the  support  of  Gumercindo  Saraiva  who  had 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a revolt  in  the  state  of  Rio 
Grande  do  Sul.  Saraiva’s  invasion  of  the  state  of  Santa 
Catherina,  however,  ended  in  failure,  Mello  sailed  for  Buenos 
Aires,  and  his  revolt  also  collapsed.  Marshal  Peixoto  had 
triumphed.  As  he  did  not  covet  another  term  in  the  presi- 
dency, the  successful  candidate  in  the  campaign  of  March, 
1894,  was  Prudente  de  Moraes,  who  had  presided  over  the 
Constituent  Assembly. 

President  Moraes. — Moraes,  who  was  chief  magistrate 
1894  to  1898,  has  aptly  been  styled  the  first  civilian  president 
of  Brazil.  A lawyer  by  training  and  a Republican,  he  trans- 
formed the  administration  of  his  country.  During  his  presi- 
dency the  smoldering  embers  of  civil  war  were  extinguished. 
Early  in  1895  an  amnesty  was  conceded  to  all  enlisted  men 
who  had  participated  in  revolts.  Praetorian  methods  were 
gradually  discarded:  life  and  property  were  again  respected. 
Upon  his  return  from  exile  Ruy  Barbosa  was  joyfully  ac- 
claimed by  the  people.  In  1896  Antonio  Maciel,  who  was 
called  “Conselheiro,”  a missionary  among  the  half-breeds  and 
Indians  of  the  hinterland  of  the  state  of  Bahia,  became  in- 
volved in  a quarrel  with  the  secular  authorities  which  devel- 
oped into  an  insurrection.  In  October,  1897,  when  the  mis- 
guided fanatic’s  stronghold  at  Canudos  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  republic’s  soldiers,  the  revolt,  which  was  attributed  in 
part  to  the  influence  of  monarchists,  collapsed.  The  repub- 
lican government  had  found  itself. 

Deplorable  Condition  of  the  Finances. — During  the  ad- 
ministration of  President  Moraes  the  finances  of  Brazil  were 
seriously  embarrassed.  This  was  partly  due  to  the  fact  that 
at  times  the  government  had  been  corrupt  and  extravagant. 
In  part  it  was  due  to  attempts  to  relieve  the  treasury  by  issues 
of  paper  money.  Further,  the  wars  with  Argentina  and  Para- 
guay had  produced  large  deficits,  and  revolts  that  had  ensued 
after  the  downfall  of  the  Empire  had  caused  extraordinary 
expenditures.  The  expenses  of  the  army  alone  amounted  to 
some  five  million  pounds  sterling  per  annum.  Under  Moraes 
deficit  followed  deficit : two  good  war  vessels  had  to  be  sold 


210 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


to  alleviate  the  financial  stringency.  In  1897  a large  amount 
of  inconvertible  paper  money  was  in  circulation.  The  rate 
of  exchange  descended  to  its  lowest  point.  A Brazilian  econo- 
mist has  calculated  that,  as  the  interest  on  heavy  loans  which 
Brazil  had  contracted  since  1824  was  payable  in  Europe,  the 
low  rate  of  exchange  absorbed  about  one-quarter  of  the  na- 
tional revenue.  The  government  apprehended  that  it  would 
be  unable  to  pay  the  interest  due  on  its  foreign  debts  in  June, 
1898,  while  it  could  scarcely  hope  under  the  existing  circum- 
stances to  negotiate  another  foreign  loan.  Nor  could  it  antici- 
pate much  aid  by  an  increase  of  the  tariff  duties  from  which 
most  of  its  revenues  were  derived.  It  faced  bankruptcy. 

The  Campaign  of  1898. — A prominent  candidate  in  the 
presidential  campaign  of  1898  was  Manoel  Ferrez  de  Campos 
Salles,  who  had  declared  himself  against  the  adoption  of  a 
parliamentary  regime,  and  had  instead  championed  the  di- 
vision of  government  into  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial 
departments.  Campos  Salles  had  also  pronounced  himself 
against  the  intervention  of  the  national  government  in  the 
affairs  of  the  states.  He  favored  a federal  republic  instead 
of  a unitary  or  a centralized  republic — sovereign  states  within 
a sovereign  union.  The  campaign  of  1898  resulted  in  his 
election  to  the  presidency. 

Campos  Salles  and  the  Funding  Loan. — The  president- 
elect had  also  meditated  about  his  country’s  financial  ills. 
Before  his  inauguration  Campos  Salles  took  a trip  to  Europe 
to  seek  a remedy  for  them.  During  that  journey  he  con- 
sulted prominent  bankers  in  England  and  France.  The  Lon- 
don and  River  Plate  Bank  suggested  to  him  that  Brazil 
should  negotiate  a funding  loan.  The  Rothschild  banking 
firm  proposed  that  certain  foreign  loans  should  be  consoli- 
dated, advising  the  president-elect  that  this  was  the  only  feas- 
ible solution  of  the  fiscal  stringency.  As  the  basis  for  a loan 
of  ten  million  pounds  sterling  that  firm  asked  for  certain 
pledges  and  guaranties.  To  some  of  its  proposals  Campos 
Salles  could  not  agree.  The  basis  for  an  agreement  was,  how- 
ever, reached  before  the  president-elect  left  for  his  native  land. 
A contract  framed  in  July,  1898,  provided  that  the  Roths- 
childs would  fund  not  over  ten  million  pounds  of  the  Bra- 
zilian debt  at  five  per  cent  interest  per  annum.  It  made  pro 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  211 


vision  for  a sinking  fund.  It  provided  that,  as  a guaranty 
for  the  payment  of  the  obligations  that  were  being  incurred, 
Brazil  should  hypothecate  her  customs  revenues,  especially 
those  of  the  capital  city.  Until  July,  1901,  no  other  debt 
should  be  incurred  by  Brazil,  except  by  consent  of  the  Roths- 
childs. Paper  money  equivalent  to  the  amount  of  the  loan 
should  be  retired  from  circulation.  Upon  returning  to  Brazil 
the  president-elect  submitted  this  contract  to  Congress  which 
ratified  it  with  scarcely  a dissenting  vote. 

Controversy  with  France  over  Guiana. — During  the 
presidency  of  Campos  Salles  a dispute  respecting  the  bounds 
between  Brazil  and  France  in  South  America  became  acute. 
The  contending  parties  gave  different  interpretations  to  Ar- 
ticle VIII  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  by  which  France  in  1713 
had  acknowledged  the  claims  of  Portugal  to  the  territory 
between  the  Amazon  River  and  the  river  Japoc  (Vicente 
Pinzon).  In  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  colonists 
from  French  Guiana  had  penetrated  into  territory  which  was 
claimed  by  Brazil;  while  France  maintained  that  the  river 
Japoc  was  not  identical  with  the  Oyapoc  River,  as  claimed 
by  Brazil,  but  a different  river.  At  last,  despairing  of  a set- 
tlement by  diplomatic  negotiations,  Brazil  and  France  agreed 
to  submit  the  question  in  dispute  to  the  arbitration  of  the 
President  of  Switzerland.  As  her  representative  Brazil  se- 
lected Baron  Rio  Branco.  The  decision  of  the  Swiss  Presi- 
dent which  was  announced  on  December  1,  1900,  was  in  the 
main  in  favor  of  the  Brazilian  contention.  For  the  arbitrator 
took  the  view  that  the  Oyapoc  River,  emptying  in  latitude 
40  10'  north  of  the  equator,  was  the  river  Japoc  or  Vicente 
Pinzon.  France  obtained  little  more  than  one  thousand  square 
miles  of  the  territory  in  dispute. 

Boundary  Disputes  with  England  and  Holland. — In 
1902  Rodrigues  Alves  was  elected  president.  During  his 
administration  two  other  boundary  controversies  were  peace- 
fully adjusted.  One  of  those  concerned  the  bounds  between 
Brazil  and  British  Guiana  which  had  been  in  dispute  for  some 
time.  Brazil  and  England  had  caused  surveys  of  the  dis- 
puted territory  to  be  made  by  boundary  commissions,  but 
they  were  unable  to  reach  a settlement  of  the  dispute  by  nego- 
tiations. Hence  they  agreed  to  submit  their  claims  to  the 


212 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


arbitration  of  the  King  of  Italy.  To  plead  her  cause  Brazil 
selected  the  distinguished  publicist  Joaquim  Nabuco,  who  was 
aided  in  the  preparation  of  his  case  by  Baron  Rio  Branco. 
The  arbitral  award  of  Victor  Emmanuel  III,  which  was  an- 
nounced on  June  6,  1904,  divided  the  disputed  territory  be- 
tween Brazil  and  England.  That  King  decided  that  the 
boundaries  of  Brazil  and  British  Guiana  converged  at  Mt. 
Roraima.  Brazil  soon  took  steps  to  adjust  another  boundary 
dispute.  By  an  agreement  with  Holland  in  1906  a boundary 
line  was  sketched  between  Dutch  Guiana  and  Brazil. 

The  Beautifying  of  Rio  de  Janeiro. — The  internal  ad- 
ministration of  President  Alves  was  distinguished  by  the  im- 
provement of  the  metropolis.  In  1902  Rio  de  Janeiro,  located 
upon  one  of  the  finest  sites  in  the  world,  was  still  in  many 
respects  a colonial  city.  Its  streets  were  narrow  and  crooked ; 
its  public  buildings  were  antiquated;  and  its  sanitation  was 
wretched.  A guiding  force  in  the  movement  for  civic  im- 
provement was  the  prefect  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  Pereira  Passos. 
His  plan  for  the  beautifying  of  the  city  included  these  meas- 
ures: the  improvement  of  the  water  supply;  the  eradication 
of  the  bubonic  plague  and  yellow  fever;  the  construction  of  a 
great  quay  with  warehouses,  railways,  and  electric  lights ; the 
leveling  of  some  hills  and  the  filling  in  of  several  portions  of 
the  old  city;  the  destruction  of  many  antiquated  houses  and 
buildings;  and  the  construction  of  some  modern,  central 
avenues.  That  elaborate  plan,  approved  in  September,  1903, 
was  executed  with  remarkable  celerity.  On  March  8,  1904, 
a new  street  named  the  Avenida  Central  was  begun:  there 
splendid  municipal  and  national  buildings  were  soon  con- 
structed. A long  stone  quay  was  built.  Several  delightful 
public  gardens  and  parks  were  plotted.  Notable  among  the 
streets  that  were  laid  out  was  the  Avenida  Beira  Mar,  a 
beautiful  boulevard  that  soon  stretched  for  miles  along  the 
ocean  front.  Not  of  least  importance,  under  the  direction  of 
the  eminent  physician  Oswaldo  Cruz,  so  fierce  a fight  was 
waged  against  the  mosquito  that  eventually  the  scourge  of 
yellow  fever  was  eradicated. 

President  Penna  and  the  Caixa  de  Conversao. — Presi- 
dent Alves  had  been  succeeded  in  1906  by  Affonso  Penna. 
During  his  presidential  campaign  Penna  had  expressed  his 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  213 


wish  to  ensure  to  Brazil  a stable  currency.  In  arguing  for 
the  creation  of  a bank  for  the  redemption  of  paper,  he  was 
presumably  desirous  to  imitate  the  example  of  Argentina. 
The  first  duty  of  the  republic,  he  declared,  should  be  to  trans- 
form fluctuating  fiat  money  into  paper  currency  that  was  re- 
deemable in  gold  and  hence  stable.  This  he  judged  might 
only  be  accomplished  by  the  establishment  of  a government 
bank  that  would  issue  against  gold  which  it  received  notes 
that  might  be  redeemed  in  gold  upon  presentation  at  its 
counters.  After  his  election  President  Penna  continued  to 
champion  fiscal  reform;  and,  on  December  6,  1906,  he  signed 
a law  providing  for  the  establishment  of  a bank  for  the  re- 
demption of  paper  which  was  to  be  styled  the  Caixa  dc 
Conversao.  The  law  provided  for  the  issue  upon  gold  de- 
posited in  the  bank  of  new  paper  notes  which  might  be  con- 
vertible into  gold  by  the  bank  at  the  rate  of  fifteen  pence  for 
a milreis.  In  December,  1906,  that  bank  opened  its  doors. 
By  the  end  of  December,  1907,  it  had  on  hand  gold  amount- 
ing to  some  six  million  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling, 
while  it  had  placed  in  circulation  about  the  same  amount  of 
convertible  paper. 

Political  Principles  of  Ruy  Barbosa  in  1910. — Upon  the 
death  of  President  Penna  in  1909  he  was  succeeded  by  Vice- 
President  Nilo  Peqanha.  The  leading  candidates  in  the  presi- 
dential campaign  of  1910  were  the  Liberal  Republican,  Ruy 
Barbosa,  and  Marshal  Hermes  da  Fonseca,  a Conservative 
Republican.  The  views  formulated  by  Ruy  Barbosa  in  the 
campaign  of  1910  bear  perhaps  as  close  a resemblance  to  the 
platform  of  a political  party  as  can  be  found  in  Brazilian  his- 
tory. At  least  they  will  illustrate  concretely  the  principles  for 
which  that  leader  was  contending.  Ruy  Barbosa  declared 
stoutly  against  any  interference  by  the  government  in  judicial 
tribunals  or  in  their  decisions.  He  maintained  that  judges 
should  not  be  appointed  for  political  reasons.  He  declared 
that  he  would  oppose  plurality  of  offices  and  would  favor 
the  economical  management  of  the  nation’s  finances.  The 
national  executive  should  not  usurp  the  place  of  Congress  in 
the  management  of  international  affairs.  The  federal  govern- 
ment should  not  refuse  to  execute  a law  because  of  its  alleged 
unconstitutionality.  That  government  should  not  pledge  its 


214 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


credit  to  support  the  loans  of  Brazilian  states  or  cities.  Its 
soldiers  should  not  interfere  in  federal,  state,  or  local  elec- 
tions. Except  in  grave  emergencies,  it  should  not  declare 
martial  law.  The  principles  thus  proclaimed  by  the  great 
leader  of  the  Liberal  Republican  party  were  negative.  They 
were  pledges  as  to  what  he  would  not  permit  or  tolerate  should 
he  be  elected — they  did  not  constitute  a programme  for  a con- 
structive national  policy.  By  inference  they  suggest  some 
tendencies  in  Brazilian  national  life  against  which  Ruy  Bar- 
bosa and  his  followers  were  struggling, — tendencies  which 
they  declared  had  been  encouraged  by  the  Conservative  Re- 
publicans. 

President  Hermes  da  Fonseca. — In  spite  of  the  eloquent 
appeals  of  Ruy  Barbosa  to  voters,  which  evoked  enthusiastic 
popular  support  in  certain  quarters,  when  Congress  assembled 
to  count  the  votes,  it  declared  that  the  military  candidate  was 
elected  president  for  the  term,  1910-1914.  Partisans  of  Ruy 
Barbosa  styled  the  rule  of  Hermes  da  Fonseca  a dictatorship. 
A revolt  that  soon  broke  out  in  the  navy  was  sternly  repressed : 
the  offending  sailors  were  embarked  on  board  a vessel  and 
shot  upon  the  high  sea.  Bahia — the  natal  city  of  Ruy  Bar- 
bosa and  of  other  prominent  Brazilian  publicists — was  bom- 
barded. Against  such  measures  Ruy  Barbosa  vehemently 
protested.  In  1912  in  the  lower  house  of  Congress  a coterie 
of  Deputies  formed  a society  which  was  opposed  to  the  rule 
of  Hermes  da  Fonseca.  The  convention  of  the  party  which 
opposed  the  administration  of  Hermes  da  Fonseca  met  at 
Rio  de  Janeiro  in  July,  1913,  and  nominated  as  its  vice-presi- 
dential candidate,  Alfredo  Ellis,  and  as  its  presidential  anti- 
militaristic candidate,  Ruy  Barbosa.  Because  of  a grave 
financial  crisis  that  confronted  the  nation,  however,  on  De- 
cember 28,  1913,  the  candidates  of  the  Liberal  Republican 
party  withdrew  from  the  contest  expressing  the  view  that 
the  voters  ought  to  elect  to  the  presidency  a publicist  who 
should  represent  not  a faction  or  factions  but  the  nation.  The 
result  of  the  election  of  March  1,  1914,  was  that  Wenceslau 
Braz  was  chosen  president  of  Brazil. 

Party  Problems. — During  the  quarter  century  that  had 
elapsed  between  the  deposition  of  Pedro  II  and  the  election 
of  1914  many  monarchists  had  passed  from  the  political  stage. 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  215 


Still  Brazil  had  scarcely  emerged  from  the  period  of  personal 
politics.  Frequently  the  attitude  of  a voter  toward  a presi- 
dential candidate  had  been  determined  by  his  opinion  of  the 
personality  of  a candidate  rather  th^n  by  the  candidate’s  po- 
litical views.  Occasionally — as  in  1897  and  1910 — a candi- 
date stated  his  views  trenchantly  on  mooted  problems. 

Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War. — We  shall 
next  proceed  to  a consideration  of  conditions  in  Brazil.  Here, 
as  in  connection  with  nations  of  Spanish  America,  special 
attention  will  be  directed  to  social,  economic,  and  intellectual 
life  before  the  World  War  disturbed  the  structure  of  society. 

Army  and  Navy. — A law  of  1907  provided  that  every 
citizen  capable  of  bearing  arms  should  be  liable  for  military 
service  between  the  ages  of  twenty-one  and  forty-four.  Every 
citizen  was  liable  for  two  years  of  active  service  and  seven 
years  in  the  first  reserve.  In  1914  the  Brazilian  infantry  was 
composed  of  fifteen  regiments  of  three  battalions  apiece,  a 
few  companies  of  sharpshooters,  and  twenty-five  squads 
armed  with  Maxim  guns.  The  cavalry  was  made  up  of  four- 
teen regiments,  besides  twelve  companies  of  mounted  scouts. 
The  artillery  was  composed  of  some  forty-five  batteries, 
in  addition  to  howitzers,  light  guns,  and  mountain  artillery. 
Of  regular  soldiers  there  were  perhaps  not  more  than  eighteen 
thousand.  In  addition,  however,  there  were  many  military 
associations  and  shooting  clubs,  especially  in  southern  Brazil; 
and  important  municipalities  had  their  own  military  guards  or 
military  police.  Brazil’s  naval  programme  was  stimulated  by 
association  known  as  the  Navy  League,  which  carried  on 
an  active  propaganda  for  the  upbuilding  of  the  fleet.  About 
1914  the  personnel  consisted  of  some  fourteen  hundred  sea- 
men, two  thousand  men  serving  under  contracts,  five  thousand 
apprentices,  and  six  hundred  marines,  while  the  officers  in- 
cluded one  admiral,  four  vice-admirals,  eight  rear-admirals, 
and  one  hundred  and  forty  captains  or  commanders.  The 
best  warship  was  the  “Rio  de  Janeiro,”  with  a complement  of 
about  a thousand  officers  and  men ; besides  Brazil  had  the 
battleships  “Sao  Paulo”  and  “Minas  Geraes,”  fourteen  de- 
stroyers, five  torpedo  cruisers,  and  five  submarines.  She  had 
a number  of  military  or  naval  academies  and  an  aviation 
school. 


2l6 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Immigration  from  Germany. — Immigration  to  Brazil 
from  other  European  nations  than  Portugal  had  begun  during 
the  reign  of  John  VI.  As  early  as  1818  some  Swiss  immi- 
grants had  settled  at  Npvo  Friburgo,  near  Rio  de  Janeiro. 
With  the  current  of  settlers  from  Switzerland,  however,  there 
soon  mingled  an  increasing  stream  of  immigrants  from  the 
German  Confederation.  A contract  was  signed  at  Frankfort- 
on-the-Main  between  an  agent  of  John  VI  and  certain  Ger- 
mans in  1823  which  made  specific  provisions  about  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  prospective  settlers  in  Brazil.  The  contract 
provided  that  every  immigrant  from  the  Rhineland  should 
have  the  rights  of  a Brazilian  citizen,  and  that  immediately 
upon  his  arrival  in  Brazil  each  head  of  a family  should  receive 
two  hundred  acres  of  land.  In  1824  the  first  Rhinelanders 
set  foot  upon  Brazil’s  hospitable  soil.  Cordially  welcomed 
by  the  Brazilians  who  keenly  felt  the  need  of  laborers  to  till 
the  soil,  they  were  allotted  tracts  of  land  around  Novo  Fri- 
burgo, and  some  of  them  soon  entered  the  Imperial  service 
as  soldiers.  The  Germans  occasionally  wrote  letters  to  their 
distant  kinsmen  that  described  in  extravagant  words  the  at- 
tractions of  their  newT  homes.  In  Germany  an  active  propa- 
ganda was  soon  started  to  encourage  immigration  to  South 
America.  Promoters  of  colonization  published  tracts  which 
described  in  picturesque  language  the  productivity  of  the 
Brazilian  soil.  Before  much  time  elapsed,  however,  the  in- 
dustrious Germans  realized  that  they  could  not  transform  the 
hilly  lands  near  Novo  Friburgo  into  profitable  farms.  The 
current  of  German  immigration  was  thus  deflected  to  southern 
Brazil.  During  the  reign  of  Pedro  II  a large  number  of 
Germans  were  segregated  in  southern  Brazil  where  they  pre- 
served to  a remarkable  extent  their  own  language,  customs, 
and  ideals. 

Recent  Tendencies  in  Immigration. — Under  that  Em- 
peror immigrants  from  the  United  States,  Italy,  and  Portu- 
gal, also  arrived  in  Brazil.  Some  immigrants  came  in  accord- 
ance with  contracts  between  entrepreneurs  of  colonization  and 
the  Imperial  government.  During  the  last  decade  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  various  Brazilian  states  passed  laws  to  encour- 
age immigration.  In  1907  the  federal  government  issued  a 
decree  declaring  that  the  peopling  of  Brazil  would  be  en- 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  217 


couraged  by  the  national  government  in  agreement  with  the 
governments  of  the  various  states,  with  railway  companies 
and  other  associations,  and  with  private  individuals — provided 
that  certain  regulations  were  observed.  The  decree  contained 
detailed  provisions  about  the  rights  and  privileges  of  immi- 
grants and  the  aid  to  be  furnished  them  by  the  national  and 
the  state  governments.  A conservative  estimate  placed  the 
number  of  immigrants  that  landed  in  Brazil  from  1820  to 
1912,  at  three  million  two  hundred  thousand.  Italians  led 
the  list  with  one  million  three  hundred  thousand  immigrants, 
followed  by  Portuguese  with  nine  hundred  thousand,  by 
Spaniards  with  four  hundred  thousand,  and  by  Germans  with 
one  hundred  and  sixteen  thousand. 

The  Population. — Exact  figures  are  not  available  con- 
cerning the  population  of  this  republic  in  1914.  The  last 
official  census — which  was  taken  in  1900 — indicated  that 
Brazil  was  inhabited  by  some  eighteen  million  souls.  A con- 
servative estimate  that  was  based  upon  official  statements 
placed  the  population  in  1916  at  about  twenty-three  million. 
The  population  was  composed  of  three  racial  elements:  white, 
black,  and  red — besides  the  resulting  mixed  classes.  Although 
the  white  element  was  the  least  numerous,  it  was  politically 
predominant.  Its  members  belonged  chiefly  to  the  Latin 
peoples,  mainly  the  Portuguese,  and  possibly  amounted  to 
one-third  of  the  total  population.  Italians,  Spaniards,  French, 
and  Germans  presumably  comprised  about  a million  inhabi- 
tants. The  negroes  were  composed  mainly  of  former  slaves 
and  their  descendants.  In  large  part  the  Indians  inhabited 
the  interior  of  Brazil;  frequently  they  were  fierce  warriors; 
and  occasionally  they  were  cannibals.  A low  estimate  placed 
their  number  at  some  five  hundred  thousand.  From  the 
blending  of  those  elements  a mixed  class  had  resulted  which 
possibly  comprised  a larger  portion  of  the  population  than 
the  white  element. 

Its  Distribution. — The  most  densely  populated  state 
was  Minas  Geraes.  The  increase  of  population  had  been  very 
marked  in  the  progressive  state  of  Sao  Paulo  and  in  the 
frontier  region  of  Acre.  As  Brazil  indubitably  comprised 
some  three  million  two  hundred  thousand  square  miles  of 
territory,  the  average  population  per  square  mile  in  1914  was 


2l8 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


less  than  eight  persons.  In  the  main,  the  habitat  of  the 
Brazilian  people  is  a narrow  strip  of  land  extending  south  on 
the  Atlantic  coast  from  Para  to  Uruguay  and  narrow  fringes 
along  the  Amazon  River  and  its  chief  affluents.  In  south- 
western Brazil  settlements  have  been  made  at  some  distance 
in  the  interior  of  the  plateau  and  along  the  rivers.  It  is  worth 
while  to  paraphrase  the  remark  of  Viscount  Bryce ; namely, 
that  no  other  country  governed  by  a European  race  owns  so 
large  an  extent  of  potentially  productive  territory. 

Language. — The  official  language  of  Brazil  is  Portu- 
guese. Here  and  there  the  language  has  been  somewhat  mod- 
ified because  of  the  environment  and  because  of  immigration. 
In  the  north  it  has  been  influenced  somewhat  by  the  language 
of  the  Tupian  Indians.  In  the  south  it  has  been  affected  by 
the  language  of  German  and  Spanish  immigrants.  Near  the 
bounds  between  Brazil  and  her  southern  neighbors  a Spanish- 
Portuguese  mixed  dialect  is  often  used.  There  are  many 
local  differences  in  the  idioms,  in  the  vocabularies,  and  even 
in  the  meaning  of  words. 

Religion. — The  Empire  was  naturally  Roman  Catholic 
in  its  religion.  After  the  provisional  government  of  the 
republic  decreed  the  separation  of  Church  and  State,  the 
Catholic  Church  remained  in  possession  of  its  communicants, 
buildings,  lands,  incomes,  and  hierarchical  organization.  By 
1914  the  Brazilian  Catholic  Church  was  organized  into  seven 
archbishoprics;  namely,  Para,  Olinda,  Bahia,  Rio  de  Janeiro, 
Sao  Paulo,  Marianna,  and  Rio  Grande  do  Sul.  The  arch- 
bishop of  the  Brazilian  capital  was  the  first  cardinal  created 
in  South  America.  The  Protestant  religion  has  made  some 
progress  in  this  republic.  Throughout  southern  Brazil  the 
Lutheran  church  has  many  adherents;  while  in  important 
towns  and  cities  Presbyterians  from  the  United  States  have 
established  missions,  churches,  and  schools. 

Transportation. — Transportation  between  Brazil  and 
foreign  countries  is  mainly  by  steamships  touching  at  ports 
along  the  coast  and  at  ports  on  the  Amazon  River.  The 
federal  government  owns  and  controls  the  Lloyd  Brasileiro 
line  plying  between  Brazil  and  the  United  States.  Communi- 
cation between  the  Brazilian  states  in  the  north  and  those  in 
the  south  is  largely  by  ocean  or  river  steamers;  for,  as  yet, 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  219 


there  is  no  through  railroad  communication  between  those 
sections.  Brazil’s  railroads  have  mainly  been  laid  where  the 
population  was  most  dense,  along  the  coast  and  in  the  im- 
mediate hinterland.  Most  of  the  railroads  are  found  in  the 
productive  agricultural  and  mining  lands  of  the  south.  About 
one-half  of  the  total  railway  mileage  of  Brazil  is  owned  by 
the  national  government.  Several  railroads  are  owned  by 
state  governments.  Among  important  lines  are  the  Central 
Railway  which  runs  from  Rio  de  Janeiro  to  Sao  Paulo  through 
an  important  section  of  Brazil;  and  the  Sao  Paulo  Railroad 
which  runs  from  Santos  to  Jundiahy  via  Sao  Paulo  through 
a rich  coffee-producing  district. 

Occupations. — The  chief  occupations  in  Brazil  are  agri- 
culture, mining,  manufacturing,  and  commerce.  Since  the 
abolition  of  slavery  the  cultivation  of  sugar  cane  has  greatly 
declined.  On  the  other  hand,  the  cultivation  of  coffee  has 
steadily  increased,  especially  on  the  rich,  red  lands  in  the  state 
of  Sao  Paulo.  During  the  present  century  the  coffee  interests 
have  acquired  a well-nigh  dominant  influence  in  Brazil’s  eco- 
nomic life.  The  gathering  of  crude  rubber  and  of  Paraguayan 
tea  constituted  important  industries.  In  1914,  with  some  thirty 
million  head  of  cattle,  many  inhabitants  were  engaged  in  pas- 
toral pursuits.  At  that  date  Brazil  had  an  extensive  dried 
beef  industry,  but  the  meat  packing  industry  had  scarcely  be- 
gun. The  extent  and  value  of  Brazil’s  mineral  resources  have 
been  much  disputed.  Brazilian  authors  have  printed  long  lists 
of  their  country’s  minerals;  veritable  mountains  of  iron  are 
known  to  exist;  while  diamond  washings  and  gold  mines  are 
still  exploited.  Within  the  last  quarter  of  a century  a textile 
industry  has  been  developing  in  Brazil.  In  and  about  the 
cities  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  and  Sao  Paulo  some  cotton  mills  have 
been  established.  In  the  large  cities  a considerable  number  of 
inhabitants,  especially  those  of  Portuguese  extraction,  have 
always  been  employed  in  mercantile  pursuits. 

Exports. — A more  concrete  notion  of  the  chief  economic 
interests  of  Brazil  will  be  furnished  by  statistics  of  her  foreign 
commerce.  From  1910  to  1915  her  nine  chief  exports  were: 
coffee,  rubber,  cacao,  cotton,  leather,  Paraguayan  tea,  tobacco, 
and  hides.  In  1914  Brazil  exported  over  eleven  and  one- 
quarter  million  sacks  of  coffee  (of  one  hundred  and  thirty- 


220 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


two  pounds  apiece)  which  amounted  to  some  £27,000,000 
sterling.  In  round  numbers  she  exported  33,000  tons  of  crude 
rubber,  worth  £7,000,000;  41,000  tons  of  cacao,  worth  £1,000,- 
000;  30,000  tons  of  cotton,  worth  £1,864,000;  31,000  tons  of 
leather,  worth  £2,956,000;  59,000  tons  of  Paraguayan  tea, 
worth  £1,856,000;  27,000  tons  of  tobacco,  worth  £1,162,000; 
and  2487  tons  of  hides,  worth  £741,000. 

Monetary  System. — These  amounts  are  given  in  Eng- 
lish pounds  because  fluctuations  in  the  value  of  Brazil’s  money 
in  international  exchange  compel  Brazilians  to  reckon  theix 
exports  in  foreign  or  Brazilian  gold.  The  nominal  unit  of 
Brazil’s  monetary  system  is  the  gold  milreis,  which  at  par  is 
worth  fifty-four  cents  in  United  States  currency.  The  term 
conto  de  rets  is  used  to  designate  a thousand  milreis.  Paper 
notes  are  used  in  large  quantities;  and  the  illusive  hope  has 
been  entertained  that  they  might  be  maintained  at  a stable 
ratio  of  exchange  through  the  Caixa  de  Cowcetsdo.  In  reality, 
the  result  has  been  the  creation  of  two  standards  of  value: 
the  paper  milreis  which  is  commonly  used  in  domestic  trade; 
and  the  gold  milreis — the  equivalent  of  Brazil’s  paper  mon^y 
in  foreign  gold— which  is  used  in  international  exchange. 

Finances. — When  Ruy  Barbosa  withdrew  from  the 
presidential  race,  his  country  was  upon  the  verge  of  bank- 
ruptcy. At  the  end  of  1913  there  was  a deficit  in  Brazil’s 
treasury  of  about  £1,715,000  sterling.  Inconvertible  paper 
money  in  circulation  amounted  to  some  601,488  contos  de 
reis.  The  internal  floating  debt  of  the  federal  government 
had  risen  to  an  equivalent  amount,  while  its  internal  funded 
debt  was  even  larger.  The  total  foreign  debt  aggregated  about 
£100,000,000.  It  was  as  plain  as  daylight  that  Brazil  could 
not  even  pay  the  interest  on  her  national  foreign  debt.  The 
government  of  Wenceslao  Brctz  was  thus  forced  to  initiate 
negotiations  for-  a foreign  loan  in  order  t a tide  the  ship  of 
state  over  the  rocks.  Not  without  considerable  difficulty  was 
another  funding  loan  negotiated  with  the  Rothschilds  in  Octo- 
ber, 1914,  which  amounted  to  £15,000,000,  bearing  interest  at 
five  per  cent  and  falling  due,  1914-1977. 

Education. — Education  in  Brazil  was  composed  of  three 
branches;  namely,  elementary,  secondary,  and  higher.  Ele- 
mentary education — which  was  in  charge  of  the  secretaries 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  221 


of  interior  of  the  various  states — was  backward,  particularly 
in  the  interior  and  in  the  north.  In  primary  schools  educa- 
tion was  free  but  not  compulsory.  A large  number  of  private 
schools  and  of  schools  established  by  Protestant  missionaries 
throughout  Brazil  were  also  devoted  to  elementary  instruction. 
Secondary  education  was  provided  by  the  federal  government, 
by  state  governments,  and  by  various  private  institutions.  The 
Collegio  Pedro  II  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  was  the  national  institu- 
tion of  secondary  instruction.  Other  secondary  schools — 
often  called  gymnasios  or  lyceus — modeled  somewhat  after 
that  collegio  were  supported  by  the  states  or  maintained  by 
private  individuals.  Military  colleges  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  Bar- 
bacena,  and  Porto  Alegre  were  dependent  upon  the  ministry 
of  war.  Normal  schools  were  found  in  important  towns  and 
cities.  Unlike  many  other  Latin-American  nations,  Brazil  had 
no  national  university.  Instead  under  the  control  of  the  fed- 
eral government  at  the  capitals  of  various  states  there  were 
located  institutions  for  the  study  of  engineering,  medicine, 
pharmacy,  dentistry,  and  law.  Among  the  most  notable  of 
those  were  the  polytechnic  institutes  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  and 
Sao  Paulo  and  the  colleges  of  law  at  Recife,  Rio  de  Janeiro, 
and  Sao  Paulo.  At  Sao  Paulo  was  also  located  Mackenzie 
College,  an  institution  founded  by  Presbyterian  missionaries, 
which  offered  courses  in  commerce,  engineering,  and  the 
humanities.  At  the  capital  of  the  republic  were  located 
academies  of  fine  arts  and  music.  Near  that  capital  is  located 
a zoological  laboratory — probably  the  best  in  Latin  America 
— that  has  been  named  after  its  distinguished  founder, 
Oswaldo  Cruz. 

Prose  Literature. — A long  list  of  authors  entitles  Brazil 
to  a place  in  the  front  rank  of  American  literary  nations. 
Among  her  essayists  and  novelists  may  be  mentioned  the  fol- 
lowing: J.  Manoel  de  Macedo,  author  of  A Moreninha,  whose 
novels  showed  the  influence  of  the  romantic  movement;  Jose 
de  Alencar,  the  brilliant  author  of  many  realistic  novels  about 
Brazilian  life,  such  as  Giiarany,  Cinco  Minutos,  and  Sonhos 
de  onro;  Tavares  Bastos,  whose  essays  stimulated  Brazilian 
publicists  to  open  the  Amazon  to  the  world’s  commerce; 
Machado  de  Assis,  the  distinguished  novelist  and  essayist, 
who  wrote  Braz  Cubas  and  Varias  Historias;  Raul  Pompea, 


222 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


a psychological  novelist,  author  of  Atheneu,  and  other  stories; 
R.  de  Escragnolle  Taunay,  who  produced  novels  and  historical 
essays;  Euclydes  de  Cunha,  who  composed  Os  Sertoes;  and 
Baron  Rio  Branco,  author  of  political  essays  and  geographical 
studies.  Prominent  among  historical  writers  are  Joaquim 
Nabuco,  who  wrote  Urn  estadista  do  lrnpcrio;  Pereira  da 
Silva,  author,  among  other  works,  of  the  Historia  da  fundagao 
do  lrnpcrio  Brazilciro ; Francisco  A.  Varnhagen,  who  wrote 
the  Historia  gcral  do  Brasil;  Joao  Lisboa,  who  composed 
Apontamentos  para  a historia  de  Maranihdo ; Manoel  de 
Oliveira  Lima,  the  diplomat  and  litterateur,  author  of  Dorn 
Joao  VI  no  Brazil;  and  Helio  Lobo,  who  wrote  some  diplo- 
matic studies,  among  them  De  Monroe  a Rio-Branco.  Stir- 
ring speeches  of  Ruy  Barbosa  about  the  finances  and  politics 
of  Brazil  have  been  printed.  Besides  writing  literary  histories 
of  Brazil,  Sylvio  Romero  and  Jose  Verissimo  have  edited  or 
produced  works  of  poetic  merit. 

Poetry. — Independent  Brazil  has  produced  a variety  of 
poets.  Domingos  Jose  Gongalves  de  Magalhaes  showed  the 
religious  phase  of  Brazilian  romanticism  in  his  poems  Suspiros 
poeticos  e saudades  and  his  Mysterios  e cantos  fnnebres. 
Manoel  de  Araujo  Porto  Alegre  in  his  Brasilionas  and  other 
poems  chanted  about  the  rural  scenes  of  his  native  land.  A 
great  lyric  poet,  the  author  of  many  cantos,  Antonio  Gongalves 
Dias,  in  whose  veins  flowed  Indian,  negro,  and  Portuguese 
blood,  has  been  characterized  as  the  best  poetic  exponent  not 
only  of  the  aborigines  but  also  of  the  citizens  of  Brazil. 
Manoel  Antonio  Alvares  de  Azevedo,  author  of  the  Lyra  dos 
vinte  armos,  manifested  the  influence  of  various  intellectual 
currents  of  his  age.  A poet  of  Bahia  called  Castro  Alves 
sang  passionately  about  the  evils  of  slave  society  in  O poema 
dos  escravos.  Olavo  Bilac  in  spontaneous  verse  chanted  his- 
toric incidents,  as  in  Delenda  Carthago,  or  sang  of  love,  as 
in  Via-lactea.  A pure  negro  named  Cruz  e Sousa  was  charac- 
terized by  Sylvio  Romero  as  being  in  many  respects  the  best 
Brazilian  poet. 

Fine  Arts. — Music  is  a favorite  art  in  Brazil.  A national 
school  of  music  was  founded  in  1847.  It  was  reorganized 
in  1890  under  the  auspices  of  Leopoldo  Miguez,  the  composer 
of  various  symphonies.  Carlos  Gomes  won  a lasting  place 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  223 


in  the  hearts  of  Brazilians  by  his  opera,  Guarany.  Some  years 
after  the  establishment  of  the  republic  a building  was  com- 
pleted for  the  national  institute  of  music.  Certain  Brazilian 
composers  are  well  known  in  the  musical  world.  Among  them 
is  Alberto  Nepomuceno,  author  of  Artemis.  The  academy 
of  fine  arts — which  was  founded  by  John  VI — has  trained 
some  notable  sculptors  and  painters.  From  the  atelier  of 
Rodolfo  Bernadelli — who  studied  in  Rome — have  come  some 
notable  sculptures,  as  Christo  e a adultera.  Under  the  stimulus 
of  Italian  and  French  painters  a Brazilian  school  of  painting 
has  developed.  Notable  among  Brazilian  artists  was  Pedro 
Americo  who  painted  the  Proclamagao  de  independence. 

The  Brazilian  Civil  Code. — After  several  different  pro- 
jects of  a civil  code  had  been  framed  by  prominent  jurists, 
in  January,  1899,  the  minister  of  justice  authorized  Professor 
Clovis  Bevilaqua  to  frame  a code.  His  draft  was  revised  by 
Ruy  Barbosa,  and  after  being  modified  somewhat  by  the 
Brazilian  Congress,  was  sanctioned  by  President  Wenceslao 
Braz  in  January,  1916,  with  the  stipulation  that  it  should  go 
into  force  on  January  1,  1917.  The  material  for  the  code 
was  mainly  drawn  from  Portuguese  ordinances,  Brazilian 
laws,  and  Brazilian  juristic  writings.  An  introduction  com- 
posed of  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  articles,  was  followed 
by  a general  division  composed  of  three  books  dealing  with 
persons,  property,  and  juridical  acts;  and  by  a special  division 
made  up  of  four  books  concerning  family  law,  the  law  of 
property,  the  law  of  obligations  (including  contracts),  and  the 
law  of  succession.  A provision  about  what  may  be  termed 
“homestead  rights”  suggests  that  in  a few  minor  clauses  the 
framers  of  the  code  were  influenced  by  precedents  that  had 
developed  in  foreign  lands.  The  civil  code  of  the  United 
States  of  Brazil  is  a general  federal  statute  superseding  the 
national  laws  and  regulations  in  regard  to  such  matters  as 
land-holding,  contracts  and  judicial  proceedings  and  also 
superseding  the  respective  laws  of  twenty-one  states. 

Brazil’s  Policy  toward  the  World  War. — The  struggle 
between  Germany  and  Austria,  on  the  one  side,  and  England, 
France,  and  Russia,  on  the  other  side,  which  began  in  August, 
1914,  had  a profound  influence  upon  South  America.  At 
an  early  stage  in  the  World  War  the  publicists  of  Brazil  real- 


224 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


ized  that  Germany’s  submarine  policy  was  a danger  to  their 
nation.  The  situation  became  critical,  when,  in  January,  1917, 
the  German  Imperial  Government  announced  a ruthless  sub- 
marine campaign.  In  his  reply  to  the  announcement  the 
Brazilian  secretary  of  state,  Lauro  Muller,  protested  against 
the  submarine  blockade  and  informed  Germany  that  the 
responsibility  for  any  acts  contrary  to  international  law  which 
might  affect  Brazilian  citizens,  merchandise,  or  ships  would 
devolve  upon  her.  As  in  duty  bound,  Brazil  issued  a procla- 
mation of  neutrality  in  the  war  between  the  United  States 
and  Germany.  After  a report  reached  Rio  de  Janeiro  that 
a Brazilian  vessel  had  been  torpedoed  by  a German  submarine 
without  warning,  on  April  11,  1917,  Brazil  announced  that 
diplomatic  relations  with  Germany  had  been  severed.  When 
news  reached  this  city  that  another  Brazilian  ship  had  been 
torpedoed,  President  Wenceslao  Braz  urged  Congress  to  take 
steps  for  national  defense  and  recommended  that  the  German  ' 
merchant  vessels  which  were  interned  in  Brazil’s  ports  should 
be  seized.  Congress  acted  favorably  on  the  message;  and, 
on  June  2,  1917,  the  President  issued  a decree  providing  that 
Brazil  should  use  the  interned  German  ships.  This  decisive 
act  was  soon  followed  by  a law  which  revoked  Brazil’s 
neutrality  in  the  World  War.  Upon  October  25  President 
Wenceslao  Braz  notified  Congress  that  another  Brazilian  vessel 
had  just  been  torpedoed  and  that  the  captain  of  that  vessel 
had  been  cast  into  prison:  he  declared  that  Brazil  could  not 
avoid  the  war  which  Germany  had  imposed  upon  her. 

Brazil  Enters  That  War. — On  October  26,  1917,  the 
President  signed  a law  which  announced  that  a state  of  war 
existed  between  Brazil  and  Germany.  It  authorized  him  to 
take  those  measures  which  he  might  consider  necessary  for 
the  defense  and  security  of  the  nation.  The  government  soon 
took  steps  to  raise  and  equip  soldiers  to  aid  the  Allies  on  the 
battle  fields  of  Europe.  Warships  of  Brazil  were  dispatched 
to  join  the  navies  of  England  and  the  United  States  in  the 
North  Sea. 

Influence  of  the  War  upon  Brazil. — The  World  War 

affected  conditions  in  Brazil  in  various  ways.  Restrictions 
placed  by  belligerent  nations  upon  their  exports,  lack  of  vessels 
for  the  carrying  trade,  and  high  prices  checked  the  importa- 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  225 


tion  of  manufactured  articles  into  the  republic.  The  decrease 
in  imports  reduced  the  government’s  revenues.  In  December, 
1914,  the  President  was  authorized  to  suspend  the  redemption 
of  notes  in  gold.  During  the  War  the  level  of  international 
exchange  for  Brazil  was  lowered.  It  became  difficult  for 
Brazilians  to  procure  rolling  stock  for  their  railroads.  After 
the  United  States,  as  well  as  the  Allies,  restricted  the  trade 
in  coffee  and  rubber,  Brazil’s  exports  of  those  staples  neces- 
sarily decreased  greatly.  A trend  became  manifest  toward  a 
more  diversified  system  of  agriculture  and  more  attention  was 
paid  to  pastoral  pursuits.  New  foodstuffs,  especially  rice, 
meat,  corn,  beans,  and  cassava  meal,  entered  in  considerable 
measure  into  Brazil’s  exports.  A reactionary  influence  of  the 
War  was  also  indicated  by  attempts  of  Brazilians  to  produce 
articles  that  had  previously  been  imported.  Many  small  fac- 
tories of  different  sorts  were  erected  throughout  the  country. 
Of  those  the  most  important  were  cotton  factories,  meat-pack- 
ing establishments,  tanneries,  and  paper  mills.  The  War 
seriously  impeded  certain  proposed  public  improvements,  for 
it  hindered  the  flow  of  foreign  capital  into  the  republic.  Cer- 
tain projects  which  enterprising  Brazilians  had  formed  for 
their  country’s  development  were  accordingly  modified  or 
temporarily  discarded. 

Epitacio  Pessoa  Becomes  President. — On  March  1, 
1918,  Rodrigues  Alves  was  again  elected  President.  When 
the  date  for  his  inauguration  arrived,  however,  he  was  too  ill 
to  take  office.  In  consequence  Vice-President  Delfim  Moreira 
temporarily  administered  the  government.  In  a special  elec- 
tion held  on  April  13,  1919,  Dr.  Epitacio  Pessoa,  who  was 
acting  as  head  of  the  Brazilian  delegation  at  the  Peace  Con- 
ference, was  chosen  president.  While  returning  to  his  native 
land  the  president-elect  by  invitation  visited  certain  European 
countries  and  also  Canada  and  the  United  States.  After  his 
inauguration  on  July  28,  1919,  President  Pessoa  filled  his 
cabinet  positions  with  men  from  civil  life.  With  regard  to 
his  presidential  policy,  while  sojourning  in  Washington,  he 
had  publicly  declared  that  his  programme  would  be  to  draw 
closer  together  the  countries  of  South  America  and  North 
America  without  antagonizing  European  nations,  and  to  pro- 


226 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


mote  commercial  relations  between  Brazil  and  the  United 
States. 

Summary. — The  only  independent  nation  that  long  en- 
dured under  a monarchical  form  of  government  in  the 
Americas,  under  the  direction  of  able  leaders  in  1889  Brazil 
made  a sudden  change  to  republicanism.  The  sharpness  of 
that  transition  helps  to  explain  why  monarchical  traditions 
continued  to  have  an  influence  in  the  constitutional  and  polit- 
ical life  of  Brazil.  Its  sharpness  also  helps  to  explain  the 
emergence  at  certain  epochs  of  military  governments  and  the 
influence  of  militaristic  parties  in  the  republic.  With  the  pass- 
ing years,  however,  the  people,  as  well  as  the  publicists,  of 
the  Brazilian  republic  became  adapted  to  the  new  order.  In 
Brazil,  the  great  melting  pot  of  America,  a distinct  national 
type  is  being  formed.  There  Portuguese  manners  and  customs 
still  persist  among  the  people.  Facing  the  Atlantic,  with  a 
domain  larger  than  that  of  the  United  States  exclusive  of 
Alaska,  possessed  of  enortnous  natural  resources,  if  she  can 
satisfactorily  adjust  her  financial  burdens  and  secure  the  need- 
ful capital  and  labor  for  the  development  of  her  potential 
wealth,  the  Brazilian  republic  may  look  forward  hopefully 
to  a vigorous  and  influential  national  life.  A salient  feature 
of  her  development  to  the  present  day  has  scarcely  been 
touched  in  the  present  chapter;  that  is  to  say,  her  extraordi- 
nary success  in  disputes  with  neighbors  about  boundaries.  As 
will  be  shown  in  the  chapters  that  concern  Spanish-American 
nations  of  South  America,  Brazil  has  not  only  held  possession 
of  the  territories  so  generously  assigned  her  by  the  Spanish- 
Portuguese  Treaty  of  1777,  but  has  also  gained  a clear  title 
to  territories  far  beyond  the  limits  which  it  sketched.  Forts 
and  missions  planted  by  venturesome  pioneers  furnished  the 
bases  for  claims  by  her  far-sighted  and  scholarly  diplomats 
to  territories  in  the  rich  basins  of  great  rivers. 


FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL  227 


Map  Illustrating  Territorial  Gains  Made  by  Brazil  from  Her  Spanish 
American  Neighbors  ( after  maps  by  M.  Mercado,  M.  and  E.  S.  Zeballos). 


CHAPTER  VIII 


THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION 

Origin  of  Argentina. — Argentina  sprang  from  the  heart 
of  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata.  The  action  of  the  junta  of 
Buenos  Aires  that  was  crowned  by  the  measures  of  the  Con- 
gress of  Tucuman  in  1816  had  brought  into  existence  the 
political  entity  known  as  the  United  Provinces  of  la  Plata. 
In  1819  a Congress  at  Buenos  Aires  framed  a “unitary”  or 
centralistic  Constitution  which  was  opposed  by  certain  prov- 
inces. During  the  tumultuous  years  which  followed  that  step 
the  advocates  of  a centralized  system  were  opposed  by  those 
who  favored  a federal  system;  namely,  a national  government 
which  was  based  upon  the  autonomy  of  the  provinces.  The 
years  from  1816  to  1829  have  indeed  been  called  the  “Period 
of  Anarchy.” 

Governor  Rodriguez. — A publicist  who  rose  above  sec- 
tionalism was  Martin  Rodriguez,  who  in  September,  1820, 
became  governor  of  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires.  Rodriguez 
chose  as  one  of  his  secretaries  Bernardino  Rivadavia,  a far- 
sighted leader  of  Italian  descent  who  promoted  administrative 
and  political  reforms.  Amnesty  was  granted  to  expatriated 
citizens.  The  cabildo  of  Buenos  Aires,  which  had  occasionally 
served  as  a center  of  dissension,  was  abolished.  Three  million 
pesos  were  borrowed  in  Europe  for  internal  improvements. 
A bank  of  discount  was  established  that  was  later  designated 
the  national  bank.  Tithes  and  the  ecclesiastical  fuero  were 
abolished.  In  1821  an  institution  designated  the  University 
of  Buenos  Aires  was  founded  which  was  given  charge  of 
primary,  secondary,  and  higher  education.  Two  years  later 
a charitable  association  named  the  Socicdad  dc  Bcncficencia 
was  definitely  organized.  The  notion  of  federalism  was  kept 
alive  by  means  of  reciprocal  agreements  regarding  amity,  com- 
merce, and  navigation  between  the  governors  of  certain  prov- 
inces. Steps  were  taken  in  various  provinces  to  authorize  the 
convocation  of  a constitutional  convention. 


228 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  229 


Governor  Las  Heras. — This  project  was  realized  during 
the  administration  of  Juan  de  las  Heras,  governor  of  the 
province  of  Buenos  Aires.  The  delegates  of  certain  provinces 
assembled  at  Buenos  Aires  on  December  16,  1824.  On  Janu- 
ary 23,  1825,  this  Constituent  Assembly  promulgated  a funda- 
mental law,  which  provided  that  the  provinces  should  be 
administered  by  their  own  institutions  until  a national  con- 
stitution was  adopted.  In  the  meantime  the  national  executive 
power  was  to  be  vested  in  the  governor  of  Buenos  Aires.  Las 
Heras  was  thus  made  the  chief  magistrate  of  all  the  provinces. 
As  the  war  with  Brazil  broke  out  soon  afterwards,  Las  Heras 
relinquished  his  office  and  recommended  that  Congress  should 
create  a national  executive. 

Rivadavia  and  “the  Constitution  of  1826.” — By  a law  of 

February  6,  1826,  Congress  established  the  executive  power 
of  the  United  Provinces.  Almost  with  unanimity  it  soon 
elected  Bernardino  Rivadavia  to  fill  that  position.  Congress 
then  proceeded  to  frame  a new  constitution.  Despite  the 
arguments  of  certain  delegates  who  championed  a federal 
regime,  Congress  adopted  a centralistic  Constitution  on  July 
19,  1826.  The  “Constitution  of  1826’’  provided  that  executive 
authority  should  be  vested  in  a President.  Legislative 
authority  was  granted  to  a Senate  and  a House  of  Represen- 
tatives. A supreme  court  was  given  jurisdiction  over  all  dis- 
putes to  which  a province  might  be  a party.  By  a law  of 
Congress  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires  was  made  the  capital  of 
“the  Argentine  Republic.”  Several  provinces  having  declared 
their  opposition  to  a centralized  system,  the  Constitution  of 
1826  was  badly  received  in  certain  sections.  The  governor 
of  the  province  of  Cordoba,  General  Busto,  rejected  it  and 
started  a rebellion.  That  example  was  followed  by  Juan 
Facundo  Quiroga,  “the  tiger  of  the  pampas.”  In  July,  1827, 
Rivadavia  renounced  the  presidency. 

Manuel  Dorrego  Becomes  Governor. — Vicente  Lopez, 
who  became  president  ad  interim,  dissolved  Congress,  and 
convoked  the  legislature  of  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires.  On 
August  12,  1828,  this  legislature  selected  Colonel  Manuel 
Dorrego  as  governor.  Colonel  Dorrego  had  fought  in  the 
wars  for  independence.  While  an  exile  in  the  United  States, 
Dorrego  had  become  an  ardent  admirer  of  the  federal  system, 


230 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


which,  upon  returning  to  his  native  land,  he  championed  in 
the  Constituent  Assembly  of  1826.  While  he  was  governor 
of  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires  a treaty  with  Brazil  was 
signed  on  August  27,  1828,  that  guaranteed  the  independence 
of  Uruguay  and  terminated  the  war  with  the  Brazilian  Empire. 
Upon  their  return  to  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires,  however,  some 
soldiers  who  had  been  engaged  in  that  war  revolted  against 
Governor  Dorrego  under  the  leadership  of  a dissatisfied  gen- 
eral named  Juan  Lavalle.  On  December  1,  1828,  Dorrego 
consequently  left  that  city  to  secure  the  aid  of  Juan  Manuel 
de  Rosas. 

Execution  of  Dorrego. — The  fickle  populace  of  the 
capital  city  soon  acclaimed  Lavalle  as  governor.  That  general 
pursued  Governor  Dorrego  and  defeated  him  at  Navarro. 
When  Dorrego  was  betrayed  by  one  of  his  own  officers, 
Lavalle  arbitrarily  ordered  him  to  be  executed  within  two 
hours.  On  December  13  Governor  Dorrego  was  shot  without 
a trial,  and  without  legal  cause:  impartial  history  has  judged 
that  this  summary  execution  was,  in  reality,  an  assassination ! 
Dorrego’s  execution  provoked  many  protests  from  the  interior 
provinces:  Quiroga  denounced  it  as  an  outrage.  A conven- 

tion which  met  at  Santa  Fe  stigmatized  it  as  high  treason  and 
summoned  the  interior  provinces  to  furnish  soldiers  to  make 
war  on  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires  under  the  leadership 
of  Estanislao  Lopez,  governor  of  the  province  of  Santa  Fe. 
In  April,  1829,  soldiers  commanded  by  Lopez  and  Rosas  de- 
feated Lavalle.  Arrangements  were  soon  made  for  the  ces- 
sation of  hostilities,  for  the  appointment  of  a provisional 
governor  of  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires,  and  for  the  with- 
drawal of  Lavalle  who  took  refuge  in  Uruguay. 

Rise  of  Juan  de  Rosas. — Out  of  the  somber  shadow  of 
Dorrego’s  death  there  emerged  Juan  Manuel  de  Rosas.  He 
possessed  “a  coat  of  arms,  blue  eyes,  and  the  spirit  of  a ruler.” 
Rosas  was  descended  from  a well-known  family  of  Buenos 
Aires.  He  spent  part  of  his  boyhood  on  his  father’s  ranch, 
attended  school  in  Buenos  Aires,  and,  when  a mere  lad,  took 
part  in  the  expulsion  of  the  invading  redcoats.  Soon  after- 
wards he  left  the  paternal  roof  and  engaged  in  the  curing 
of  fish.  He  then  bought  land,  became  a model  rancher,  an 
expert  horseman,  and  a prime  favorite  of  the  hybrid  in- 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  231 


habitants  of  the  pampas  who  were  called  gauchos.  A leader 
of  the  country  gentry,  he  exerted  his  influence  in  favor  of 
peace  and  order  whether  checking  vagabondage  and  robbery 
or  leading  militiamen  against  Indians.  Shortly  after  the  dep- 
osition of  Lavalle,  the  provisional  governor  of  the  province 
of  Buenos  Aires  convoked  a legislature  which  on  December 
8,  1829,  appointed  Rosas  governor  and  captain  general  for 
three  years.  If  we  may  trust  the  memoirs  of  an  Argentine 
contemporary,  when  Rosas  thus  came  into  power  he  secretly 
cherished  a scheme  to  use  the  customs  and  the  external  forms 
of  a federation  to  mask  his  centralistic  and  selfish  ambitions. 
The  years  from  1829  to  1852  have  been  designated  as  the 
“Age  of  Rosas.” 

He  Becomes  Governor. — Shortly  after  the  accession  of 
Governor  Rosas,  an  army  under  General  La  Paz  defeated 
federalist  soldiers  led  by  Quiroga.  Several  provinces  then 
proclaimed  La  Paz  as  supreme  military  chief.  Yet  he  was 
soon  imprisoned,  Quiroga  routed  his  soldiers,  and  the  cen- 
tralistic cause  seemed  lost.  Meantime  the  legislature  of 
Buenos  Aires  had  conferred  extraordinary  powers  upon  Rosas. 
When  peace  was  restored,  Rosas  insisted  upon  relinquishing 
his  authority.  General  Juan  R.  Balcarce,  who  was  appointed 
by  the  legislature  to  succeed  him,  assumed  power  on  Decem- 
ber 17,  1832.  Rosas  then  added  to  his  prestige  by  leading 
an  expedition  against  the  Indians  upon  the  frontiers  of  the 
province  of  Buenos  Aires. 

Rosas  Becomes  Supreme  Ruler. — On  March  7,  1835,  the 
legislature  of  that  province  again  appointed  Rosas  governor. 
It  granted  to  him  the  sum  total  of  public  authority.  Rosas 
accepted  the  office,  but  upon  the  express  condition  that  the 
voters  of  the  province  should  approve  the  appointment  by  a 
plebiscite.  By  a referendum  which  was  taken  in  the  end  of 
March,  with  only  a few  dissenting  votes,  the  people  of  the 
province  sanctioned  the  grant  of  all  public  authority  to  Rosas. 
To  aid  him  in  the  administration,  he  selected  secretaries  of 
foreign  relations,  of  the  treasury,  and  of  war  and  the  navy. 
Some  early  measures  of  Dictator  Rosas  were  as  follows:  the 
abrogation  of  laws  that  confiscated  the  property  of  political 
offenders;  the  negotiation  of  a treaty  with  England  which 
abolished  the  slave  trade;  the  founding  of  a provincial  bank 


232 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


upon  the  ruins  of  the  national  bank;  the  emission  of  large 
quantities  of  paper  money;  and  the  reestablishment  of  the 
Jesuit  order.  Twelve  provinces  delegated  to  the  Dictator  the 
attributes  of  national  executive:  thus  there  was  created  the 
political  organization  that  was  styled  the  Argentine  Confed- 
eration. 

Adulation  of  the  Dictator. — So  happy  were  the  people 
of  the  metropolis  at  the  restoration  of  peace  and  tranquillity, 
that  they  idolized  Rosas.  A commission  appointed  by  the 
legislature  to  recognize  his  services  decided  to  present  a sword 
of  gold  to  the  “Illustrious  Restorer  of  the  Laws.”  During 
a festival  held  in  the  capital  city  prominent  citizens  dragged 
through  the  streets  a triumphal  cart  which  bore  the  portrait 
of  Rosas — a cart  to  which  the  populace  made  humble 
obeisance.  Chiefs  of  friendly  Indian  tribes  adjured  their 
followers  to  be  faithful  to  Juan  Manuel.  Pictures  of  the 
Dictator  were  even  placed  in  the  altars  of  churches:  priests 
from  their  pulpits  exhorted  the  people  to  obey  him.  A secret 
organization  called  the  Majorca  or  Ear  of  Corn,  because  of 
the  cohesion  of  its  members  who  were  followers  of  Rosas, 
harried  his  enemies  and  committed  all  sorts  of  excesses  against 
law.  An  Argentine  author  estimated  that  during  the  Age 
of  Rosas  over  twenty  thousand  persons  were  poisoned,  be- 
headed, shot,  or  killed  in  other  ways. 

Reactions  against  Rosas. — The  reign  of  terror  thus  fos- 
tered by  Dictator  Rosas  was  not  accepted  blindly  by  every 
one.  His  dictatorship  had  scarcely  begun  when  certain  young 
scholars,  including  Juan  Bautista  Alberdi,  Esteban  Echeverria, 
Juan  Maria  Gutierrez,  and  Vicente  Fidel  Lopez,  founded  a 
club  ostensibly  for  the  discussion  of  literary  questions.  After 
the  Dictator  had  closed  the  doors  of  the  club,  its  members 
created  an  organization  designated  the  Asociacion  de  Mayo 
which  has  been  not  inappropriately  compared  to  the  Carbo- 
naro.  In  1839  Beron  de  Astrada,  governor  of  the  province  of 
Corrientes,  who  was  leading  an  uprising,  was  defeated  by  a 
partisan  of  Rosas,  captured,  and  executed.  Shortly  after- 
wards, upon  being  informed  of  a conspiracy  led  by  Colonel 
Maza,  the  Dictator  imprisoned  that  officer  who  was  soon 
condemned  to  death  upon  the  charge  that  he  had  plotted  to 
assassinate  Rosas.  On  November  7,  1839,  insurrectionists  who 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  233 


had  arisen  against  dictatorial  rule  in  southern  Argentina,  were 
defeated  at  Chascomus.  With  the  aid  of  exiled  Argentine 
citizens,  General  Lavalle  organized  an  expedition  in  Mon- 
tevideo, invaded  Argentina,  and  formed  a coalition  with  the 
governor  of  Tucuman;  but  his  army  was  defeated  by  General 
Oribe  who  was  allied  with  Rosas;  and  Lavalle  was  shot  by 
a follower  of  that  Dictator.  The  reaction  against  the  Dictator 
was  next  led  by  Generals  Paz  and  Rivera,  who  after  some 
successes  were  forced  to  retire  to  Uruguay.  In  conjunction 
with  the  governor  of  Corrientes  General  Paz  organized  a 
revolt  in  that  province,  which  was  subdued  by  Urquiza  in 

1847. 

Dispute  about  the  Falkland  Islands. — During  the  Age 
of  Rosas  a peculiar  controversy  arose  about  the  Falkland 
Islands.  As  those  islands  were  by  Spanish  officials  included 
within  the  viceroyalty  of  Buenos  Aires,  they  were  naturally 
claimed  by  the  magistrates  of  the  United  Provinces  of  la 
Plata.  In  1831  two  sealing  vessels  from  the  United  States 
were  seized  by  the  governor  of  the  islands  for  violation  of 
the  fishing  laws — a step  which  provoked  a diplomatic  cor- 
respondence between  Argentina  and  the  United  States.  Mean- 
time Captain  Duncan  of  the  United  States  corvette  “Lexing- 
ton” dispersed  the  Argentine  settlers  in  the  Falkland  Islands. 
Against  that  action  Argentina  protested.  The  charge  of  the 
United  States  at  Buenos  Aires  then  maintained  that  the  Argen- 
tine government  had  no  right  to  prevent  citizens  of  his  country 
from  fishing  near  the  Falkland  Archipelago.  In  January, 
1833,  the  captain  of  an  English  warship  took  possession  of 
the  islands  in  the  name  of  his  King  and  hauled  down  the 
Argentine  flag.  Against  that  step  the  Argentine  government 
protested  in  1841  through  its  minister  in  London;  but  the 
English  secretary  of  state  for  foreign  affairs,  Lord  Palm- 
erston, asserted  England’s  prior  claim  to  the  archipelago 
against  Spain,  basing  that  claim  upon  discovery  and  previous 
occupation  which  were  not  invalidated  by  the  withdrawal  of 
the  English  forces  in  1774. 

Argentina’s  Plea. — In  1839  J°se  M.  Alvear,  the  Argen- 
tine minister  in  Washington,  presented  to  the  secretary  of 
state  of  the  United  States  a claim  for  damages  caused  by 
the  acts  of  Captain  Duncan.  In  reply  Secretary  Webster 


234 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


stated  that  as  Argentina’s  claim  to  the  islands  was  disputed 
by  England  because  of  rights  acquired  at  a period  long  before 
1833,  he  held  that  the  United  States  should  not  give  a defini- 
tive answer  to  Alvear's  communication  until  the  dispute  be- 
tween England  and  Argentina  was  adjusted. 

Other  Foreign  Complications. — The  expanding  ambi- 
tion of  Dictator  Rosas  gradually  involved  him  in  difficulties 
with  other  nations.  He  took  the  side  of  Oribe  in  the  latter’s 
struggle  with  Rivera  for  the  domination  of  Uruguay.  In- 
cited by  the  mysterious  death  of  a French  lithographer,  who 
had  been  suspected  of  a design  to  transfer  valuable  plans 
of  the  Argentine  Confederation  to  Bolivia,  France  protested 
against  the  policy  of  Rosas  who  compelled  her  citizens  resid- 
ing in  Argentina  to  serve  in  his  army.  In  March,  1838,  having 
failed  to  obtain  satisfaction  from  the  Dictator’s  secretary  of 
foreign  relations,  the  French  consul  announced  that  the  coast 
of  Argentina  was  blockaded;  and,  in  conjunction  with  Rivera 
and  Argentine  exiles,  a French  admiral  took  possession  of  the 
island  of  Martin  Garcia.  Early  in  1843,  with  the  help  of 
Rosas,  General  Oribe  invested  Montevideo,  which  provoked 
a protest  to  the  Argentine  Dictator  from  the  governments 
of  France  and  England.  As  Dictator  Carlos  Lopez  of  Para- 
guay had  made  an  alliance  with  the  governor  of  the  Argentine 
province  of  Corrientes  against  Rosas,  in  retaliation  the  latter 
laid  an  embargo  upon  all  commerce  with  that  province  or 
with  Paraguay.  In  April,  1845,  the  English  and  French 
fleets  blockaded  the  Rio  de  la  Plata;  Anglo-French  forces 
were  stationed  at  Montevideo  and  other  points  in  Uruguay; 
and  they  tried  to  open  the  Parana  River  to  navigation  by 
foreign  vessels.  After  various  negotiations  for  an  adjustment 
had  failed,  in  1850  conventions  were  signed  between  Rosas, 
on  the  one  hand,  and  France  and  England,  on  the  other  hand, 
by  which  the  European  powers  agreed  to  withdraw  their  war- 
ships from  the  blockade  of  la  Plata  River,  and  Rosas  promised 
to  recall  his  legions  from  the  siege  of  Montevideo.  Yet  the 
acrimonious  disputes  with  European  nations  seriously  injured 
the  prestige  of  Rosas  and  precipitated  his  downfall. 

The  Programme  of  General  Urquiza. — Among  lieutenants 
of  the  Dictator  who  at  length  became  weary  of  a regime  that 
was  complicated  by  strife  with  foreign  powers  was  General 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  235 


Justo  Jose  de  Urquiza.  Governor  of  the  province  of  Entre 
Rios,  he  had  long  chafed  at  the  barbed  bit  that  had  been 
fastened  in  his  mouth.  On  April  22,  1851,  General  Urquiza 
addressed  a letter  to  Colonel  Costa — who  was  serving  under 
Oribe — denouncing  Rosas  as  a tyrant  and  inviting  the  colonel 
to  make  war  upon  him.  Urquiza  said  that  his  programme 
was  to  restore  order  and  liberty  to  the  Argentine  Republic 
and  to  allow  Uruguay  to  govern  herself.  In  a letter  trans- 
mitting this  communication  to  Oribe,  Costa  characterized 
Urquiza  as  a savage,  a traitor,  and  a madman. 

Concerted  Movement  Against  the  Tyrant. — On  May  1, 
1851,  General  Urquiza  issued  a pronunciamiento.  He 
announced  that  the  province  of  Entre  Rios  reassumed  the 
powers  which  it  had  delegated  to  the  Tyrant  He  said  that 
that  province  desired  to  see  delegates  of  the  Argentine  prov- 
inces gather  in  a constituent  assembly  definitely  to  establish 
a republic.  On  May  25,  in  a gazette  entitled  La  Regeneration, 
Urquiza  published  a proclamation  addressed  to  Argentine 
civilians  and  soldiers.  He  declared  that  for  them  the  hour 
of  republican  organization  had  struck  in  the  great  clock  of 
destiny.  In  Montevideo,  four  days  later,  representatives  of 
the  province  of  Entre  Rios,  of  Uruguay,  and  of  Brazil  signed 
an  offensive  and  defensive  treaty  which  was  aimed  against 
Rosas.  In  a daring  campaign  Urquiza  led  his  army  from 
Entre  Rios  across  the  Uruguay  River  and  forced  Oribe  to 
capitulate,  thus  relieving  Montevideo.  After  recrossing  that 
river  and  fording  the  Parana,  the  victorious  general  led 
soldiers  from  Argentina,  Brazil,  and  Uruguay  against  the 
Dictator’s  army. 

Battle  of  Caseros. — At  Caseros,  on  February  3,  1852, 
Urquiza  routed  the  dispirited  army  of  Rosas.  That  enig- 
matical man  at  once  wrote  his  resignation,  asserting  that  to 
the  extent  of  his  ability  he  had  supported  Argentina’s  inde- 
pendence, integrity,  and  honor.  The  fallen  Dictator  escaped 
from  Buenos  Aires  in  disguise  and  lived  in  poverty  at  South- 
ampton until  his  death.  Despite  evil  tendencies,  his  long  and 
arbitrary  rule  had  improved  the  efficiency  and  honesty  of 
public  administration  and  had  restricted  or  destroyed  the 
power  of  caudillos  or  local  tyrants  whose  faces  were  set 
against  nationalism.  The  Age  of  Rosas  was  a period  of  transi- 


236 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


tion  between  anarchy  and  constitutional  reorganization.  An 
Argentine  writer  has  likened  Rosas  to  Louis  XI  of  France. 

The  Interregnum. — Soon  after  the  victory  at  Caseros, 
General  Urquiza  took  steps  to  reorganize  Argentina.  He 
appointed  a provisional  governor  for  the  province  of  Buenos 
Aires.  After  the  governors  of  four  provinces  had  agreed 
that  the  management  of  foreign  affairs  should  be  entrusted 
to  Urquiza,  he  issued  a decree  of  amnesty  to  all  exiled  Argen- 
tine citizens.  On  May  31,  1852,  the  governors  of  eleven 
provinces,  including  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires,  framed 
an  agreement  at  San  Nicolas  which  was  composed  of  nineteen 
articles.  Some  of  its  provisions  were  as  follows:  that  a con- 
vention composed  of  two  delegates  from  each  province  should 
be  convoked;  that  in  case  disturbances  were  to  break  out 
Urquiza  should  be  authorized  to  use  all  prudent  means  to 
restore  tranquillity;  and  that  he  should  be  entrusted  with  the 
command  of  the  military  forces  as  well  as  with  the  regula- 
tion of  the  postal  service  and  of  riparian  navigation.  Urquiza 
was  given  the  title  of  “Provisional  Director  of  the  Argentine 
Confederation.”  The  province  of  Buenos  Aires  disavowed 
this  agreement;  but  the  thirteen  remaining  provinces  accepted 
it  and  proceeded  to  elect  delegates  to  a Constituent  Assembly 
which  met  in  the  city  of  Santa  Fe  on  November  20,  1852. 

The  Constituent  Assembly  at  Santa  Fe. — To  that  As- 
sembly an  envoy  of  Urquiza  read  the  Provisional  Director’s 
address.  This  declared  that  the  Argentine  flag  had  space  for 
more  than  fourteen  stars  but  that  it  was  impossible  to  elimi- 
nate any  one  of  those.  Interior  provinces  of  Argentine  sent 
as  their  delegates  intellectual  leaders  who  were  acquainted 
with  the  constitutions  of  1819  and  1826.  Into  their  hands 
had  come  by  a strange  chance  a copy  of  “The  Federalist.” 
There  was  also  circulated  among  the  delegates  a copy  of  a 
notable  treatise  by  Alberdi  entitled  “Bases  and  Suggestions 
for  the  Political  Organization  of  the  Argentine  Republic” 
which  was  accompanied  by  a draft  of  a constitution.  Either 
by  the  perusal  of  those  works  or  by  a direct  study  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  fathers  at  Santa  Fe 
became  acquainted  with  North  American  constitutional  prin- 
ciples. A committee  of  the  Assembly  submitted  a plan  of  a 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  237 


constitution  on  April  18,  1853.  On  May  I,  1853,  the  Con- 
stituent Assembly  sanctioned  a Constitution  for  Argentina. 

The  Argentine  Constitution  of  1853. — Argentina’s  Con- 
stitution of  1853  prohibited  slavery.  It  declared  that  the  form 
of  government  should  be  federal,  representative,  and  repub- 
lican. In  reality  this  Constitution  was  an  attempt  to  harmo- 
nize two  tendencies  which  had  struggled  for  domination — the 
federalistic  and  the  centralistic.  Of  necessity  it  could  not 
closely  resemble  its  prototype  in  North  America  in  some  par- 
ticulars; for  the  Argentine  provinces  had  never  possessed  the 
rights  which  the  Thirteen  States  enjoyed  before  1787.  It 
did,  however,  on  the  one  side,  recognize  that  some  autonomy 
was  possessed  by  the  provinces;  while,  on  the  other  side,  it 
gave  large  and  significant  powers  to  the  national  government. 

National  Executive. — This  Constitution  declared  that 
aliens  should  have  the  same  rights  as  citizens.  It  vested  execu- 
tive power  in  a President  and  a Vice-President  to  be  chosen 
by  electoral  colleges  in  the  provinces  for  a term  of.  six  years. 
The  President  should  be  the  commander  in  chief  of  the  army 
and  navy;  and  he  was  given  charge  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
patronage.  With  the  advice  of  the  supreme  court,  he  might 
refuse  to  allow  the  promulgation  of  papal  bulls.  He  might 
summon  or  prorogue  Congress,  and  could  veto  its  legislative 
acts.  He  could  grant  pardons  and  commutations  of  punish- 
ment, except  in  cases  of  impeachment.  The  President  was 
to  be  aided  by  five  secretaries  who  might  participate  in  con- 
gressional debates,  but  who  should  not  have  the  right  to  vote. 
All  orders  of  the  President  were  to  be  countersigned  by  one 
or  another  of  his  secretaries. 

Legislature. — Legislative  authority  was  vested  in  a bi- 
cameral legislature  composed  of  a House  of  Deputies  and  a 
Senate.  The  lower  house  was  to  be  made  up  of  members 
elected  by  the  people  of  the  provinces  and  of  the  capital  city 
in  proportion  to  their  population.  Besides  the  right  to  im- 
peach federal  officers,  it  was  given  the  sole  right  to  initiate 
laws  respecting  taxes  and  recruits.  The  upper  house  was  to 
be  composed  of  two  senators  from  each  province  selected  by 
their  respective  legislatures  and  two  senators  from  the  capital 
city  who  should  be  chosen  by  an  electoral  college.  The  Senate 


238 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


should  have  exclusive  power  to  try  officers  impeached  by 
the  lower  house;  and,  in  case  of  war,  it  might  empower  the 
President  to  declare  martial  law.  The  two  houses  were 
granted  very  extensive  powers  which  somewhat  resembled 
those  granted  to  Congress  by  the  United  States  Constitution. 
They  were  given  power  to  levy  direct  taxes  which  did  not 
necessarily  have  to  be  proportioned  to  the  population.  A 
significant  power  was  the  right  to  grant  subsidies  to  the  prov- 
inces when  their  own  revenues  might  prove  insufficient  to 
meet  provincial  expenses. 

Judiciary. — Judicial  power  was  vested  in  a supreme 
court  and  such  inferior  courts  as  Congress  might  establish. 
The  supreme  court  was  to  have  original  and  exclusive  juris- 
diction in  cases  respecting  ambassadors,  foreign  ministers, 
and  consuls,  and  those  to  which  a province  should  be  a party. 
In  cases  to  which  the  Argentine  nation  was  a party,  that  court 
should  have  appellate  jurisdiction. 

The  Government  of  the  Provinces. — The  Constitution 
of  Argentina  contained  comparatively  few  provisions  about 
local  administration.  It  declared  that  the  provinces  should 
retain  all  powers  which  were  not  delegated  to  the  national 
government;  and  that  they  should  have  the  right  to  frame 
their  own  constitutions.  No  province  was  to  declare  war 
or  to  wage  war  upon  another  province.  Although  the  Con- 
stitution expressly  declared  that  the  provinces  should  elect 
their  own  officers  without  federal  intervention,  yet  it  pro- 
hibited them  from  enacting  laws  about  a number  of  subjects 
— as  the  establishment  of  banks  of  issue — without  the  author- 
ization of  the  national  government.  Provincial  governors 
should  be  the  agents  of  the  nation  in  the  enforcement  of  her 
laws.  The  national  government  was  given  the  right  to  inter- 
vene in  the  provinces  to  suppress  domestic  violence,  to  repel 
foreign  invasion,  or  to  preserve  the  safety  of  the  nation. 

President  Urquiza. — In  November,  1853,  the  first  elec- 
tions were  held  under  this  Constitution.  Urquiza  was  chosen 
president  of  the  “Argentine  Confederation.”  He  decided  to 
fix  the  seat  of  government  in  the  city  of  Parana,  the  capital 
of  Entre  Rios.  Inaugurated  on  March  5,  1854,  he  at  once 
appointed  secretaries  of  the  interior,  foreign  relations,  justice 
and  public  instruction,  war,  and  the  treasury.  The  relations 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  239 


of  Argentina  with  foreign  powers  were  soon  placed  on  a 
better  footing.  Treaties  were  signed  with  the  United  States, 
France,  and  England  stipulating  that  the  Parana  and  Uruguay 
rivers  might  be  freely  navigated  by  the  merchant  vessels  of 
all  nations.  Treaties  of  navigation  and  friendship  were 
negotiated  with  other  European  powers  and  with  certain 
nations  of  South  America.  The  University  of  Cordoba  was 
made  a national  institution ; and  the  federal  government  made 
appropriations  to  the  provinces  for  the  promotion  of  primary 
instruction.  Urquiza  took  several  steps  to  encourage  the 
settlement  of  the  national  domain  and  to  promote  the  con- 
struction of  railways. 

Opposition  of  Buenos  Aires. — Thirteen  provinces  soon 
framed  constitutions  which  were  accepted  by  the  national 
government.  Grave  complications,  however,  arose  between 
the  national  government  and  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires. 
In  1854  that  province  framed  a constitution  for  itself.  In 
its  legislature  objections  were  made  to  the  agreement  of  San 
Nicolas;  and  Urquiza  was  accused  of  exercising  the  powers 
of  a dictator.  Dissensions  and  disputes  which  were  almost 
irreconcilable  soon  developed  between  the  provincial  states- 
men at  Buenos  Aires  and  the  national  magistrates  at  Parana. 
A clash  of  arms  between  national  and  provincial  forces  re- 
sulted in  a victory  for  Urquiza.  The  government  of  the 
province  of  Buenos  Aires  accordingly  signed  a peace  with 
the  Confederation.  Amendments  to  the  national  Constitution 
that  were  proposed  by  a provincial  convention  at  Buenos  Aires 
were  incorporated  in  the  fundamental  law  by  a National  Con- 
vention at  Santa  Fe  in  September,  i860.  Thus  it  is  that  the 
present  Argentine  Constitution  is  sometimes  called  the  “Con- 
stitution of  i860.”  Among  those  amendments  was  an  article 
providing  that  the  enactive  clause  of  all  laws  should  use  the 
term  “The  Argentine  Nation.”  In  i860  Santiago  Derqui 
became  president  of  the  Confederation;  while  General 
Bartolome  Mitre,  a talented  native  of  the  Argentine  metropo- 
lis, became  governor  of  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires.  The 
attempt  at  reconciliation  failed,  however,  when  deputies  from 
Buenos  Aires  to  the  Congress  at  Parana  were  refused  seats 
because  they  had  not  been  elected  according  to  the  provisions 
of  the  national  Constitution. 


240 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Battle  of  Pavon. — On  September  17,  1861,  the  national 
army  under  Urquiza  and  soldiers  led  by  Mitre  struggled  for 
the  mastery  upon  the  plains  of  Pavon.  Both  generals  claimed 
a victory;  but  Urquiza — who  was  not  supported  by  Derqui 
— retired  from  the  field  of  battle.  The  prestige  of  victory 
lay  with  the  soldiers  of  the  dissentient  province. 

Mitre  as  Dictator. — Soon  afterwards  certain  Argentine 
provinces  issued  laws  which  intrusted  General  Mitre  with 
provisional  authority  until  a new  administration  might  be 
organized.  On  April  22,  1862,  Mitre  announced  that  he  as- 
sumed control  of  the  national  government  with  the  title  of 
the  governor  of  Buenos  Aires  who  was  entrusted  with  the 
national  executive  power.  He  called  for  the  election  of  a 
Congress,  which  assembled  on  May  25.  In  accord  with  a 
constitutional  amendment  of  i860,  Congress  adjusted  the 
delicate  question  about  the  location  of  the  federal  capital  by 
a compromise  which  provided  that  the  seat  of  government 
should  be  in  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires  for  five  years.  In  Octo- 
ber, 1862,  Mitre  was  elected  president  of  the  republic. 

President  Mitre. — President  Mitre  was  the  first  chief 
magistrate  of  the  Argentine  republic  who  ruled  over  all  of 
her  territory.  Although  his  ascendancy  marked  the  triumph 
of  metropolitan  influence,  yet  he  promoted  national  unity  in 
many  ways.  He  signed  a law  which  provided  for  the  assump- 
tion of  the  debt  that  had  been  incurred  by  Urquiza.  Insur- 
rections which  broke  out  in  several  provinces  Mitre  subdued. 
His  secretary  of  the  interior  improved  relations  among  the 
provinces  by  promoting  the  postal  and  telegraphic  service. 
His  minister  of  instruction  founded  national  colleges.  His 
secretary  of  the  treasury  reformed  the  customs  service.  The 
government  of  Mitre  authorized  the  negotiation  of  a treaty 
with  Spain  by  which  in  September,  1863,  Argentina’s  inde- 
pendence was  acknowledged.  With  the  aid  and  sympathy  of 
Argentine  citizens,  General  Flores,  a leader  of  the  Colorado 
party  in  Uruguay  who  had  fought  under  Mitre  at  Pavon, 
prepared  an  expedition  against  the  Blancos  who  were  in  con- 
trol of  the  government  at  Montevideo.  The  war  waged 
against  Paraguay  during  the  administration  of  Mitre  will 
be  described  in  connection  with  the  history  of  that  state. 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  241 


Mitre’s  “Political  Testament.” — In  November,  1867, 
President  Mitre  wrote  a significant  letter  to  Jose  M.  Gutierrez. 
Mitre  declared  that  his  task  had  been  to  prepare  the  way  for 
the  free  election  of  a president.  He  expressed  the  opinion 
that  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  Argentine  Republic  should 
not  use  his  official  influence  in  favor  of  any  presidential  candi- 
date— in  a word,  he  announced  that  he  did  not  intend  to  be 
used  as  an  electoral  instrument.  This  letter  has  been  styled 
Mitre’s  “political  testament.” 

The  Civil  Code  of  Argentina. — In  pursuance  of  the  prec- 
edent established  during  the  colonial  and  revolutionary 
periods  Argentina’s  Constitution  provided  that  the  central  gov- 
ernment should  enact  civil,  commercial,  and  other  codes.  A 
commercial  code  was  adopted  in  1862.  Urquiza  appointed 
a commission  to  draft  a civil  code.  When  Mitre  became 
president  he  selected  to  frame  this  code  Dalmacio  Velez 
Sarsfield,  a prominent  jurist.  Velez  Sarsfield’s  draft  was 
submitted  to  the  Argentine  Congress  which  adopted  it  in 
September,  1869.  The  civil  code  of  Argentina  was  composed 
of  some  four  thousand  articles  which  were  largely  taken  from 
Brazilian,  French,  Spanish,  and  Chilean  sources.  Those 
articles  were  arranged  in  four  books:  book  I dealt  with  per- 
sons; book  II  with  personal  rights;  book  III  with  property 
rights;  and  book  IV  with  various  provisions  about  real  and 
personal  rights,  especially  succession  and  inheritance. 

Domingo  F.  Sarmiento. — Domingo  F.  Sarmiento,  who 
was  unexpectedly  elected  president  of  Argentina  in  1868,  was 
a distinguished  educator  and  a pugnacious  publicist.  While 
an  exile  from  his  native  land  during  the  tyranny  of  Rosas, 
he  taught  school  in  Chile  and  studied  European  and  American 
educational  systems.  When  elected  to  the  presidency  he  was 
serving  as  Argentine  minister  in  the  United  States. 

Sarmiento  as  President. — President  Sarmiento  pro- 
moted public  education  in  various  ways.  He  signed  a law 
which  provided  for  the  establishment  of  national  normal 
schools.  He  issued  a decree  which  reorganized  the  curricula 
of  secondary  schools.  He  promoted  the  introduction  of 
methods  and  teachers  from  the  United  States  into  Argentina. 
When  Lopez  Jordan,  the  avowed  assassin  of  Urquiza,  became 
governor  of  Entre  Rios,  President  Sarmiento  sent  a military 


242 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


expedition  to  the  province  to  restore  order.  The  provincial 
authorities  viewed  that  action  as  an  attack  upon  their  auto- 
nomy. The  civil  strife  which  ensued  between  national  and 
provincial  soldiers  did  not  terminate  until  Lopez  Jordan  was 
routed.  This  was  the  first  time  that  the  national  government 
intervened  by  force  against  a province. 

Social  and  Economic  Conditions. — During  Sarmiento’s 
administration  railroads  were  built  from  Cordoba  to  Tucuman, 
and  from  Concordia  to  Mercedes.  Telegraph  lines  were  ex- 
tended. Immigration  from  Spain,  France,  and  Italy  was 
encouraged.  Commerce  with  England,  France,  the  United 
States,  and  Spain  increased  and  with  it  the  public  revenues. 
The  first  national  census — which  was  taken  in  1869 — showed 
that  Argentina  had  a population  of  1,743,353.  Of  those  21 1,- 
993  were  foreigners.  In  1869  the  revenues  of  Argentina 
amounted  to  12,496,000  pesos,  while  her  expenditures  came  to 
9,620,000  pesos. 

Progress  under  President  Avellaneda. — Nicolas  Avel- 
laneda,  who  had  been  secretary  of  justice  and  public  instruc- 
tion under  Sarmiento,  was  elected  president  in  1874.  A native 
of  the  province  of  Tucuman  who  became  a resident  of  the 
metropolis,  a journalist  and  statesman  who  used  the  spoken 
and  the  written  word  to  great  effect,  he  was  admirably  fitted 
for  the  presidency.  To  him  fell  the  task  of  suppressing  a 
revolt  led  by  ex-President  Mitre,  who  protested  against  the 
use  of  official  influence  in  elections.  President  Avellaneda 
continued  the  educational  reforms  which  had  been  initiated 
by  Sarmiento:  he  founded  numerous  primary  and  secondary 
schools  throughout  the  republic.  Foreign  commerce  and  immi- 
gration increased  greatly.  During  the  period  from  1874  to 
1880  over  a quarter  of  a million  foreigners  landed  in  Argen- 
tina. In  1879  Argentina  exported  some  forty-seven  million 
pesos  worth  of  products  and  imported  forty-four  million  pesos 
worth  of  merchandise.  A step  which  marked  the  decline  of 
animosity  between  the  national  government  and  the  province 
of  Buenos  Aires  was  a law  of  September  20,  1880,  by  which 
the  city  of  Buenos  Aires  was  declared  to  be  the  nation’s 
capital.  The  legislature  of  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires 
approved  this  measure  and  provided  for  the  establishment 
of  its  new  capital  at  La  Plata.  The  region  which  had  been 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  243 


under  the  control  of  the  municipality  of  Buenos  Aires  thus 
became  the  federal  district  of  Argentina.  In  1879  General 
Roca  led  an  expedition  against  the  Patagonian  Indians  and 
advanced  the  southern  frontier  of  the  republic  to  the  Rio 
Negro.  Upon  his  return  he  was  proclaimed  a candidate  for 
the  presidency. 

Reopening  of  the  Falkland  Controversy. — No  uprisings 
against  the  government  occurred  during  the  presidency  of 
Julio  A.  Roca,  1880-1886.  In  1884  Argentina  instructed  her 
minister  at  Washington  to  urge  upon  the  United  States  the 
claim  concerning  the  Falkland  Islands  which  had  been  pre- 
sented by  Alvear.  The  Argentine  government  estimated  the 
value  of  the  colony  which  Duncan  had  destroyed  at  over  two 
hundred  thousand  pesos  and  declared  that  it  was  willing  to 
submit  the  dispute  to  arbitration.  In  a message  to  Congress 
in  December,  1885,  President  Cleveland  described  the  Argen- 
tine settlement  in  the  Falkland  Archipelago  as  “a  piratical 
colony,”  and  stated  that  his  government  considered  Argen- 
tina’s claim  as  “wholly  groundless.”  The  Argentine  minister 
to  the  United  States,  Vicente  G.  Quesada,  soon  tried  to  correct 
those  statements.  He  argued  that  the  action  of  the  United 
States  that  virtually  supported  the  seizure  of  the  Falkland 
Islands  by  England  was  “in  flagrant  opposition”  to  the  Doc- 
trine of  Monroe.  Quesada’s  protest  was  in  vain. 

Domestic  Problems  under  President  Roca. — President 
Roca  authorized  several  military  expeditions  against  the  In- 
dians in  northern  and  southern  Argentina,  thus  opening  up 
more  territory  to  settlement.  His  administration  was  dis- 
tinguished by  great  material  progress.  During  the  years  from 
1880  to  1886  the  national  revenues  increased  almost  one  hun- 
dred per  cent,  while  the  number  of  immigrants  and  the  railway 
mileage  almost  doubled.  Yet  no  such  advance  was  made 
politically.  Long  before  the  expiration  of  his  term,  Roca 
began  to  lay  plans  for  the  presidential  succession:  his  candi- 
date was  a comparatively  obscure  relative,  Miguel  Juarez 
Celman,  who  had  been  governor  of  the  province  of  Cordoba. 
In  October,  1886,  Celman  was  inaugurated  president,  while 
Carlos  Pellegrini  became  vice-president. 

Financial  and  Political  Crises.  — President  Celman 
reaped  the  whirlwind  in  finance  as  well  as  in  politics.  Ex- 


244 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


cessive  speculation  and  large  issues  of  inconvertible  paper 
money  during  the  early  years  of  his  administration  prepared 
the  way  for  a crisis.  As  Celman  left  his  own  political  party, 
the  opposition  to  his  administration  increased.  A popular 
tumult  in  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires  on  April  13,  1890,  signalized 
the  birth  of  a new  political  party,  the  Union  Civica  or  the 
Radical  party,  whose  members  soon  engaged  in  armed 
struggles  against  the  government.  After  the  rebels  were  com- 
pelled to  desist  because  of  lack  of  munitions,  about  sixty 
congressmen  asked  the  President  to  resign.  In  consequence 
Pellegrini  assumed  the  presidency  in  August,  1890.  As  the 
national  banks  and  the  bank  of  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires 
closed  their  doors  in  March,  1891,  in  the  following  December 
the  Argentine  government  opened  a new  banking  institution 
known  as  the  Banco  de  la  Nacion.  With  the  right  to  establish 
branches  in  the  provinces,  that  bank  soon  became  a powerful 
force  in  Argentine  finance. 

Presidents  Luis  Saenz  Pena  and  Jose  E.  Uriburu. — In 

1892  Luis  Saenz  Pena  became  president  of  Argentina.  The 
agitation  of  the  Radical  party  stimulated  an  insurrectionary 
spirit  in  various  provinces.  That  party  even  proclaimed  one 
of  its  leaders  the  provisional  president  of  the  republic;  but 
Saenz  Pena  proclaimed  martial  law;  and  soldiers  under  Gen- 
eral Roca  subdued  the  insurrectionists.  After  several  cabinet 
crises,  in  January  1895,  Saenz  Pena  gave  way  to  the  vice- 
president,  Jose  E.  Uriburu.  During  his  administration  a 
serious  controversy  between  Brazil  and  Argentina  about  their 
boundary  line  was  adjusted.  The  controversy  originated 
largely  from  the  fact  that  the  limits  between  Spanish  and  Por- 
tuguese America,  as  sketched  in  the  Treaty  of  San  Ildefonso, 
had  never  been  thoroughly  surveyed.  The  debatable  region 
included  a part  of  the  territory  where  Jesuit  fathers  had 
planted  missions.  After  a long  dispute  as  to  which  of  two  river 
systems  in  reality  constituted  the  limits,  the  contending  nations 
decided  to  submit  the  question  to  the  arbitration  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  The  functions  of  arbitrator 
devolved  upon  President  Cleveland.  After  carefully  consider- 
ing the  arguments  and  the  documents  presented  by  the  dis- 
tinguished representatives  of  Argentina  and  Brazil,  on  Febru- 
ary 5,  1895,  the  President  announced  his  decision ; namely,  that 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  245 


the  boundary  line  between  the  two  republics  should  follow  the 
westerly  of  the  two  river  systems.  In  other  words,  Cleveland 
decided  that  Brazil’s  contention  was  right.  His  award  was 
accepted  by  Argentina.  Three  years  later  a Convention 
amended  the  national  Constitution  in  two  important  partic- 
ulars : it  changed  the  quota  of  representation  required  for  one 
deputy  from  twenty  thousand  to  thirty-three  thousand ; and  it 
increased  the  number  of  members  in  the  cabinet  to  eight. 

Roca  Becomes  President  Again. — Soon  afterwards  Gen- 
eral Roca  again  became  president.  Important  measures  of  his 
second  administration  were  concerned  with  the  currency  and 
diplomacy.  On  November  3,  1899,  he  signed  a law  which  pro- 
vided that  the  nation  should  redeem  her  paper  pesos  of  one 
hundred  centavos  for  forty-four  centavos  in  gold.  The  re- 
demption was  to  be  made  through  a financial  institution  called 
the  Caja  de  Conversion.  In  international  relations  a significant 
move  was  made  by  Argentina  in  connection  with  the  attempt 
of  three  European  nations  in  1903  forcibly  to  collect  from 
Venezuela  debts  which  she  owed  their  citizens.  Luis  M. 
Drago,  Roca’s  secretary  of  foreign  relations,  protested  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States  and  formulated  a doctrine 
denying  the  right  of  a European  government  forcibly  to  col- 
lect debts  owed  by  a Latin-American  nation — a doctrine  that 
became  known  as  “the  Drago  Doctrine.” 

Subsequent  Presidents  to  1910. — Upon  the  conclusion 
of  the  second  presidency  of  Roca  in  1904,  Dr.  Manuel  Quin- 
tana was  elected  president.  A few  months  after  his  inaugura- 
tion a revolt  broke  out  which  was  ascribed  to  members  of  the 
Radical  party  who,  alleging  that  liberty  of  suffrage  was  not 
permitted,  had  abstained  from  voting  in  the  presidential 
election.  A short  time  after  the  suppression  of  the  revolt, 
President  Quintana  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  Vice-President 
Jose  Figueroa  Alcorta.  Of  his  secretaries  two,  at  least,  de- 
serve mention:  Romulo  Naon,  secretary  of  public  instruction, 
who  established  rural  normal  schools;  and  Ezequiel  Ramos 
Mexia,  secretary  of  public  works,  who  formed  a plan  for  the 
construction  of  railways  in  Patagonia. 

Electoral  Reform  under  Roque  Saenz  Pena. — In  1910 
Roque  Saenz  Pena,  the  candidate  of  the  so-called  Nationalist 
party,  was  elected  president.  He  came  to  the  presidency  with 


246 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


a determination  to  abstain  from  official  interference  in  elec- 
tions. In  his  first  message  to  Congress  President  Saenz  Pena 
called  for  electoral  reform.  In  February,  1912,  he  signed  a 
significant  law  which  aimed  to  compel  every  properly  qualified 
voter  to  cast  his  ballot  at  national  elections.  It  provided  that 
in  a room  without  windows  the  ballot  of  each  voter  was  to  be 
enclosed  in  an  envelope  which  should  then  be  deposited  in  a 
ballot  box.  A voter  who,  without  good  cause,  failed  to  exer- 
cise the  electoral  franchise  was  to  be  prosecuted;  and,  if  con- 
victed, he  should  be  punished  by  a fine.  Other  provisions  aimed 
to  protect  the  voter  from  intimidation.  When  Saenz  Pena 
was  compelled  to  retire  because  of  ill  health,  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent Victorino  de  la  Plaza  became  president,  the  latter  notified 
provincial  and  municipal  magistrates  that  the  national  execu- 
tive would  endeavor  to  prevent  any  official  interference  in  the 
approaching  presidential  campaign. 

Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Army  and 
Navy. — After  1898  the  army  and  the  navy  were  under  the 
control  of  different  secretaries.  Article  XXI  of  the  Constitu- 
tion declared  that  every  natural-born  Argentine  citizen  should 
be  subject  to  military  service  as  provided  by  law.  A law  was 
enacted  in  1901  which  made  military  service  compulsory  upon 
natural-born  citizens  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  forty- 
five  for  the  nominal  period  of  twenty-five  years.  Upon  attain- 
ing the  age  of  twenty  years  every  male  citizen  was  to  serve  in 
the  regular  army  one  year  or  in  the  navy  two  years.  A con- 
script belonged  to  the  reserve  of  the  standing  army  until  he 
reached  the  age  of  thirty;  then  he  passed  into  the  national 
guard  for  ten  years;  and  lastly  into  the  territorial  guard  for 
five  years.  In  1913  the  standing  army  comprised  some  twenty 
thousand  men.  All  army  officers  were  trained  in  a military 
school  at  San  Martin.  Argentina  was  divided  into  five  mili- 
tary districts  with  headquarters  at  Buenos  Aires,  La  Plata, 
Parana,  Cordoba,  and  Tucuman.  The  provisions  for  service 
in  the  navy  resembled  those  for  the  army.  Some  seven  thou- 
sand men  were  enrolled  in  the  active  naval  service  in  1913. 
At  that  time  the  fleet  included  three  armored  cruisers,  four 
protected  cruisers,  five  iron-clads,  five  torpedo  boats,  and  two 
torpedo-boat  destroyers,  besides  river  gunboats  and  auxiliary 
vessels. 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  247 


Immigration  and  Population. — Article  XXV  of  the  Ar- 
gentine Constitution  declared  that  the  federal  government 
should  encourage  European  immigration.  In  1876  a law  was 
enacted  which  provided  that  the  national  government  should 
aid  and  assist  immigrants  in  various  ways.  An  Argentine 
statistician  has  calculated  that  from  1857  to  1909  some  three 
and  one-half  million  European  immigrants  landed  at  Buenos 
Aires.  He  estimated  that  on  December  31,  1909,  there  were 
in  Argentina  over  two  million  two  hundred  thousand  foreign- 
ers. European  nations  had  contributed  contingents  in  the  fol- 
lowing order:  Italians,  Spaniards,  French,  Russians,  Syrians, 
Austrians,  English,  Germans,  and  Swiss.  The  ratio  of  for- 
eigners to  Argentine  citizens  can  be  shown  by  census  figures. 
In  1895  the  foreigners  in  Argentina  comprised  more  than  one- 
quarter  of  the  population.  Of  a total  population  of  7,905,502 
in  1914,  2,378,217  were  foreigners.  About  forty  per  cent  of 
the  population  of  the  capital  city  was  foreign-born.  In  1914 
that  metropolis  contained  over  one  and  one-half  million  inhab- 
itants. The  most  densely  populated  regions  were  the  federal 
district,  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires,  and  the  provinces  bor- 
dering the  river  Parana.  The  most  sparsely  populated  region 
was  southern  Patagonia. 

Language  and  Religion. — The  official  language  of  the 
Argentine  Nation  is  Spanish.  In  popular  usage,  at  least,  that 
language  has  been  corrupted  or  modified  because  of  the  pres- 
ence of  a large  foreign  element.  The  citizens  of  Argentina 
also  inherited  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  which  is  a privileged 
religion.  As  prescribed  in  the  Constitution,  the  State  supports 
that  Church  and  the  Argentine  President  must  be  a Catholic. 
Still  the  Constitution  provides  that  other  religions  shall  be  tol- 
erated. Catholic  bishops  are  located  at  the  cities  of  La  Plata, 
Santa  Fe,  Parana,  Corrientes,  Cordoba,  Tucuman,  Salta,  Cata- 
marca,  San  Juan,  and  Santiago  del  Estero.  The  federal  capital 
has  become  the  seat  of  an  archbishop. 

Transportation. — The  city  of  Buenos  Aires — the  heart 
of  the  republic — is  the  center  of  the  Argentine  transportation 
system.  Steamships  from  Uruguay,  Brazil,  Chile,  the  United 
States,  and  various  European  nations  regularly  touch  at  that 
port.  Side-wheel  steamers  ply  regularly  from  Buenos  Aires 
up  the  Parana  and  Paraguay  Rivers  as  far  as  Asuncion.  The 


248 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


railways  of  Argentina  have  been  promoted  by  North  American 
enterprise,  by  English  capital,  and  by  national  subsidies. 
Buenos  Aires  has  become  the  focus  of  the  best  railway  system 
in  Latin  America.  By  1914  some  twenty  thousand  miles  of 
railway  radiated  from  Argentina’s  capital.  In  part  those  lines 
were  owned  by  the  nation  and  in  part  by  private  corporations. 
Among  important  roads  was  the  line  from  Buenos  Aires  across 
the  pampas  to  Mendoza  and  thence  across  the  Andes  to  San- 
tiago, the  railway  which  crossed  northern  Patagonia,  and  the 
railroad  which  had  been  opened  in  1913  from  Buenos  Aires  to 
Posadas  and  thence  to  the  Paraguayan  capital. 

Occupations. — In  1914  Argentina  was  primarily  an  agri- 
cultural and  pastoral  country.  Vast  herds  of  cattle,  sheep, 
horses,  goats,  and  swine  grazed  on  her  pampas,  plains,  and 
steppes.  The  establishment  of  large  packing  plants  has  recently 
furnished  occupation  for  many  people.  Argentine  agriculture 
is  diversified:  corn  and  wheat  are  the  most  important  cereals; 
in  certain  zones  viniculture  is  an  important  industry;  and, 
especially  in  the  province  of  Tucuman,  much  attention  is  paid 
to  the  cultivation  of  sugar  cane.  Gold,  silver,  and  copper  are 
mined  in  the  Andean  zone ; and  other  minerals  are  found  there, 
although  not  always  in  paying  quantities.  Along  the  Atlantic 
coast  the  fisheries  are  a minor  industry.  Flour  and  sugar  mills, 
creameries,  cheese  factories,  tanneries,  cigar  and  cigarette  fac- 
tories have  been  established,  besides  a few  factories  of  shoes, 
clothing,  and  furniture.  With  the  development  of  Argentina’s 
foreign  commerce,  an  increasing  number  of  persons  have  found 
employment  in  mercantile  transactions,  especially  in  the  city 
of  Buenos  Aires. 

Economic  Development. — An  index  of  the  economic 
development  of  Argentina  is  found  in  her  commerce.  A com- 
parison of  the  statistics  of  her  foreign  trade  in  1896  and  in 
1914  shows  the  lines  of  greatest  growth.  In  1896  the  exports 
of  her  agricultural  products,  including  wheat,  flax,  corn,  oats, 
flour,  and  bran,  amounted  to  43,132,585  pesos  of  gold,  while 
in  1914  exports  of  the  same  articles  amounted  to  184,367,331 
gold  pesos.  In  1896  the  exports  of  her  pastoral  products,  in- 
cluding live  stock,  preserved  meat,  extract  of  beef,  wool, 
butter,  tallow,  blood,  and  bones,  amounted  to  70,534,000  pesos 
of  gold,  while  in  1914  exports  of  the  same  group  of  articles 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  249 


amounted  to  151,746,228  gold  pesos.  The  total  value  of 
Argentina’s  exports  in  191,4  was  349,254,141  pesos  of  gold. 
In  the  same  year  her  imports — which  consisted  mainly  of  man- 
ufactured articles — amounted  to  271,811,900  pesos  of  gold. 
At  that  time  the  foreign  debt  of  Argentina  amounted  to  some 
550,000,000  gold  pesos. 

Monetary  System. — In  Argentina,  as  in  Brazil,  it  is 
necessary  to  specify  whether  money  is  gold  or  paper.  When 
at  par  the  Argentine  gold  peso,  which  is  the  standard  of  value, 
is  worth  ninety-six  and  one-half  cents  in  United  States  cur- 
rency. A paper  peso  in  Argentina  is  legally  worth  forty-four 
per  cent  of  a gold  peso.  Theoretically  parity  between  the  gold 
and  the  paper  peso  is  maintained  by  a redemption  fund  of  gold 
that  is  kept  in  the  Caja  de  Conversion.  Upon  the  outbreak  of 
the  Great  War,  however,  redemption  was  suspended. 

Public  Education. — In  Argentina  the  national,  provin- 
cial, and  municipal  governments  support  public  education. 
According  to  the  Constitution  of  i860  the  management  of 
primary  education  was  entrusted  to  the  provincial  govern- 
ments. Because  of  the  alarming  increase  of  illiteracy,  how- 
ever, a law  was  enacted  in  1905  which  authorized  the  national 
government  to  establish  primary  schools  in  the  provinces. 
Both  national  and  provincial  governments  thus  participate  in 
the  support  of  primary  schools;  and  in  a few  provinces  the 
municipalities  support  such  schools.  Secondary  education, 
which  is  mainly  given  in  academies  designated  as  colegios,  is 
supported  by  the  national  government.  The  provinces,  as  well 
as  the  nation,  support  the  normal  schools.  Almost  all  of  the 
important  institutions  of  commercial  or  technical  education  are 
national. 

Universities. — Although  supported  by  the  national  gov- 
ernment, the  Universities  of  Santa  Fe  and  Tucuman  are  under 
the  direction  of  their  respective  provinces.  The  great  national 
universities  of  Argentina  are  the  University  of  Cordoba,  the 
University  of  La  Plata,  and  the  University  of  Buenos  Aires. 
The  University  of  Cordoba — which  succeeded  the  institution 
founded  by  Bishop  Trejo — has  colleges  of  law,  medicine,  and 
engineering.  The  University  of  La  Plata — located  at  the  cap- 
ital of  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires — is  composed  of  six  col- 
leges: natural  science;  physical  science,  mathematics  and 


250 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


astronomy;  juridical  and  social  sciences;  agronomy  and 
veterinary  science;  the  science  of  education;  and  a preparatory 
college.  The  University  of  Buenos  Aires  is  composed  of  five 
colleges:  economic  sciences;  law  and  social  sciences;  philos- 
ophy and  letters;  medicine;  exact,  physical,  and  natural  sci- 
ences; and  agronomy  and  veterinary  science.  Those  institu- 
tions, which  are  supported  by  fees  and  by  appropriations  from 
the  national  government,  had  in  1914  an  aggregate  attendance 
of  some  eight  thousand  students. 

Poetic  Literature. — Since  May  11,  1813,  when  Vicente 
Lopez  y Planes  read  the  national  hymn  to  a Constituent  Assem- 
bly at  Buenos  Aires,  the  Argentine  people  have  produced  a 
varied  literature.  Juan  C.  Varela  was  a lyrical  poet  upon  the 
classic  model,  who  also  wrote  tragedies  and  whose  last  poem 
Al  25  de  Mayo  de  1838,  was  directed  from  exile  against  Dic- 
tator Rosas.  Even  before  that  poem  was  written,  Esteban 
Echeverria  had  published  a poem  called  Elvira  which  marked 
the  introduction  of  romanticism  into  Argentina.  A thinker  as 
well  as  a poet,  he  was  the  author  of  Dogma  Socialista.  His 
most  famous  poem  was  La  Cautiva,  a poem  of  the  Indians  and 
the  pampas  which  was  an  early  expression  of  Argentine 
romanticism.  Another  versatile  spirit — historian  as  well  as 
poet — was  Juan  Maria  Gutierrez.  While  an  exile  in  Monte- 
video, Gutierrez  won  a prize  for  his  Canto  a,  Mayo.  Other 
well-known  poems  of  Gutierrez  were  A mi  bandera  and 
A la  juventud  argentina.  Gutierrez  also  compiled  a bibliog- 
raphy of  the  press  in  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata.  A frequent 
contributor  to  the  Revista  de  Buenos  Aires  and  to  the  Rez’ista 
del  Rio  de  la  Plata,  he  is  perhaps  the  most  distinguished  man 
of  letters  that  Argentina  has  produced.  One  of  the  most  sym- 
pathetic of  Argentine  poets  was  Carlos  Guido  y Spano.  French 
intervention  in  Mexico  inspired  him  to  compose  Mexico:  canto 
cpico.  The  alliance  of  Argentina  with  Brazil  and  Uruguay 
against  Paraguay  provoked  him  to  write  Nenia,  a lyric  poem 
in  which  a Guarani  maiden  mourns  the  loss  of  her  nearest  and 
dearest  relatives  in  the  Paraguayan  War.  A most  intensely 
national  poet  was  Olegario  V.  Andrade,  whose  verses  on 
patriotic  themes  stirred  the  pulses  of  Argentina’s  citizens. 

Prose. — A literary  man  who  detested  Rosas  was  the 
publicist  Bartolome  Mitre,  who  was  an  historian  as  well  as  a 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  251 


poet.  One  of  his  anti-Rosista  poems  entitled  Invalido  became 
a popular  song;  in  his  poems  of  the  pampas  he  sang  of  the 
Argentine  gaucho.  In  1858  Mitre’s  Historia  dc  Belgrano  was 
published.  Many  years  later  his  Historia  dc  San  Martin 
established  his  reputation  as  one  of  the  foremost  American 
historians.  Mitre  would  have  won  undying  fame  had  he 
done  nothing  more  than  found  La  Nacion  of  Buenos  Aires, 
which,  under  his  editorship,  became  one  of  the  leading  news- 
papers of  Latin  America.  A most  voluminous  prose  writer, 
his  published  writings  fill  volumes  that  discuss  a great  variety 
of  subjects:  immigration,  internal  improvements,  Pan-Ameri- 
canism, the  Paraguayan  War,  and  Argentina’s  Constitution. 
Another  voluminous  prose  author  was  Domingo  F.  Sarmiento, 
whose  articles,  books,  and  reports  fill  some  fifty  volumes.  His 
famous  book  is  Facnndo,  6 la  civilizacion  y la  barbarie. 
Nominally  the  book  was  a biography  of  Juan  Facundo 
Quiroga:  in  reality  it  was  a picturesque  account  of  life  on  the 
Argentine  plains  and  of  struggles  between  the  Federalists  and 
the  “Unitarians”  or  Centralists.  Juan  Bautista  Alberdi,  a 
thinker  who  lived  many  years  in  exile  because  he  dissented  from 
“those  twin  colossi,  Mitre  and  Sarmiento,”  wrote  volumi- 
nously about  social  and  economic  conditions  in  South  Amer- 
ica. Among  his  posthumous  writings  was  a remarkable  essay 
entitled  El  Crimen  de  la  Guerra.  Among  a host  of  living  his- 
torians and  critics,  only  one  may  be  mentioned,  Pablo  Grous- 
sac,  the  director  of  the  national  library. 

Fine  Arts. — Interest  in  the  fine  arts  in  Argentina  has 
had  a marked  increase  in  recent  decades.  The  earliest  painters 
and  sculptors  of  note  were  foreigners,  chiefly  Frenchmen  or 
Italians.  A few  illustrations  of  artistic  productions  of  Argen- 
tine citizens  must  here  suffice.  Perhaps  the  most  distinctive 
painting  of  Eduardo  Sivori  was  La  pampa  en  Olavarria.  For 
many  years  an  illustrator  for  La  Nacion,  Agosto  Ballerini,  pro- 
duced among  other  paintings  La  hermana  de  caridad,  La  som~ 
bra  de  San  Martin,  and  the  Apoteosis  dc  Mariano  Moreno. 
Ernesto  de  la  Carcova  painted  a notable  picture  entitled  Sin 
pan  y sin  trabajo.  Among  Argentine  sculptors  may  be  men- 
tioned Francisco  Caffereta,  who  chiseled  statues  of  General 
Belgrano,  Mariano  Moreno,  and  Bernardino  Rivadavia.  An- 
other prominent  sculptor  is  Mateo  Alons,  from  whose  atelier 


252 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


have  come  such  products  as  Borrachera,  Amen,  and  El  indio 
moribundo.  During  the  presidency  of  Dr.  Quintana  a school 
of  painting  at  Buenos  Aires  was  by  law  transformed  into  the 
National  Academy  of  Fine  Arts.  Partly  as  the  result  of 
private  generosity,  within  the  walls  of  that  academy  there  have 
been  gathered  many  products  of  the  Argentine  brush  and  chisel 
and  also  a few  paintings  by  Spanish  masters. 

Increase  in  the  Power  of  the  National  Government. — 
Perhaps  the  most  significant  political  development  in  Argen- 
tina since  the  battle  of  Pavon  has  been  the  steady  growth  in 
power  of  the  national  government.  Its  powers  have  been  inter- 
preted liberally.  To  a considerable  extent  this  has  meant  the 
political  predominance  of  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires.  National- 
ism in  Argentina  has  been  stimulated  by  a practice  adopted  by 
the  federal  government  of  making  grants  of  money  to  the 
provinces  to  promote  their  internal  development.  The  national 
government  has  even  constructed  sanitary  works  in  cities. 
The  provinces  have  been  further  subordinated  to  the  national 
government  because  of  its  armed  intervention  in  provincial 
affairs.  Again,  the  natural  increase  of  power  has  aided  to 
make  the  Argentine  government  a strongly  centralized  organ- 
ization in  which  the  provinces  do  not  really  play  a part  com- 
parable with  the  role  of  the  states  in  the  North  American 
Republic.  A careful  student  of  politics  has  expressed  the 
opinion  that  the  Argentine  provinces  are  scarcely  more  than 
administrative  divisions. 

Political  Parties. — Political  groups  or  parties  have  also 
changed.  No  longer  is  there  a definite  alignment  of  parties 
over  the  issues  of  federalism  or  centralism.  No  longer  are 
there  factions  that  dispute  about  the  federalization  of  the  city 
of  Buenos  Aires.  During  the  last  quarter  century  the  political 
groups  that  have  made  most  progress  have  been  the  Socialists 
and  the  Radicals.  The  Socialists  have  been  an  extreme  party 
largely  made  up  of  laborers  who  advocated  such  reforms  as 
proportional  representation  and  the  single  tax.  So  far  as  may 
be  discerned,  the  main  political  principle  held  by  members  of 
the  Radical  party  prior  to  1916  was  that  a complete  change 
should  be  made  in  the  existing  political  situation.  Although 
they  wished  to  turn  the  conservative  politicians  out  of  office, 
yet,  in  general,  they  were  not  economic  radicals.  Against 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  253 


those  political  groups  which  opposed  the  established  order,  the 
National  party  and  other  conservative  groups  drew  closer  to- 
gether but  did  not  unite. 

Triumph  of  the  Radical  Party. — The  electoral  reform 
of  1912  gave  the  Radical  party  its  opportunity.  The  result  of 
the  campaign  of  1916  was  a political  revolution  of  the  first 
magnitude.  Hipolito  Irigoyen,  the  candidate  of  the  Radical 
party,  was  elected  president.  Of  Basque  descent,  Irigoyen  had 
been  a prominent  leader  of  the  Radical  party  for  many  years: 
he  had  not,  however,  held  any  important  political  office. 
Neither  he  nor  his  party  had  made  any  definite  statement  of 
political  principles.  During  his  administration  there  has  cer- 
tainly been  no  decrease  in  the  power  of  the  President. 

Influence  of  the  World  War  on  Argentina. — Like  Brazil, 
Argentina  early  felt  the  disturbing  effects  of  the  World  War. 
European  capital  was  withdrawn  from  that  country,  projected 
material  improvements  were  retarded  or  laid  aside,  and 
attempts  were  made  to  replace  by  home  manufactures  articles 
that  had  formerly  been  imported.  Alcohol,  blankets,  dyestuffs, 
furniture,  saddles,  and  shoes  were  manufactured  for  domestic 
consumption  and  occasionally  for  export.  The  currents  of 
Argentine  foreign  commerce  were  shifted  toward  the  Allies 
and  the  United  States.  There  was  a greatly  increased  demand 
for  Argentina’s  meat  and  wheat. 

President  Irigoyen  and  the  World  War. — Here  again, 
a menacing  problem  was  raised  by  Germany’s  submarine  pol- 
icy. The  Argentine  government  expressed  regret  at  Germany’s 
note  announcing  the  renewal  of  an  unrestricted  submarine 
campaign.  On  April  10,  1917,  Argentina  notified  the  United 
States  government  that  she  recognized  the  justice  of  its  de- 
cision to  make  war  upon  the  German  Imperial  Government. 
Shortly  afterwards  two  Argentine  merchant  vessels  were  sunk 
by  German  torpedoes.  After  a fruitless  exchange  of  notes,  on 
August  5,  1917,  the  Argentine  government  sent  to  Germany  a 
categorical  demand  for  an  indemnity  because  of  ships  that  had 
been  sunk  by  submarines.  To  the  surprise  of  some  publicists 
Germany  agreed  to  Argentina’s  demand  for  an  indemnity  on 
August  28  following;  and  also  gave  a guaranty  that  there 
would  be  no  further  destruction  of  Argentine  ships  by  German 
submarines.  Two  days  later  Argentina  accepted  that  adjust- 


254 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


ment.  After  the  United  States  government  published  the 
Luxburg  correspondence — which  demonstrated  that  Count 
Luxburg,  the  German  envoy  at  Buenos  Aires,  had  secretly 
advised  the  government  at  Berlin  either  to  spare  two  Argentine 
ships  that  were  soon  to  enter  the  submarine  zone  or  else  to  sink 
them  without  leaving  any  trace  ( spurlos  vcrscnken) — in 
September,  1917,  both  houses  of  Argentina’s  Congress  by 
large  majorities  adopted  resolutions  declaring  that  diplomatic 
relations  with  Germany  should  be  severed.  The  President 
ultimately  handed  the  Imperial  envoy  his  passports.  Yet,  ap- 
parently influenced  by  persons  who  believed  that  Argentina 
shoidd  formulate  a policy  of  her  own,  Irigoyen  took  no  further 
measures  against  the  Imperial  German  Government. 

Aftermath  of  the  World  War. — In  protest  at  this  atti- 
tude the  Argentine  ambassador  at  Washington  resigned  his 
post.  Early  in  1918  a serious  railroad  strike — ascribed  to  pro- 
German  agitation — occurred,  which  evidently  aimed  to  prevent 
the  shipment  of  grain  abroad.  New  export  duties  were  levied 
to  check  the  outward  flow  of  food  stuffs.  In  accordance  with 
a law  which  placed  the  control  of  articles  of  necessity  in  the 
hands  of  the  President,  in  August,  1918,  he  prohibited  the 
exportation  of  certain  products.  A proposed  loan  of  some 
two  hundred  million  pesos  to  the  Allies  to  be  used  in  the  pur- 
chase of  food  stuffs  from  Argentina  was  blocked  in  the  Senate. 
In  October,  1919,  Germany  tried  in  vain  to  get  a smaller  loan 
for  a similar  purpose.  Plans  were  nevertheless  formed  for  a 
renewal  of  German  immigration  to  Argentina.  Indicative  of 
social  and  economic  unrest,  several  strikes  occurred  in  1919. 
Suppositions  were  rife  that  their  complications  were  due  to 
Bolshevist  propaganda.  On  May  1,  a general  strike  was  called ; 
but  the  national  government  intervened  to  settle  the  difficulty. 
A society  called  the  Argentine  Citizens  of  Order  was  formed 
to  combat  anarchic  disturbers  of  the  peace. 

Summary. — From  the  point  of  view  of  conditions  that 
existed  at  the  beginning  of  her  independent  life,  Argentina  has 
progressed  farther  than  her  great  neighbor  on  the  North.  Out 
of  an  age  marked — if  indeed  it  may  be  aptly  characterized  at 
all — by  social  chaos  and  political  anarchy,  with  bounds  vaguely 
defined  and  imperfectly  understood,  and  with  smaller  national- 
ities tugging  at  her  apron  strings,  Argentina  has  developed  into 


GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION  255 


a comparatively  well-populated  nation  with  definite  boundaries 
and  a cosmopolitan  population.  Spanish  though  her  civiliza- 
tion is  in  many  of  its  admirable  traits,  yet  her  people — 
especially  in  Buenos  Aires — are  drawn  from  the  four  quarters 
of  the  earth.  Indeed  if  it  were  not  for  the  intense  spirit  of 
nationalism  that  pervades  the  intelligent,  native  citizenry  of 
Buenos  Aires,  one  might  be  tempted  to  designate  the  capital 
city — as  the  author  once  overheard  an  Argentine  citizen  desig- 
nate it — as  a battle  field  where  foreign,  or  at  least  non-Argen- 
tine, influences  are  struggling  for  the  mastery.  A most  hope- 
ful sign  in  Argentine  political  life  has  been  the  emergence  of  a 
genuine  desire  for  democratic  government.  The  recent  advent 
to  power  of  a progressive  party — a party  rooted  largely  in  the 
Argentine  provinces,  and  in  the  main  opposed  to  aristocratic 
privilege  and  to  prerogatives  of  class  and  caste — may,  despite 
the  errors  that  it  seems  bound  to  make,  signalize  the  dawning 
of  a new  era  in  Argentine  politics.  With  a physical  environ- 
ment similar  to  that  of  the  United  States,  the  Argentine  repub- 
lic seems  destined  to  remain  for  a considerable  period  an  agri- 
cultural and  pastoral  country  that  will  furnish  tribute  to  a 
metropolis  which  in  some  particulars  vies  with  New  York  and 
Paris. 


CHAPTER  IX 


URUGUAY 

The  Creation  of  Uruguay. — Uruguay  originated  from 
that  section  of  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  which,  in  part,  had 
been  a debatable  land  between  Portugal  and  Spain.  On  the 
eve  of  the  Revolution  against  Spanish  rule  in  America  the 
Banda  Oriental  del  Uruguay  occupied  that  portion  of  the 
extensive  intendancy  of  Buenos  Aires  which  stretched  on  the 
northeast  to  the  junction  of  the  Uruguay  and  the  Peperi-Guazu 
Rivers.  In  the  chapters  dealing  with  the  Revolution  and  with 
the  history  of  Argentina  the  rise  of  Uruguay  under  Artigas  and 
Lavalleja  has  been  outlined.  When  General  Sucre  won  the 
battle  of  Ayacucho,  Uruguayan  soil  was  occupied  by  Brazilian 
soldiers.  A description  has  also  been  given  of  the  war  between 
Argentina  and  Brazil  culminating  in  the  battle  of  Ituzaingo, 
which  was  followed  by  the  Argentine-Brazilian  treaty  of  1828 
that  guaranteed  the  independence  of  the  region  upon  the  east 
bank  of  the  Uruguay  River.  A clause  of  this  treaty  provided 
that  the  proposed  constitution  of  Uruguay  should  be  approved 
by  representatives  of  both  Argentina  and  Brazil  before  it 
should  be  put  into  operation.  Curiously  enough  this  signifi- 
cant treaty  contained  no  stipulations  about  the  boundaries  of 
Uruguay. 

The  Constituent  Assembly  of  1829. — In  November, 
1828,  a Constituent  Assembly  for  Uruguay  assembled  at  San 
Jose.  It  appointed  a provisional  governor,  who  on  December 
13,  1828,  issued  a decree  announcing  that  all  foreign  officials 
should  cease  to  exercise  authority  within  the  territory  of  Uru- 
guay. Soon  afterwards  the  soldiers  of  Argentina  and  Brazil 
left  the  region  east  of  the  lower  course  of  the  Uruguay  River. 
Meantime  the  Constituent  Assembly  had  appointed  a commit- 
tee to  frame  a constitution.  After  some  debate  the  Assembly 
decided  to  designate  the  new  state  La  Repiiblica  Oriental  del 
Uruguay.  A Constitution  for  this  state  was  approved  by  the 

256 


URUGUAY 


257 


Constituent  Assembly  on  September  io,  1829.  About  nine 
months  later  Uruguayan  envoys  returned  from  Brazil  and 
Argentina  with  the  welcome  news  that  those  governments  had 
accepted  the  Constitution.  In  accordance  with  a proclamation 
of  the  Assembly,  on  July  18,  1830,  the  civil  and  military 
officials  of  Uruguay  swore  to  support  and  defend  the  Constitu- 
tion. 

The  Uruguayan  Constitution  of  1830. — The  Uruguayan 
Constitution  of  1830  provided  for  a centralized  form  of  gov- 
ernment. It  vested  executive  authority  in  a President,  a cab- 
inet, and  a permanent  committee  of  Congress.  The  President, 
who  was  to  be  elected  by  Congress  for  four  years,  was  vested 
with  important  powers.  He  was  the  commander  in  chief  of  the 
army  and  navy;  he  was  granted  the  right  to  appoint  the  chief 
civil  officers;  he  could  introduce  bills  into  Congress  and  was 
given  the  power  of  veto;  he  could  suspend  the  operation  of 
federal  laws;  and  he  could  commute  sentences.  His  cabinet 
was  to  be  composed  of  as  many  executive  officers  as  might  be 
necessary.  A permanent  committee  of  seven  congressmen  was 
empowered,  during  the  recess  of  Congress,  to  watch  over  the 
execution  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  It  could  make 
recommendations  to  Congress  and  to  the  President,  and  might 
convoke  Congress  to  meet  in  special  session.  Congress  was 
composed  of  a Senate  and  a House  of  Representatives.  The 
Senate  was  to  contain  one  member  from  each  of  the  nine 
departments  of  the  republic  who  should  be  chosen  by  indirect 
election.  The  lower  house  should  be  composed  of  members 
elected  by  popular  vote  in  proportion  to  population.  Besides 
the  right  to  elect  the  President,  Congress  was  granted  power  to 
levy  taxes,  to  create  new  departments,  and  to  provide  for  the 
establishment  of  banks.  Judicial  authority  was  vested  in  a 
high  court  of  justice,  a court  or  courts  of  appeals,  and  courts 
of  the  first  instance  as  set  by  law.  The  judges  of  the  high  court 
of  justice  should  be  appointed  by  the  President.  Among  other 
clauses  was  one  providing  that  the  supreme  court  should  have 
jurisdiction  over  all  cases  concerning  the  violation  of  the  Con- 
stitution. 

Local  Government. — The  unit  of  local  government  was 
the  department.  In  the  chief  town  of  each  department  a jefe 
politico  appointed  by  the  President  should  act  as  the  executive 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


258 

magistrate.  In  minor  towns  subordinate  officials  were  to  be 
placed  who  should  be  responsible  to  the  jefe  politico. 

Rivalry  between  Generals  Rivera  and  Lavalleja. — To  a 
Congress  elected  under  the  Constitution  of  1830  two  names 
were  presented  in  candidacy  for  the  presidency:  Juan  A. 
Lavalleja,  and  Fructuoso  Rivera.  Lavalleja  had  been  the  leader 
of  “the  thirty-three  immortals”  of  1825,  while  the  other  candi- 
date had  been  one  of  his  trusted  lieutenants  in  the  struggle 
for  independence.  A spirit  of  rivalry  had  unfortunately 
sprung  up  between  them  even  before  the  Uruguayan  Consti- 
tution was  framed.  The  Congress  of  Uruguay  elected  Gen- 
eral Rivera  as  President  of  the  republic;  and  he  was  installed 
in  office  upon  returning  from  his  military  post,  on  November  6, 
1830.  In  July,  1832,  General  Lavalleja  started  a revolt  against 
President  Rivera;  but  two  months  later  the  President  routed 
the  insurrectionists  at  Tupambay.  Lavalleja  was  consequently 
forced  to  seek  a refuge  in  Brazil.  The  hero  of  1825  started 
another  uprising  two  years  later  only  to  be  thwarted  again. 

Between  Rivera  and  Oribe. — Upon  the  expiration  of  his 
term  Rivera  quietly  gave  up  his  office  and  Congress  elected  as 
his  successor  Manuel  Oribe,  another  general  who  had  won  dis- 
tinction during  the  war  for  independence.  During  the  first 
year  of  Oribe’s  presidency,  it  seemed  as  though  the  republic 
were  entering  upon  an  era  of  tranquillity  and  prosperity.  Yet 
later  President  Oribe  permitted  the  Lavallejistas  to  return 
from  exile,  and  after  he  had  removed  the  ex-President  from 
the  command  of  the  army,  General  Rivera  was  aroused  to 
action,  especially  as  suspicion  was  rife  that  President  Oribe 
was  acting  under  the  influence  of  Dictator  Rosas.  That  ruler 
sent  soldiers  under  Lavalleja  to  aid  Oribe  against  Rivera. 

Blancos  and  Colorados. — Perhaps  because  of  a mark 
worn  by  those  soldiers,  Oribe  ordered  his  followers  to  wear  a 
distinctive  device,  while  Rivera  commanded  his  soldiers  to 
wear  a colored  badge.  On  September  19,  1836,  Oribe  defeated 
Rivera  at  the  battle  of  Carpinteria.  This  battle — where 
Oribe’s  soldiers  carried  white  pennants,  while  Rivera’s  soldiers 
bore  red  pennants — marked  the  first  appearance  in  the  inter- 
necine struggles  of  Uruguay  of  the  Blancos  and  the  Colorados 
— factions  or  parties  which  have  divided  the  sympathies  of  the 
Uruguayan  people  from  1836  until  the  present  day. 


URUGUAY 


259 


Triumph  of  the  Colorados. — In  1838  Rivera  routed  the 

forces  of  Oribe,  who  resigned  the  presidency  and  fled  to  the 
Argentine  capital.  After  a brief  interregnum — when  the  pres- 
ident of  the  Senate  acted  as  chief  magistrate  of  the  republic — 
General  Rivera  was  reelected  president.  On  March  10,  1839, 
Rivera,  who  was  assured  of  support  from  the  French  and  from 
Argentine  emigres,  issued  a proclamation  declaring  war  against 
the  tyrant  Rosas,  but  not  upon  the  people  of  Argentina.  A 
treaty  between  Rosas  and  the  French  agent  Mackau  dated 
October  29,  1840,  contained  an  ambiguous  clause  which  stated 
that  the  Argentine  government  would  consider  Uruguay  as  an 
independent  nation  so  long  as  this  might  be  demanded  by  the 
justice,  the  honor,  and  the  security  of  the  Argentine  Confed- 
eration. After  defeating  Rivera  by  the  aid  of  the  soldiers  of 
Rosas,  in  1843  Oribe  invested  the  Colorados,  who  were  in- 
trenched at  Montevideo.  The  years  from  1843  to  1851  in 
which  Montevideo  was  besieged  are  known  in  Uruguayan  his- 
tory as  la  guerra  grande.  Upon  the  eve  of  the  downfall  of 
Rosas,  on  October  8,  1851,  in  accordance  with  an  agreement 
between  himself  and  government  at  Montevideo,  General 
Urquiza  made  a treaty  with  Oribe  which  provided  for  the 
cessation  of  the  war  and  left  the  Colorados  in  power.  Article 
V of  that  treaty  declared  that  among  the  warring  factions  of 
Uruguay  there  were  left  neither  victors  nor  vanquished. 

Adjustment  of  Boundaries  with  Brazil. — Shortly  after 
the  close  of  this  struggle,  Brazilian  diplomacy  scored  a triumph 
by  the  negotiation  of  a group  of  treaties  with  the  Uruguayan 
minister  in  Rio  de  Janiero.  By  the  second  article  of  the  treaty 
of  limits  signed  on  October  12,  1851,  an  agreement  was  reached 
that  the  basis  of  the  arrangement  in  regard  to  the  boundaries 
between  Uruguay  and  Brazil  should  be  the  uti  possidetis  de- 
fined in  the  act  by  which  a Congress  at  Montevideo  in  1821  had 
declared  that  the  Banda  Oriental  del  Uruguay  belonged  to 
Portuguese  America.  That  act  defined  the  limits  of  the  an- 
nexed territory  on  the  west  and  the  north  to  be  the  Uruguay 
River.  On  the  north  and  the  east  the  boundary  line  was  to 
be  the  river  Cuarerim,  the  ridge  of  Santa  Anna,  the  Yaguaron 
River,  and  Lake  Merim  by  way  of  San  Miguel  to  the  Atlantic 
Ocean.  The  adjustment  of  1851  between  Brazil  and  Uruguay 
accordingly  sanctioned  the  retention  by  Brazil  of  portions  of 


260 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  rich  misiones  territory  which  she  had  occupied  after  the 
Treaty  of  I///  had  acknowledged  them  to  belong  to  Spanish 
America.  It  also  gave  to  Brazil  the  exclusive  right  to  navigate 
the  Yaguaron  River  and  Lake  Merim — a privilege  which  she 
did  not  allow  Uruguay  to  share  until  more  than  half  a century 
had  elapsed. 

Internal  and  External  Complications. — During  the 

presidency  of  a Blanco  named  Bernardo  Berro,  Uruguay  re- 
turned to  Argentina  the  island  of  Martin  Garcia,  which  had 
been  seized  by  Uruguayans  under  Garibaldi  in  1845.  General 
Venancio  Flores,  a Colorado  who  became  President  in  1854, 
asked  Brazil  to  intervene  in  the  distracted  republic;  hence  for 
three  years  Brazilian  soldiers  were  stationed  upon  Uruguayan 
soil.  In  1857  a short-sighted  politician  named  Juan  C.  Gomez 
formed  a chimerical  plan  for  the  annexation  of  Uruguay  to  the 
province  of  Buenos  Aires  and  the  creation  of  a 1 ^public  desig- 
nated the  “United  States  of  la  Plata.”  A band  of  invaders 
from  Argentina  that  aimed  to  carry  out  this  plan  was  eventu- 
ally defeated  and  its  leaders  were  ruthlessly  shot.  During  the 
presidency  of  Gabriel  A.  Pereira  some  administrative  reforms 
were  made  and  the  Jesuits  were  expelled  from  Uruguay.  Ber- 
nardo Berro,  who  became  president  for  the  second  time  in 
i860,  also  essayed  certain  reforms,  but  during  his  administra- 
tion General  Flores  invaded  the  republic  and  civil  war  flared 
up  again. 

Intervention  by  Brazil. — In  May,  1864,  during  the  ad- 
ministration of  President  Aguirre  the  government  of  Brazil 
dispatched  an  envoy  named  Jose  A.  Saraiva  to  Montevideo  to 
make  a final  plea  for  the  settlement  of  claims  for  damages  to 
life  and  property  that  had  been  suffered  by  citizens  of  the  Em- 
pire residing  in  the  republic.  Uruguay  met  this  demand  by 
the  presentation  of  counter  claims.  When  Saraiva’s  attempt 
at  a reconciliation  failed,  on  August  4,  1864,  he  presented  an 
ultimatum  demanding  immediate  fulfillment  of  the  Brazilian 
claims  and  threatening  reprisals  if  satisfaction  were  not 
granted.  After  the  Uruguayan  government  rejected  these 
terms,  the  Brazilian  government  issued  orders  to  Admiral 
Tamandare  and  General  Menno  Barreto  to  occupy  the  Uru- 
guayan cities  of  Cerro  Largo,  Salto,  and  Paysandu.  In  Octo- 
ber Admiral  Tamandare  reached  an  agreement  for  concert  of 


URUGUAY 


261 


action  with  General  Flores,  who  was  leading  an  insurrection 
against  the  government  of  Aguirre.  As  Dictator  Lopez  of 
Paraguay  apparently  had  an  understanding  with  the  Blancos 
of  Uruguay  that  he  should  support  Aguirre,  he  protested  at 
the  proceedings  of  Brazil.  Yet  forces  of  Tamandare  and 
Flores  blockaded  Salto  and  Paysandu.  Salto  soon  capitulated, 
and  Paysandu  fell  in  January,  1865,  after  an  heroic  defense  by 
General  Leandro  Gomez.  The  enraged  populace  of  Monte- 
video publicly  burned  the  originals  of  existing  treaties  between 
Uruguay  and  Brazil.  Meantime  the  Imperial  government  had 
dispatched  Silva  Paranhos — who  later  became  Viscount  Rio 
Branco — to  Buenos  Aires  on  a special  mission.  In  the  end  of 
January,  1865,  this  diplomat  made  an  agreement  with  Flores, 
“general  in  chief  of  the  army  of  liberation,”  by  which  that 
general  promised  to  satisfy  Brazil’s  claims  against  Uruguay 
and  to  observe  existing  treaties,  while  Silva  Paranhos  gave  a 
pledge  that  his  government  would  protect  Uruguayan  citizens 
within  the  Empire  and  would  satisfy  their  legitimate  claims. 
On  February  22  General  Flores  entefed  Montevideo  and  as- 
sumed the  title  of  Provisional  Governor.  Brazilian  diplomacy 
had  scored  a triumph:  it  had  secured  a satisfactory  peace  with 
Uruguay  and  had  gained  the  Empire  an  ally  in  the  impending 
war  with  Paraguay,  which  will  be  described  in  the  following 
chapter.  In  January,  1838,  Flores  promulgated  the  civil  code 
of  Uruguay,  which  was  to  go  into  force  in  the  following  April. 

The  Insurrection  of  Aparicio. — In  1870  under  the  lead- 
ership of  Colonel  Aparicio  the  Blancos  defeated  the  Colorados 
and  even  laid  siege  to  Montevideo.  After  being  vanquished  in 
the  battles  of  Sauce  and  Manantiales  by  soldiers  of  the  govern- 
ment, on  April  6,  1872,  through  the  mediation  of  the  Argen- 
tine consul,  a peace  was  signed  which  reconciled  the  warring 
factions.  It  provided  that  gratifications  were  to  be  distributed 
among  the  soldiers  of  Aparicio,  insurrectionary  leaders  were  to 
retain  the  military  grades  that  they  had  enjoyed  before  the 
uprising,  and  leaders  of  the  Blancos  were  made  the  adminis- 
trative heads  of  four  departments.  This  adjustment  of  the 
contending  factions,  which  was  designed  to  satisfy  the  Blancos 
by  conceding  them  a share  in  the  functions  and  emoluments  of 
government,  was  greeted  by  the  people  with  joy. 


262 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Emergence  of  Lorenzo  Latorre. — The  stimulus  to  in- 
dustry and  commerce  which  resulted,  however,  was  only  tem- 
porary. On  January  15,  1875,  as  the  result  of  a military  con- 
spiracy, a weak  president  named  Jose  E.  Ellauri  was  deposed, 
and  Pedro  Varela  was  installed  as  chief  executive.  Although 
Varela  deported  his  political  opponents,  yet  a revolt  broke  out 
against  him  in  1875.  A collapse  of  public  credit  because  the 
creditors  of  the  government  were  paid  in  depreciated  paper 
instead  of  in  gold  caused  1875  to  be  designated  the  “Terrible 
Year.”  Gold  reached  a premium  of  over  eight  hundred  per 
cent.  In  1876  the  ex-secretary  of  war,  Colonel  Lorenzo  La- 
torre, took  Varela’s  place  and  assumed  the  role  of  dictator. 
Latorre  was  elected  “Constitutional  President”  in  March,  1879. 
He  reorganized  the  system  of  public  instruction  and  undertook 
to  embellish  the  capital  city. 

General  Santos  as  President  and  Dictator. — In  the  face 
of  bitter  and  increasing  opposition  to  his  domination,  on  March 
13,  1880,  Latorre  resigned  his  magistracy,  and  issued  a procla- 
mation declaring  that  Uruguay  was  “ungovernable.”  A good 
physician  but  a poor  publicist,  Dr.  Francisco  A.  Vidal,  who  was 
elected  to  fill  Latorre’s  unexpired  term,  became  the  nominal 
ruler.  After  Vidal’s  resignation,  on  March  1,  1882,  his  secre- 
tary of  war  and  the  navy,  General  Maximo  Santos,  was  elected 
Constitutional  President  for  four  years.  On  October  9,  1882, 
the  ratifications  of  a treaty  were  finally  exchanged  with  Spain 
by  which  that  nation  acknowledged  Uruguay’s  independence. 
During  the  administration  of  Santos  he  sanctioned  a law  that 
made  civil  marriage  legal  and  obligatory  throughout  the  repub- 
lic. Unfortunately  commerce  and  industry  declined.  Abuses 
in  the  management  of  the  finances  were  responsible,  in  part,  for 
an  increase  in  the  national  debt.  In  order  to  perpetuate  his 
power,  Santos  promoted  the  candidacy  of  Dr.  Vidal  for  the 
presidency.  Vidal’s  election  in  the  presidential  campaign  of 
1886  precipitated  a revolt  which  was  soon  quelled  and,  after 
the  resignation  of  Vidal,  on  May  24  General  Santos — who  was 
president  of  the  Senate — again  became  chief  magistrate.  After 
an  attempt  was  made  to  assassinate  him,  Santos  relinquished 
his  post,  and  General  Maximo  Tajes  was  elected  President  to 
fill  out  the  unexpired  term.  The  next  President  was  a well- 
known  lawyer,  Julio  Herrera  y Obes,  who  strove  to  avert  a 


URUGUAY 


263 


panic  and  to  prevent  uprisings.  His  very  arbitrariness  per- 
haps helps  to  explain  why  he  enjoys  the  distinction  of  being 
the  first  President  of  Uruguay  who  saw  his  constitutional  term 
end  without  being  compelled  to  fight  against  armed  insurrec- 
tionists. 

The  “Nationalistic”  Revolt  of  1897 : President  Cuestas. 

— Juan  I.  Borda,  who  became  president  in  March,  1894,  was 
not  so  fortunate.  Three  years  later,  the  so-called  “National- 
istic Revolution,”  which  was  supported  by  Blanco  leaders, 

I broke  out.  After  several  sanguinary  conflicts  had  taken  place 
between  government  soldiers  and  insurrectionary  forces,  on 
August  25,  1897,  while  reviewing  his  troops  in  the  capital  city, 
Borda  was  shot  in  the  heart.  He  was  succeeded  by  Juan  L. 
Cuestas  as  Provisional  President.  On  September  18,  1897,  a 
pact  of  reconciliation  was  signed  at  Montevideo  by  commis- 
sioners of  the  government  and  agents  of  the  malcontents.  By 
that  compact  the  members  of  the  National  party  agreed  to  lay 
down  their  arms.  As  Congress  opposed  the  candidacy  of 
Cuestas  for  the  presidency,  on  February  10,  1898,  he  arbi- 
trarily dissolved  it  and,  with  the  title  of  Provisional  President, 
held  supreme  power  for  one  year  longer.  On  March  1,  1889, 
a new  Congress  elected  him  Constitutional  President.  His 
last  term  was  marked  by  the  beginning  of  operations  by  a 
French  company  for  the  improvement  of  the  harbor  of  Monte- 
video. In  religious  matters,  however,  Cuestas  was  intolerant. 
Although  the  Constitution  declared  that  Roman  Catholicism 
should  be  the  religion  of  the  state,  yet  he  placed  restrictions 
upon  its  exercise  and  even  tried  to  prevent  the  ingress  of  priests 
and  friars.  His  religious  policy  has  been  ascribed  to  masonic 
influence. 

Another  “Nationalistic”  Revolt  under  President  Batle 
y Ordonez. — Upon  the  eve  of  the  election  of  1908,  Jose 
Batle  y Ordonez,  a progressive  candidate  for  the  presidency, 
issued  a manifesto  declaring  that,  if  elected,  he  intended  to 
keep  in  mind  the  material  and  moral  interests  of  the  nation, 
regulating  his  actions  by  constitutional  precedents.  Soon  after 
his  inauguration,  however,  the  Nationalists  rose  against  the 
government,  but  armed  strife  was  temporarily  averted  by 
mediation,  and  an  agreement  was  reached  resembling  the  settle- 
ment with  Aparicio  in  1872.  This  adjustment  was  little  more 


264 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


than  a truce  between  contending  factions:  a revolt  occurred 
in  1904  that  lasted  almost  nine  months.  After  a battle  at 
Masoller  which  resulted  in  the  death  of  the  rebel  chieftain 
Aparicio  Saravia,  on  September  24,  1904,  a peace  was  signed 
at  Acegua.  That  agreement  provided  for  a general  amnesty; 
for  the  supervision  of  elections  by  party  committees;  and  for 
the  recognition  of  the  existing  government  by  the  rebels.  Fur- 
ther, they  were  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  to  give  up  their 
fortified  towns;  and  a mixed  commission  was  to  distribute  one 
hundred  thousand  pesos  among  the  civil  and  military  leaders  of 
the  insurrection.  After  sanguinary  struggles  that  lasted  three- 
cjuarters  of  a century,  it  seemed  as  though  the  political  feuds 
which  had  been  provoked  during  the  revolutionary  epoch  had 
been  extinguished. 

Reforms  under  President  Williman. — The  administra- 
tion of  Claudio  Williman,  a leader  of  the  Colorado  party  who 
was  inaugurated  on  March  1,  1907,  was  signalized  by  sig- 
nificant reforms.  He  soon  issued  a decree  reorganizing  the 
cabinet.  A supreme  court  was  established.  Intendants  and 
subintendants  were  created  to  aid  in  the  administration  of  the 
departments.  The  moles  in  the  harbor  of  Montevideo  were 
completed.  Capital  punishment  was  abolished.  A statute  was 
enacted  which  permitted  absolute  divorce.  An  organic  law  for 
the  University  of  Montevideo  was  sanctioned.  Another  law 
established  a national  institute  for  the  deaf  and  dumb.  So 
carefully  did  President  Williman  husband  the  nation’s  revenues 
that  he  left  in  the  treasury  an  unprecedented  surplus  of  nine 
million  pesos. 

Social  Welfare  Legislation. — On  March  1,  1911,  Batle 
y Ordonez  became  President  for  the  second  time.  Notable 
among  plans  that  were  formed  for  public  improvements  was  a 
project  for  a splendid  capitol  which  should  be  in  the  midst  of 
new  streets  and  plazas.  Political  persecutions  ceased,  freedom 
of  the  press  was  observed,  and  significant  reforms  were  en- 
acted. The  government  began  a serious  study  of  the  social 
welfare  of  its  citizens.  Experts  from  foreign  lands  were  em- 
ployed to  investigate  Uruguay’s  problems.  The  secretary  of 
finance  directed  that  statistics  should  be  collected  about  wages, 
the  cost  of  living,  and  the  demand  and  supply  of  labor.  Seeds 
and  agricultural  implements  were  exempted  from  import 


URUGUAY 


265 


duties.  A tax  was  levied  upon  useless  expenditures  in  jewelry. 
In  July,  1914,  Congress  even  discussed  a bill  granting  full 
political  rights  to  women.  After  his  inauguration  in  1915, 
President  Viera  announced  his  intention  to  follow  the  policies 
of  his  predecessor.  He  sanctioned  various  bills  that  aimed  to 
promote  the  social  welfare  of  Uruguayans.  Among  those  was 
an  act  establishing  an  eight-hour  day,  a law  containing  regula- 
tions designed  to  prevent  accidents  to  workingmen,  a law  pro- 
viding for  industrial  education  in  primary  and  secondary 
schools,  a law  concerning  old-age  pensions,  a law  providing  for 
a national  inheritance  tax,  and  another  law  that  established 
government  control  of  telegraph  and  telephone  lines. 

Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Immigration 
and  Population. — The  stream  of  immigration  to  Monte- 
video has  resembled  that  to  Buenos  Aires.  In  1875  Uruguay 
had  a population  of  less  than  half  a million:  in  1914  the  pop- 
ulation had  trebled.  A Uruguayan  writer  has  calculated  that 
in  a total  population  of  about  one  million  in  1908,  the  foreigners 
numbered  about  180,000:  of  these  Italians  composed  about 
35  per  cent;  Spaniards,  30  per  cent;  Brazilians,  15  per  cent; 
Argentine  citizens,  10  per  cent;  and  French,  5 per  cent;  while 
the  remainder  belonged  to  other  nationalities.  As  the  aborigi- 
nal race  in  Uruguay  was  largely  exterminated,  and  as  negroes 
are  found  mainly  along  the  Brazilian  frontiers,  the  basic  ele- 
ment in  her  population  is  still  Spanish.  Immigrants  have  been 
assimilated  in  the  Uruguayan  population  with  comparative 
ease.  Children  born  of  foreign  parents  in  Montevideo  often 
pride  themselves  upon  their  Uruguayan  citizenship. 

Occupations  and  Products. — The  two  chief  occupations 
of  the  Uruguayan  people  are  agriculture  and  stock  raising. 
Their  rich  soil  sustains  a varied  agriculture.  In  the  north  the 
main  crops  are  tobacco,  peanuts,  and  grapes,  while  in  the  south, 
wheat,  corn,  oats,  flax,  and  barley  are  the  most  important 
products.  According  to  the  census  of  1908,  there  roamed  over 
the  plains  of  Uruguay  some  3,600,000  cattle,  almost  2,000,000 
sheep,  and  more  than  500,000  horses.  In  that  year  over 
600,000  beef  cattle  were  slaughtered.  Uruguayan  factories 
are  mainly  dependent  upon  agriculture  and  cattle  raising.  The 
chief  manufactures  are  wine,  butter,  leather,  flour,  macaroni, 
and  preserved  meat.  In  1914  almost  90  per  cent  of  Uruguay’s 


266 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


exports  were  products  of  pastoral  and  related  industries. 
Many  Uruguayans  are  engaged  in  mercantile  affairs,  especially 
in  Montevideo.  Uruguay’s  exports  in  1914  were  officially 
valued  as  follows:  products  of  pastoral  industry,  48,000,000 
pesos;  products  of  agriculture,  1,351,000;  products  of  mining, 
2,031,000;  products  of  fishing  and  hunting,  157,000;  and  other 
exports,  100,000.  These  values  are  in  the  Uruguayan  gold 
peso,  which  is  generally  worth  a little  more  than  a United 
States  dollar. 

National  Debt. — The  national  debt  of  Uruguay — which 
in  i860  amounted  to  2,72 6,000  pesos — in  1914  reached  a total 
of  141,144,000  pesos.  This  debt  was  incurred  at  various 
times  largely  to  fund  preexisting  debts,  to  promote  public 
works,  and  to  obtain  capital  for  banks.  It  was  secured  by  the 
hypothecation  of  the  customs  revenues  of  the  republic.  A 
loan  of  1896  which  was  issued  to  obtain  capital  for  the  bank 
of  the  republic  was  secured  by  5.5  per  cent  of  the  customs 
revenues;  a loan  made  in  1905  to  get  gold  for  the  redemption 
of  paper  money  was  secured  by  24  per  cent  of  those  revenues; 
and  the  consolidated  debt  floated  to  unify  certain  loans  and  to 
furnish  guaranties  to  railway  companies  was  secured  by  45  per 
cent  of  the  same  revenues. 

Transportation. — In  comparison  with  many  other 
Latin-American  countries  the  republic  of  Uruguay  is  well  sup- 
plied with  transportation  facilities.  At  Montevideo  most  of 
the  steamship  lines  plying  to  Buenos  Aires  stop  with  consider- 
able regularity.  As  it  is  only  a one-night  trip  by  water  from 
Montevideo  to  the  Argentine  capital,  Uruguayans  can  make 
good  connections  with  side-wheel  steamers  plying  up  the 
Parana  and  its  tributaries.  From  1869 — when  the  first  Uru- 
guayan railway  between  Montevideo  and  Piedras  was  opened 
to  traffic — to  1914,  over  1,500  miles  of  railway  were  con- 
structed in  Uruguay.  The  chief  cities  of  the  republic  have  thus 
been  linked  with  the  metropolis. 

Army  and  Navy. — In  1914  the  commander  in  chief  of 
the  Uruguayan  army  was  the  secretary  of  war  and  the  navy. 
Uruguay’s  soldiery  was  mainly  composed  of  a standing  army 
and  of  reserves  that  constituted  a national  guard.  The  nation’s 
standing  army  was  made  up  of  recruits  and  volunteers.  Men 
from  seventeen  to  forty  who  enrolled  under  the  Uruguayan 


URUGUAY 


267 


flag  were  compelled  to  serve  in  the  army  at  least  one  year.  The 
total  strength  of  the  standing  army  amounted  to  some  ten 
thousand  men,  including  five  generals  and  about  eighty  other 
officers.  Uruguay’s  national  guard  was  recruited  from  citizens 
between  seventeen  and  forty-five  years  of  age.  It  was  com- 
posed of  the  mobile  national  guard  which,  with  the  standing 
army,  might  constitute  an  army  of  operations;  the  depart- 
mental national  guard  which  might  be  incorporated  with  the 
army  of  operations;  and  the  passive  national  guard  which  was 
assigned  duty  in  fortified  towns  or  cities  where  its  members 
resided.  Under  the  secretary  of  war  the  chief  officer  of  the 
Uruguayan  naval  forces  was  the  commander  of  the  navy,  who 
was  captain  general  of  the  ports.  His  chief  function  was  to 
guard  the  seacoast.  Uruguay’s  navy  was  composed  of  a few 
cruisers  for  coast  defense  and  some  smaller  vessels. 

Education. — The  foundations  of  the  existing  educational 
system  of  Uruguay  were  laid  by  Dictator  Latorre,  In  1877 
he  issued  a decree  that  placed  public  education  under  the  direc- 
tion of  a national  board  of  public  instruction  which  was  to 
superintend  primary  instruction,  to  administer  normal  schools, 
to  appoint  teachers,  to  organize  libraries,  and  to  grant  teachers’ 
certificates.  At  the  capital  of  each  department  should  be  a 
local  board  of  primary  instruction.  All  public  instruction — 
which  should  be  compulsory  and  supported  by  the  State — was 
to  be  under  the  control  of  the  central  government.  Provision 
was  also  made  for  a national  inspector  of  public  instruction. 
Latorre’s  decree  was  supplemented  by  laws  which  distinguish 
Uruguay  as  one  of  the  most  progressive  of  the  Latin-American 
states  in  educational  legislation.  A law  of  1907  made  pro- 
vision for  evening  schools  for  adults.  Special  attention  has 
been  paid  to  the  establishment  of  schools  in  rural  districts.  In 
or  about  Montevideo  are  located  normal  schools,  a commercial 
school,  a national  school  of  arts  and  trades,  and  a national 
school  of  agriculture.  At  Montevideo  is  located  a university 
with  colleges  of  law  and  social  sciences,  medicine,  and  mathe- 
matics. 

Literature. — At  many  points  the  literature  of  Uruguay 
resembles  that  of  Argentina.  Her  poets  and  novelists  have 
written  of  the  relations  between  the  Indians  and  Spaniards,  of 
the  adventurous  life  and  daring  deeds  of  the  gaucho,  as  well  as 


268 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


of  the  evils  of  high  society.  Acevedo  Diaz’s  romance  Ismael 
suggests  the  role  of  the  half-breed  in  the  formation  of  Uru- 
guayan society.  Zorilla  de  San  Martin’s  Tabare  is  a poem 
descriptive  of  the  love  of  a half-breed  Charruan  Indian  for  a 
Spanish  maiden.  Among  other  productions  Alejandro  Maga- 
rinos  Cervantes  wrote  a poetic  novel  entitled  Cellar,  which 
depicted  life  during  the  colonial  regime.  Exclusive  of  Zorilla 
de  San  Martin — who  has  composed  a prose  epic  on  Jose 
Artigas — among  historical  writers  Francisco  Bauza,  author  of 
the  Historia  de  la  domination  espahola  en  el  Uruguay,  and 
Luis  Acevedo,  who  has  written  an  erudite  commentary  upon 
the  documents  concerning  Artigas,  are  perhaps  the  most  impor- 
tant. One  name  only  may  be  mentioned  from  the  list  of  critical 
writers : Jose  Enrique  Rodo,  the  brilliant  philosophical  essay- 
ist— author  of  “the  intellectual  breviary”  called  Ariel. 

Art. — First  in  the  list  of  Uruguayan  artists  is  the  name 
of  Juan  M.  Blanes.  He  drew  a vivid  picture  of  the  visitation 
of  Buenos  Aires  by  the  yellow  fever.  Uruguayan  heroes  he 
depicted  in  Artigas  en  1810  and  the  Juramento  de  los  Treinta 
y Trcs.  His  son,  Nicanor  Blanes,  modeled  two  remarkable 
statues  of  aborigines  of  the  pampas.  Some  sculptures  and  his- 
torical paintings  by  Uruguayan  artists  are  exhibited  in  a 
modest  structure  at  Montevideo  which  forms  the  National 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts. 

Uruguay  and  the  World  War. — After  the  outbreak  of 
the  World  War,  the  Congress  of  Uruguay  established  a food 
control  board  which  was  authorized  to  fix  prices  upon  articles 
of  prime  necessity.  Although  less  threatened  than  her  great 
southern  neighbor  by  the  depredations  of  Germany  upon  the 
high  sea,  yet  Uruguay  took  a positive  attitude.  In  reply  to  the 
announcement  of  the  United  States  government  that  war  ex- 
isted between  it  and  the  Imperial  German  Government,  Bal- 
tasar  Brum,  the  Uruguayan  secretary  of  foreign  relations, 
declared  that  his  government  protested  against  Germany’s  sub- 
marine policy,  that,  while  determined  to  maintain  her  neutral- 
ity, yet  his  nation  expressed  her  “sympathy  and  moral 
solidarity”  with  the  United  States  cause.  After  news  reached 
Montevideo  that  the  Uruguayan  ship  “Rosario”  had  been  sunk 
by  a German  torpedo,  President  Viera  published  a remarkable 
decree  announcing  the  decision  of  his  cabinet  that  no  American 


URUGUAY 


269 


nation  which  was  forced  into  a war  “with  nations  of  other  con- 
tinents” in  defense  of  her  own  rights  would  be  considered  by 
Uruguay  as  a belligerent.  On  October  7,  1917,  in  secret  ses- 
sion both  houses  of  the  Uruguayan  Congress  voted  by  over- 
whelming majorities  that  diplomatic  relations  with  Germany 
should  be  severed.  Upon  the  same  day  the  President  accord- 
ingly issued  a decree  which  declared  that  his  government  had 
severed  diplomatic  and  commercial  intercourse  between  Uru- 
guay and  Germany.  Soon  afterwards,  the  government  re- 
voked the  decrees  that  had  proclaimed  with  regard  to  England 
and  her  Allies  the  observance  by  Uruguay  of  a state  of  neu- 
trality in  the  World  war. 

Constitutional  Reform. — After  considerable  discussion 
about  constitutional  reform,  both  inside  and  outside  of  legis- 
lative halls,  a Congress  assembled  at  Montevideo  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  revising  the  Constitution.  On  October  15, 
1917,  it  adopted  a new  Constitution.  This  went  into  effect  on 
March  1,  1919 — the  very  day  on  which  Baltasar  Brum  was 
inaugurated  president. 

The  Present  Uruguayan  Constitution. — Uruguay’s  sec- 
ond Constitution  preserved  many  features  of  the  centralized 
form  of  government  established  in  1830.  The  chief  adminis- 
trative unit  remained  the  department.  We  shall  notice  here 
some  of  the  chief  innovations  of  the  Constitution  of  1917.  It 
provides  that  the  President  shall  be  chosen  by  direct  popular 
vote.  Instead  of  a permanent  committee  of  Congress  it  pro- 
vides for  a national  council  of  administration,  which  is  com- 
posed of  nine  members  chosen  by  the  people  to  serve  for  six 
years.  The  council  is  granted  jurisdiction  over  all  administra- 
tive matters  which  are  not  expressly  reserved  to  the  President 
or  to  other  authorities,  such  as  public  instruction,  public  works, 
labor,  agriculture,  charities,  and  sanitation.  It  is  to  prepare 
the  budget,  as  well  as  to  supervise  elections.  It  may  require 
the  opinion  of  the  President  about  legislative  proposals  regard- 
ing fiscal  and  currency  matters  and  international  commerce. 
It  may  authorize  its  members  to  participate  in  the  deliberations 
of  Congress  without  the  right  to  vote.  The  same  privilege  is 
conceded  to  “ministers  of  state,”  who  shall  be  appointed  by 
the  national  council ; but  whose  duties  are  not  clearly  differen- 
tiated from  the  duties  of  members  of  the  President’s  cabinet. 


270 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Local  government  is  vested  in  representative  assemblies  and  in 
autonomous  administrative  councils  elected  in  the  departments 
by  popular  vote.  More  than  a score  of  articles  are  concerned 
with  the  rights  and  guaranties  of  citizens.  Article  CXXV 
provides  that  whosoever  may  violate  the  Constitution  shall  be 
adjudged  guilty  of  lesa  nation. 

Summary. — One  of  the  small  states  of  South  America, 
certain  pages  in  the  history  of  Uruguay  reflect  the  story  of  her 
origin — she  was  a buffer  state  between  Argentina  and  Brazil. 
Essentially  a pampean  land,  her  industrial  life  seems  destined 
to  develop  for  a time  mainly  in  channels  similar  to  those  of 
central  Argentina.  Until  recent  decades  Uruguay’s  political 
waters  have  been  more  troubled  than  those  of  her  great  Latin- 
American  neighbors.  The  party  that  was  unsuccessful  at  the 
Uruguayan  ballot  box  has  frequently  appealed  to  the  sword  to 
secure  at  least  a share  of  the  spoils  of  office.  Occasionally  a 
dissentient  party  has  secured  a portion  of  the  spoils  by  an 
arrangement  with  the  rival  faction  which  was  curiously  like  a 
treaty  between  belligerent  nations.  At  present,  however,  the 
citizens  of  Uruguay  seem  to  have  settled  down  to  a life  that 
is  industrious,  meticulously  regulated,  and  vehemently  patri- 
otic. Uruguayans  are  richly  endowed  with  the  aspiring  spirit 
— so  noticeable  in  Buenos  Aires — that  plans  magnificent  struc- 
tures without  sufficiently  reckoning  about  the  means  with 
which  to  complete  them.  The  citizens  of  Montevideo,  although 
in  large  part  drawn  from  other  nations  than  Spain,  have  yet 
erected  their  civilization  upon  a basis  that  is  mainly  Spanish. 
They  are  very  receptive,  alert  to  utilize  progressive  ideas,  and 
— especially  since  the  age  of  Valera  the  educator — inclined  to 
adopt  new  ideas  and  vogues  in  education.  Recent  tendencies  in 
the  life  of  this  republic  indeed  show  that  she  is  engaged  in 
interesting  essays  in  political,  economic,  and  social  reform. 
Uruguay  has  become  a vast  laboratory  of  social  and  political 
experimentation. 


CHAPTER  X 


PARAGUAY 

Origin  of  Paraguay. — The  state  of  Paraguay  was 
formed  in  a region  which  in  the  seventeenth  century  had  been 
styled  the  province  of  Guaira  or  Paraguay.  A portion  of  that 
“gigantic  province”  was  later  made  an  intendancy  of  the  vice- 
royalty of  la  Plata.  When  leaders  in  Asuncion  decided  to 
separate  from  Spain  they  made  a convention  with  agents  of  the 
junta  in  Buenos  Aires  regulating  commercial  relations  between 
Asuncion  and  Buenos  Aires,  providing  that  the  province  of 
Paraguay  would  be  considered  as  independent  of  the  province 
of  Buenos  Aires,  and  declaring  that,  until  the  limits  of  Para- 
guay should  be  definitely  demarcated,  it  was  to  include  “the 
department  of  Candelaria”  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Parana 
River.  For  some  years,  however,  the  new  state  remained  in 
a nebulous  form. 

Francia  as  Dictator. — After  1816,  when  Francia  was 
made  perpetual  dictator  of  Paraguay,  he  became  increasingly 
despotic.  Evidently  he  was  convinced  that  the  Paraguayans 
were  not  ready  for  self-government.  European  visitors  who 
ventured  into  his  dominions  described  him  as  endowed  with 
remarkable  ability  but  vain,  ambitious,  and  cruel.  As  the 
Dictator  became  obsessed  with  the  notion  that  his  subjects  were 
constantly  conspiring  against  him,  his  capital  city  became  a 
veritable  whispering  gallery.  Paraguayans  who  were  sus- 
pected of  disaffection  toward  the  supreme  ruler  were  sum- 
marily imprisoned,  manacled,  and  tortured.  Occasionally  they 
were  exiled  from  their  homes  or  executed  in  a shocking  man- 
ner under  the  windows  of  Francia’s  palace.  In  a mood  of 
fearful  adoration  the  people  called  him  El  Supremo. 

The  Rule  of  El  Supremo. — Although  ordinarily  aided 
by  a secretary  who  acted  as  a species  of  minister,  for  the  most 
part  Francia’s  mode  of  government  was  personal.  Chief 


271 


272 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


executive,  chief  legislator,  and  supreme  judge  of  the  nation, 
El  Supremo  also  made  himself  the  head  of  the  Paraguayan 
Church.  In  1830  he  abolished  the  tithes.  A lover  of  South 
American  independence,  he  levied  forced  contributions  upon 
the  Spaniards  in  Paraguay,  and  generously  gave  an  asylum  to 
Artigas.  He  soon  adopted  a policy  by  which  his  country  was 
secluded  from  the  world,  both  commercially  and  politically. 
A special  license  was  even  required  to  emigrate  from  Paraguay. 
The  roving  French  botanist,  Aime  Bonpland,  was  virtually 
kept  a prisoner  there  for  many  years.  As  very  few  articles 
might  legally  be  imported  into  Paraguay,  her  people  were 
forced  to  manufacture  furniture,  leather  goods,  and  coarse 
cotton  cloth.  In  this  and  in  other  ways  Francia  gave  a stimulus 
to  industry.  Upon  receipt  of  a note  from  Simon  Bolivar  ask- 
ing him  to  abandon  his  policy  of  isolation,  Francia  haughtily 
replied  that  Paraguay  would  not  abandon  that  policy  so  long 
as  he  remained  at  the  head  of  her  government.  On  September 
20,  1840 — just  after  a terrible  storm  had  burst  over  Asuncion 
— the  Dictator  died.  In  some  particulars  he  may  serve  as  the 
type  of  a benevolent  despot  of  Latin  America. 

The  Two  Consuls. — As  Francia  had  made  no  disposition 
about  a successor  to  his  power,  the  government  of  Paraguay 
soon  passed  into  the  hands  of  a military  junta.  On  March  12, 
1841,  a Congress  at  Asuncion  decided  to  vest  executive  author- 
ity in  the  hands  of  two  consuls  who  should  serve  for  three 
years.  Of  those  rulers  the  rising  man  was  Carlos  A.  Lopez,  a 
lawyer  with  considerable  ability,  who  had  been  living  in  seclu- 
sion. The  consuls  soon  initiated  important  reforms.  Among 
other  measures,  they  promoted  commercial  relations  with 
neighboring  states,  founded  a literary  academy  at  Asuncion, 
reorganized  the  judicial  system,  and  provided  for  the  gradual 
extinction  of  negro  slavery. 

Formal  Declaration  of  Paraguay’s  Independence. — At 

the  instance  of  the  consuls,  an  extraordinary  Congress  of  four 
hundred  deputies  met  at  Asuncion  in  1842.  On  November  25 
the  deputies  signed  a formal  act  stating  that  Paraguayan  inde- 
pendence had  been  a solemn  and  incontestable  fact  for  more 
than  thirty  years.  Categorically  they  declared  that  the  Re- 
public of  Paraguay  was  by  fact  and  right  a nation  free  and 
independent  of  all  foreign  powers,  that  she  would  never  be- 


PARAGUAY 


273 


come  the  patrimony  of  any  person  or  of  any  family,  and  that 
all  civil,  ecclesiastical,  and  military  officials  should  before 
assuming  office,  take  an  oath  to  defend  the  independence  and 
integrity  of  the  republic.  This  declaration  was  to  be  made 
known  throughout  Paraguay  and  to  the  adjacent  nations. 
Upon  the  same  day  Congress  enacted  a law  sanctioning  the 
use  of  the  flag  and  the  seal  employed  by  Francia,  which  bore 
the  inscription  the  “Republic  of  Paraguay.”  A few  days 
later  Congress  passed  a decree  announcing  that  on  December 
25,  1842,  all  officials  of  the  government  should  solemnly  swear 
to  maintain  Paraguay’s  independence  and  territorial  integrity. 

Carlos  Lopez  Becomes  President. — In  1844  the  Con- 
gress of  Paraguay  assembled  again.  To  that  Congress  the 
consuls  made  a report  concerning  their  activities.  They  also 
submitted  the  project  of  a law  which  organized  the  admin- 
istration of  the  republic  of  Paraguay.  On  March  13,  1844, 
Congress  approved  the  project  which  made  provision  for 
three  departments  of  government  and  vested  large  powers 
in  a President,  who  should  hold  office  for  ten  years.  Upon 
the  following  day  Congress  acclaimed  Lopez  as  president. 

Independence  Acknowledged,  Boundaries. — During  the 
next  decade  several  nations  of  America  and  Europe  acknowl- 
edged Paraguay’s  independence.  The  United  States  sent  a 
bustling  agent  named  Edward  Hopkins  to  Asuncion  to  in- 
vestigate and  to  report.  In  1852  that  government  recognized 
Paraguay.  Argentina,  whose  publicists  had  entertained  hopes 
of  incorporating  Paraguay  within  their  state,  recognized  her 
independence  after  the  battle  of  Caseros.  Negotiations  to  fix 
upon  the  boundaries  of  independent  Paraguay  were  only 
partly  successful.  Although  a treaty  was  signed  between 
diplomats  of  Argentina  and  Paraguay  at  Asuncion  on  July 
15,  1852,  which  stipulated  that  the  boundary  line  between  the 
parties  should  be  the  rivers  Parana  and  Bermejo,  and  that 
a narrow  strip  along  the  right  bank  of  the  Paraguay  River 
between  the  mouth  of  the  Bermejo  River  and  the  river  Atajo 
should  be  neutral  territory.  As  the  convention  was  not  rati- 
fied by  the  legislature  of  the  Argentine  Confederation,  Para- 
guay continued  to  claim  and  to  exercise  jurisdiction  over  a 
portion  of  the  misiones  territory  which  stretched  along  the 
left  bank  of  the  Parana  from  the  Iguassu  River  to  Candelaria. 


274 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Attempts  by  Paraguay  to  determine  by  treaty  her  boundaries 
with  Brazil  to  the  east  of  the  Paraguay  River  failed,  and  the 
expanding  Empire  continued  to  assert  a claim  to  territory 
south  of  the  Rio  Blanco.  To  the  west  of  the  river  Paraguay, 
however,  Brazil  recognized  that  the  northern  boundary  of  the 
republic  was  the  Rio  Negro. 

Foreign  Complications. — In  1854  the  Paraguayan  Con- 
gress reelected  Lopez,  but,  at  his  request,  it  limited  his  term 
of  office  to  three  years.  After  that  term  had  expired,  the 
Dictator  changed  his  mind  and  was  again  reelected.  Between 
1857  and  1862  various  disputes  arose  between  Paraguay  and 
foreign  powers.  With  the  United  States  there  occurred  a 
complicated  controversy  which  arose  chiefly  because  of  the 
colonizing  and  mercantile  activities  of  Hopkins  who  had  been 
driven  out  of  Paraguay  by  the  Dictator.  This  was  compli- 
cated by  a dispute  concerning  the  “Water  Witch,”  a United 
States  vessel  engaged  in  making  a scientific  exploration  of 
South  American  rivers  which  was  fired  upon  by  Paraguayan 
gunners  when  entering  the  Upper  Parana  River.  With 
France  difficulties  arose  because  of  the  treatment  accorded 
to  Frenchmen  that  had  been  induced  to  immigrate  to  Para- 
guay as  the  result  of  a mission  to  Europe  of  the  Dicta- 
tor’s eldest  son,  Francisco  S.  Lopez.  With  England  a 
dispute  took  place  because  of  the  imprisonment  by  Para- 
guayan authorities  of  an  English  citizen  named  James  Can- 
statt  who  was  accused  of  being  implicated  in  a conspiracy 
directed  against  the  life  of  the  Dictator.  Although  upon 
more  than  one  occasion  those  acrimonious  disputes  seemed 
to  bring  Paraguay  to  the  verge  of  war,  yet  at  last  they  were 
all  settled  peacefully. 

Accession  of  the  Younger  Lopez. — Dictator  Lopez  died 
on  September  10,  1862.  About  a month  later  Congress 
elected  Francisco  Solano  Lopez  as  President  of  the  state  for 
ten  years.  Under  the  Lopez  dynasty  the  administration  of 
Paraguay  was  still  marked  by  some  of  the  traits  of  the 
regime  of  Francia.  Shortly  after  the  accession  of  the  younger 
Lopez,  the  Brazilian  minister  at  Asuncion  stated  that  espion- 
age prevailed  there  to  so  great  an  extent  that  even  the  servants 
of  foreign  diplomats  were  compelled  clandestinely  to  divulge 
to  the  police  whatever  took  place  within  the  legations.  He 


PARAGUAY 


275 


asserted  that  any  person  who  made  the  least  criticism  of  the 
government  was  doomed  to  end  his  life  in  a dungeon.  Either 
because  of  a passion  for  military  prestige,  or  because  of  sus- 
picions about  the  designs  of  one  or  more  neighboring  nations, 
the  younger  Lopez  soon  undertook  to  improve  Paraguay’s 
military  establishment.  Forts  were  built  at  strategic  points 
along  the  limitary  rivers,  rude  barracks  were  constructed, 
and  thousands  of  Paraguayans  were  placed  under  arms.  In 
September,  1864,  the  Brazilian  minister  at  Asuncion  informed 
his  government  that  some  of  the  Paraguayans  considered  a 
foreign  war  as  the  only  event  that  would  relieve  Paraguay 
from  the  “tyrannical  regime’’  of  Dictator  Lopez. 

Origins  of  the  Paraguayan  War. — The  “Paraguayan 
War,”  as  it  is  often  designated,  was  the  outcome  of  a com- 
plex and  strained  international  situation.  Paraguay’s  bound- 
aries with  Argentina  and  Brazil  were  still  unsettled.  Dicta- 
tor Lopez  was  suspected  of  harboring  the  ambition,  to  become 
the  Napoleon  of  South  America.  Fair-minded  Brazilians 
have  suggested  that  Pedro  II  may  have  invited  a foreign 
war  in  order  to  draw  attention  from  domestic  problems.  In 
any  case,  it  is  clear  that  complications  with  the  Brazilian 
Empire — with  which  Paraguay  had  been  on  strained  relations 
for  some  time — furnished  an  occasion  for  war. 

Lopez  Makes  War  on  Brazil  and  Argentina. — As  indi- 
cated in  the  preceding  chapter,  to  atone  for  injuries  which 
Brazilian  subjects  had  suffered  in  the  civil  wars  of  Uruguay, 
the  Imperial  government  announced  that  it  would  make  mili- 
tary reprisals  on  the  Uruguayan  frontiers.  On  August  30, 
1864,  the  Paraguayan  government,  which  evidently  favored 
the  Blanco  regime  in  Uruguay,  protested  vehemently  against 
this  announcement  and  declared  that  it  would  consider  the 
occupation  of  Uruguayan  soil  by  foreign  soldiers  as  an  attack 
upon  the  political  equilibrium  of  the  nations  of  la  Plata  basin. 
In  consequence  of  the  movement  of  Brazilian  soldiers  against 
the  Uruguayan  frontier,  on  November  12,  President  Lopez 
notified  the  Imperial  government  that  diplomatic  relations 
between  Paraguay  and  Brazil  were  ruptured;  further,  he 
prohibited  Brazilian  vessels  from  navigating  Paraguayan 
rivers.  Soon  afterwards  a Paraguayan  gunboat  captured  a 
Brazilian  mail  boat  which  had  passed  Asuncion  on  its  way  to 


276 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Matto  Grosso.  In  December,  1864,  Lopez  dispatched  a mili- 
tary expedition  from  Asuncion  against  that  province.  The 
Dictator  then  asked  President  Mitre  for  permission  to  march 
his  soldiers  across  the  Argentine  province  of  Corrientes  in 
order  to  attack  the  Brazilian  province  of  Rio  Grande  do  Sul. 
Mitre  declined  to  grant  that  request.  In  response  to  a mes- 
sage from  the  Dictator,  the  Paraguayan  Congress  passed  a 
law  on  March  18,  1865,  which  approved  his  measures  of  war 
against  Brazil.  That  Congress  also  imprudently  declared  war 
upon  Argentina.  Lopez’s  note  communicating  this  decision 
was  apparently  not  received  by  the  Argentine  secretary  of 
foreign  relations  until  May  3.  In  the  port  of  Corrientes  on 
April  13  Paraguayan  gunboats  seized  two  Argentine  vessels. 
Paraguayan  soldiers  invaded  Rio  Grande  do  Sul  and  occu- 
pied Uruguayana.  The  domineering  ambition  of  Paraguay’s 
chief  magistrate  had  far  overleaped  the  bounds  of  sane  policy. 

The  Secret  Tripartite  Treaty. — LTpon  the  other  side,  the 
Brazilian  Emperor’s  policy  had  won  favor.  When  Mitre 
began  to  negotiate  with  Flores  for  joint  action  against  Para- 
guay, the  Uruguayan  Dictator  declared  that  he  could  not 
enter  an  alliance  against  Paraguay  unless  Brazil  became  a 
party.  The  upshot  was  that  on  May  1,  1865,  Argentina, 
Uruguay,  and  Brazil  signed  a secret  treaty  which  arranged 
a defensive  and  offensive  alliance  against  Paraguay.  The 
allies  agreed  that  the  chief  command  of  their  military  forces 
should  be  given  to  General  Mitre,  while  their  naval  opera- 
tions should  be  directed  by  Admiral  Tamandare.  The  allies 
pledged  themselves  not  to  lay  down  their  arms  except  by 
common  agreement  after  the  existing  Paraguayan  govern- 
ment had  been  overthrown.  They  expressly  declared  that  the 
war  was  not  undertaken  against  the  people  of  Paraguay  but 
against  the  Paraguayan  government.  They  agreed  to  guaran- 
tee the  independence,  sovereignty,  and  territorial  integrity  of 
Paraguay.  After  the  completion  of  the  war  the  Paraguayan 
people  should  be  permitted  to  establish  their  own  govern- 
mental institutions.  The  free  navigation  of  the  Parana  and 
the  Paraguay  Rivers  should  be  assured.  Paraguay  was  to 
bear  the  cost  of  the  war  as  well  as  the  ensuing  indemnities. 

Its  Territorial  Provisions. — Article  XVI  sketched  the 
boundaries  of  Paraguay  so  as  to  suit  Argentina  and  Brazil. 


PARAGUAY 


277 


The  boundary  between  Brazil  and  Paraguay  should  be  the 
Parana  River  to  a stream  on  the  right  bank  that  was  called 
the  Igurey  River,  from  its  sources  the  boundary  should  pro- 
ceed along  the  peaks  of  the  cordillera  of  Maracayu  to  the 
sources  of  the  river  Apa,  and  then  down  that  stream  to  the 
Paraguay  River.  The  boundary  between  Argentina  and 
Paraguay  on  the  east  should  be  the  river  Parana  up  to  the 
Brazilian  frontiers;  that  is  to  say,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Iguassu 
River  upon  the  right  bank  of  the  Parana ; and  as  far  north 
as  Bahia  Negra.  This  secret  treaty  would  have  deprived 
Paraguay  of  about  one-half  of  the  territory  over  which  she 
claimed  jurisdiction.  After  its  publication  by  the  English 
government,  the  territorial  provisions  of  the  Tripartite 
Treaty  evoked  protests  from  Spanish-American  nations! 

Course  of  the  War. — Both  Emperor  Pedro  and  Presi- 
dent Mitre  expected  that  the  war  would  be  of  short  duration. 
In  spite  of  the  great  numerical  disparity  between  the  belliger- 
ent powers,  however,  the  Paraguayan  War  lasted  about  five 
years.  Soon  after  the  Tripartite  Treaty  was  signed,  Brazil 
sent  warships  up  the  Parana  River.  On  June  11,  1865,  that 
fleet  dispersed  a Paraguayan  squadron  near  Corrientes.  The 
Argentine-Uruguayan  army  defeated  Paraguayan  soldiers  on 
the  banks  of  the  Yatay  River;  then  that  army  besieged  Uru- 
guayana  and  compelled  the  Paraguayan  commander  to  capitu- 
late. After  those  defeats  Lopez  skillfully  withdrew  his  sol- 
diers within  the  boundaries  of  Paraguay  and  confined  him- 
self to  defensive  warfare.  In  April,  1866,  the  allied  soldiers 
forded  the  Parana  River  by  the  paso  de  la  patria.  On  May 
24,  1866,  the  allies  defeated  the  Paraguayans  in  a bloody 
battle  at  Tuyuti ; but  on  September  22  the  Paraguayans 
checked  the  allies  at  Curupaiti.  It  was  the  beginning  of  1866 
before  the  allied  fleet  succeeded  in  passing  an  important  fort 
which  guarded  the  Paraguayan  frontiers  at  Huamita.  The 
allies  then  beseiged  that  fort,  which  fell  on  August  15,  1868. 
After  other  sanguinary  conflicts  with  the  brave  soldiers  of 
Paraguay,  early  in  January,  1869,  the  allied  army  occupied 
Asuncion.  Driven  from  one  refuge  to  another,  deserted  by 
some  of  his  remaining  followers,  but  refusing  to  surrender, 
Lopez  was  overtaken  by  Brazilian  soldiers  and  shot  near  the 
banks  of  the  Aquidaban  River  on  March  1,  1870.  Apparently 


278 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  Dictator  died  in  the  conviction  that  the  Paraguayan  na- 
tion perished  with  him. 

Its  Results. — This  war  was  significant  to  all  participants. 
It  destroyed  a large  portion  of  the  male  population  of  Para- 
guay, caused  the  death  of  many  citizens  of  the  allied  nations, 
and  brought  Brazilians  into  contact  with  the  citizens  of  re- 
publics. It  drained  the  treasuries  of  the  belligerents.  In  ac- 
cordance with  the  Tripartite  Treaty,  Argentina  and  Brazil 
attempted  to  saddle  Paraguay  with  a huge  war  debt.  The 
“Paraguayan  War”  ended  the  rule  of  the  Lopez  dynasty  and 
prepared  the  way  for  constitutional  government  in  the  hermit 
state.  Six  years  passed  away  after  the  death  of  Lopez,  how- 
ever, before  the  last  detachment  of  Argentine  and  Brazilian 
soldiers  departed  from  Paraguayan  soil. 

The  Interregnum. — Meantime  a provisional  govern- 
ment, that  had  been  formed  from  Paraguayans  living  in  the 
conquered  territory  and  from  a Paraguayan  legion  which  had 
fought  with  the  invaders,  had  established  a governmental 
junta  under  the  auspices  of  the  allies.  In  October,  1869,  at 
the  instance  of  the  Brazilian  military  commander,  the  junta 
issued  a decree  which  announced  that  all  slaves  upon  Para- 
guayan soil  were  free.  On  June  2,  1870,  the  allies  signed  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  this  provisional  government.  Soon  after- 
wards the  junta  convoked  a Constituent  Assembly  which  met 
in  August,  1870,  in  the  hall  of  the  cabildo  at  Asuncion.  A 
committee  of  five  men,  headed  by  Juan  Silvano  Godoi — who 
had  been  educated  at  a college  at  Santa  Fe,  Argentina — was 
selected  to  frame  a constitution.  On  November  25,  1870,  the 
Assembly  promulgated  a Constitution  for  Paraguay  which 
declared  a dictatorship  to  be  unlawful. 

Guaranties  in  the  Paraguayan  Constitution  of  1870. — 
In  some  particulars  the  Paraguayan  Constitution  of  1870 
resembled  the  Argentine  Constitution.  Paraguay  should  be 
free;  her  government  should  be  republican;  and  her  religion 
should  be  Roman  Catholicism.  Among  the  guaranties  that 
formed  a bill  of  rights  was  an  article  which  provided  that 
Paraguayans  should  be  allowed  to  profess  their  own  religion, 
to  publish  their  ideas  in  the  press,  and  to  petition  the  gov- 
ernment. Torture  of  all  kinds  was  abolished.  Upon  touch- 
ing Paraguayan  soil  slaves  should  become  free. 


PARAGUAY 


279 


The  National  Government. — The  executive  authority 
was  vested  in  a President,  a Vice-President,  a cabinet,  and 
a permanent  committee.  After  the  first  election — when  the 
chief  executive  magistrates  were  to  be  selected  by  the  Con- 
stitutional Assembly — the  President  and  Vice-President 
should  be  chosen  by  electors.  The  President  should  be  the 
commander  in  chief  of  the  army  and  navy  as  well  as  the 
chief  administrator  of  the  state.  He  might  veto  acts  of  Con- 
gress. With  the  consent  of  Congress,  he  might  refuse  to 
admit  Papal  rescripts  and  might  negotiate  treaties,  declare 
war,  or  make  peace.  Five  secretaries,  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent, should  form  his  cabinet.  They  might  attend  Congress, 
and  take  part  in  its  debates;  but  they  could  not  vote.  An 
executive  committee  composed  of  six  congressmen  was  to 
be  in  session  during  the  recess  of  Congress.  It  should  watch 
over  the  faithful  execution  of  the  laws;  it  should  receive  the 
certificates  of  congressional  elections,  and  might  summon 
cabinet  members  to  ask  for  information.  The  legislature  was 
bicameral.  The  Chamber  of  Deputies  was  to  be  made  up  of 
members  chosen  by  direct  vote  from  election  districts.  The 
Senate  was  to  be  composed  of  members  elected  by  direct  vote 
at  the  ratio  of  one  member  for  every  twelve  thousand  inhabi- 
tants. It  was  given  the  exclusive  power  to  impeach  high 
federal  officials.  More  than  a score  of  powers  were  specifi- 
cally granted  to  the  houses  of  Congress  acting  jointly.  Be- 
sides the  power  to  levy  direct  taxes  and  to  establish  a na- 
tional bank,  Congress  was  given  the  right  to  accept  or  reject 
the  resignation  of  the  President  and  the  Vice-President  and 
the  authority  to  permit  foreign  soldiers  to  enter  the  territory 
of  the  republic.  The  judiciary  should  be  composed  of  a 
supreme  court  of  three  judges,  and  of  as  many  inferior  courts 
as  might  be  established  by  law.  The  supreme  court  should 
have  the  right  to  decide  conflicts  of  jurisdiction  that  might 
arise  between  inferior  courts  or  between  such  courts  and 
national  tribunals. 

Local  Government. — The  Constitution  contained  no 
provisions  about  local  government.  Subsequently,  however, 
the  republic  was  divided  into  districts  which  somewhat  re- 
sembled Uruguayan  departments.  Thus  the  Paraguayan  Con- 
stitution of  1870,  which  is  still  in  force,  furnished  the  basis 


28o 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


for  a centralistic  government.  In  certain  features,  however, 
it  was  evidently  patterned  after  the  United  States  Constitu- 
tion. 

Bounds  of  the  New  Paraguay. — Cirilio  A.  Rivarola  was 
elected  president.  A difficult  problem  which  confronted  the 
new  government  was  the  adjustment  of  Paraguay’s  frontiers. 
Brazilian  publicists  viewed  with  trepidation  the  prospective 
acquisition  by  Argentina  of  the  extensive  territories  promised 
by  the  Tripartite  Treaty.  Just  before  the  end  of  the  war 
the  Paraguayan  provisional  government  had  made  a treaty 
with  Brazil  and  Argentina  regarding  boundaries.  This  treaty 
stated  that  Paraguay  should  be  free  to  urge  the  bounds  which 
she  thought  consistent  with  her  rights.  At  this  time  the  Ar- 
gentine plenipotentiary  declared  that  his  government  intended 
to  occupy  Villa  Occidental  not  by  the  exercise  of  a con- 
queror’s rights  but  to  promote  an  amicable  adjustment,  and 
the  Brazilian  plenipotentiary  stated  that  his  nation  would 
insist  upon  her  rights.  Soon  after  the  war  terminated,  while 
insisting  upon  her  rights  as  a conqueror,  Brazil  agreed  to  sup- 
port Paraguay  in  her  opposition  to  the  cession  of  Villa  Oc- 
cidental. On  January  9,  1872,  diplomats  of  Brazil  and  Para- 
guay signed  a treaty  by  which  the  Empire  was  conceded  a 
clear  title  to  territory  north  of  the  Rio  Apa  that  she  had  been 
promised  in  1865.  Encouraged  by  Brazil’s  attitude,  Paraguay 
persisted  in  her  opposition  to  Argentina’s  demands.  During 
the  administration  of  President  Gill  of  Paraguay,  on  Febru- 
ary 3,  1876,  that  government  signed  a treaty  with  Argentina 
which  provided  for  the  adjustment  of  boundaries.  The  treaty 
stipulated  that  Argentina  should  have  a clear  title  to  the  region 
of  the  misiones  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Parana  River,  that 
Argentina  should  be  conceded  territory  upon  the  right  bank 
of  the  Paraguay  between  the  Bermejo  River  and  the  Pilco- 
mayo  River,  that  she  should  relinquish  her  claim  to  territory 
between  Bahia  Negra  and  the  Rio  Verde,  and  that  the  title 
to  the  region  between  the  rivers  Verde  and  Pilcomayo — in- 
cluding Villa  Occidental — should  be  submitted  to  the  arbitra- 
tion of  the  United  States  President.  On  November  12,  1878, 
after  considering  the  arguments  and  the  evidence  submitted 
by  the  contending  parties,  President  Hayes  decided  that 
Paraguay  was  justly  entitled  to  the  territory  between  the 


PARAGUAY 


281 


Map  Showing  Territories  Relinquished  by  Paraguay  to  Argentina 
and  Brazil  after  the  War  of  1864-1870. 


282 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Pilcomayo  and  the  Verde  Rivers.  Still,  it  has  been  estimated 
that,  as  a result  of  the  war,  Paraguay  lost  about  fifty-five 
thousand  square  miles  of  territory  to  which  she  claimed  title. 

Relations  with  Bolivia. — In  the  meantime,  basing  their 
argument  upon  the  ground  that  the  audiencia  of  Charcas  had 
exercised  jurisdiction  over  the  right  bank  of  the  Paraguay 
River,  publicists  of  Bolivia  had  preferred  a claim  to  the  very 
territory  which  Brazilian  diplomacy  had  aided  Paraguay  to 
rescue  from  Argentina.  After  the  arbitral  award  of  Presi- 
dent Hayes,  Bolivia  sought  a settlement  with  Paraguay.  She 
dispatched  Antonio  Ouijarro  to  Asuncion  where,  on  October 
15,  1879,  he  signed  a treaty  with  Jose  S.  Decoud,  secretary 
of  foreign  relations  for  President  Candido  Bareiro.  By  the 
treaty  Paraguay  agreed  to  concede  to  Bolivia  a strip  of  ter- 
ritory upon  the  Paraguay  River  between  Bahia  Negra  and 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Apa.  But  this  treaty  was  not  ratified 
by  both  parties.  Subsequent  negotiations  for  a settlement  of 
the  dispute  along  similar  lines  failed;  and  the  Bolivian  gov- 
ernment undertook  to  find  evidence  in  the  Spanish  archives  to 
support  its  claim  to  the  Chaco. 

With  Spain. — Paraguay’s  diplomacy  with  Spain  was 
more  fruitful.  On  September  10,  1880,  the  charge  d’affaires 
of  Paraguay  at  Buenos  Aires  and  the  Spanish  envoy  at  that 
city  signed  a treaty  by  which  Spain  acknowledged  Paraguayan 
independence. 

Politics  since  the  War. — The  political  history  of  Para- 
guay since  her  war  with  the  allies  has  at  times  been  deeply 
affected  by  its  issues  and  results.  Her  first  President  soon 
resigned  because  of  differences  with  Congress  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  the  Vice-President — this  was  a prelude  to  Para- 
guay’s subsequent  history.  Presidents  or  vice-presidents — 
who  succeeded  presidents  after  their  resignation  or  deposition 
• — sometimes  followed  each  other  in  rapid  succession.  Parties, 
which  originated  from  the  cliques  that  sided  for  or  against 
Lopez  in  the  war,  rent  the  country  by  their  dissensions.  The 
policy  which  Paraguay  should  follow  toward  one  or  another 
of  her  antagonists  in  that  struggle  has  often  been  a crucial 
problem  in  her  politics  and  diplomacy.  During  most  of  the 
period  that  elapsed  between  the  adoption  of  her  present  Con- 
stitution and  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the 


PARAGUAY 


283 


Colorado  or  Radical  Party  controlled  the  national  govern- 
ment. It  does  not  appear  that  the  Colorados  had  any  well- 
defined  principles,  except  to  remain  in  power.  Several  presi- 
dents who  were  elected  during  that  period  did  not  serve  out 
their  terms  of  office:  either  they  were  induced  to  resign,  or 
they  were  deposed,  or  they  were  assassinated.  Frequently 
the  military  element  played  an  important  role  in  Paraguayan 
political  life.  At  times  the  movements  by  which  presidents 
were  removed  from  power  were  bloodless;  at  other  times  the 
uprisings  were  barrack  insurrections.  Occasionally  Para- 
guayan revolutions  partook  of  the  burlesque. 

Party  Struggles  in  the  Early  Twentieth  Century. — In 
1902  a struggle  took  place  between  factions  of  the  Colorado 
party.  As  President  Aceval  opposed  the  candidacy  of  his 
secretary  of  the  interior  for  the  presidency,  certain  military 
leaders  thrust  Aceval  into  a dungeon  and  even  fired  upon  the 
national  Congress  which  was  deliberating  about  his  enforced 
resignation.  Eventually  the  Vice-President  was  made  Acting 
President;  in  October  the  secretary  of  war  Juan  Escurra  was 
elected  president.  Escurra  was  inaugurated  in  November, 
1902.  In  August,  1904,  an  insurrection  led  by  a group  called 
the  Azides  or  Cnicos  took  place.  Martial  law  was  proclaimed, 
the  insurrectionists  gained  control  of  the  Paraguay  River, 
and  the  government  forces  were  defeated.  An  agreement 
was  patched  up  between  the  contending  groups  which  stipu- 
lated that  a new  president  should  be  elected,  that  the  Civicos 
should  be  accorded  a majority  of  the  members  of  the  next 
cabinet,  that  a new  army  should  be  organized,  and  that  an 
amnesty  should  be  conceded  to  all  political  offenders.  The 
leader  of  this  revolution  was  Benigno  Ferreira,  who  soon 
became  president.  Tranquillity  was  soon  upset  by  a revolt 
led  by  Colonel  Albino  Jara,  who  posed  as  chief  of  the  Liberal- 
Radical  party.  Revolutionists  bombarded  the  “palace  of 
government.”  With  a small  following,  the  President  took 
refuge  in  the  basement  of  that  palace,  while  some  members 
of  his  cabinet  fled  to  the  railroad  station.  Many  citizens  were 
killed  in  the  streets  of  the  capital  city.  Through  the  mediation 
of  the  diplomatic  corps — as  the  revolutionists  promised  to 
save  his  life — President  Ferreira  was  induced  to  resign;  and 
Vice-President  Emiliano  Navero  then  became  chief  magi- 


284 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


strate.  In  1910  his  secretary  of  foreign  relations,  Manuel 
Gondra,  a cultured  member  of  the  Liberal-Radicals,  was 
elected  president. 

Frequent  “Alterations  of  the  Legal  Order.” — Manuel 

Gondra  was  inaugurated  in  December,  1910.  The  four  years 
that  followed  were  among  the  stormiest  in  Paraguay’s  his- 
tory. By  a sudden  coup  in  January,  1911,  Colonel  Jara,  acting 
secretary  of  war,  induced  President  Gondra  to  resign  in  order 
to  avoid  bloodshed.  A rump  Congress  promptly  elected  Jara 
president.  In  July  insurrections  broke  out  in  various  districts 
distant  from  the  capital.  At  last  Jara’s  position  became  un- 
tenable and  he  resigned:  Congress  elected  Liberto  Rojas  as 
his  successor.  Because  of  the  strife  which  continued  between 
Jara’s  partisans  and  leaders  of  the  Liberal-Radical  party, 
political  conditions  remained  chaotic  and  there  were  rapid 
changes  in  the  presidency.  In  April,  1912,  Jara  emerged  at 
the  head  of  a fresh  revolt  in  southern  Paraguay.  He  was 
mortally  wounded,  however,  in  a bloody  engagement  at  Para- 
guari,  and  on  July  19,  Eduardo  Schaerer,  a Liberal-Radical 
of  Teutonic  descent,  was  elected  president. 

Progress  under  President  Schaerer. — With  the  inaugu- 
ration of  Schaerer,  who  became  president  on  August  15, 
1912,  “alterations  of  the  legal  order” — as  a Paraguayan  writer 
has  designated  revolutions — became  less  frequent.  A revolt 
led  by  the  secretary  of  war  soon  collapsed.  A survey  of  public 
lands  was  undertaken  by  the  national  government.  At  the 
instance  of  the  President,  a homestead  law  was  enacted  which 
promised  a strip  of  land  to  each  applicant  who  would  agree 
to  till  the  soil  and  build  a home.  By  law  the  capital  of  the 
Banco  Agricola,  which  had  been  created  to  promote  agricul- 
ture and  industry,  was  considerably  increased.  A few  wireless 
stations  were  erected.  The  Central  Paraguayan  Railroad 
Company  initiated  a ferryboat  service  from  Encarnacion 
across  the  Parana  to  Posadas:  this  linked  Paraguayan  rail- 
roads to  the  railway  system  of  Argentina.  A United  States 
firm  was  employed  to  improve  the  harbor  at  Asuncion.  Meas- 
ures were  taken  to  encourage  immigration,  as  by  the  construc- 
tion of  a hotel  for  immigrants. 

Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Population 
and  Language. — Before  the  outbreak  of  the  World  War, 


PARAGUAY 


285 


attempts  of  the  government  to  encourage  immigration  to  Para- 
guay had  not  met  with  much  success.  A careful  Paraguayan 
scholar  has  estimated  that  the  population  of  his  country  in 
1905  was  about  700,000.  Of  these  inhabitants  perhaps  20,000 
were  foreigners.  Statistics  computed  a few  years  earlier 
indicated  that  one-half  of  the  aliens  were  citizens  of  Argen- 
tina: numerically  subjects  of  Italy,  Brazil,  Germany,  and 
Spain  followed  in  that  order.  The  relatively  small  foreign 
immigration  aided  Paraguay  to  maintain  a distinct  national 
type — the  result,  in  most  cases,  of  the  mingling  of  Spaniards 
and  Guaranies.  The  Spanish  language  was  taught  in  the 
schools,  while  Guarani  was  used  by  the  common  people,  and 
Paraguayan  municipal  records  were  still  kept  in  that  language. 
Upon  the  frontiers  the  uncivilized  Indians  spoke  their  own 
dialects.  A small  army  had  been  trained  by  Prussian  officers. 

Economic  Condition. — Paraguay  has  remained  an  agri- 
cultural and  pastoral  country.  Cattle,  sheep,  horses,  and  goats 
browse  upon  her  rich,  grassy  plains:  hides  are  an  important 
export.  Crude  rubber,  tobacco,  cotton,  oranges,  Paraguayan 
tea,  and  timber  are  her  main  agricultural  products.  Cigars, 
cigarettes,  tannin,  sole  leather,  and  nanduti  lace  are  her  chief 
manufactures.  Her  slow  development  has  been  retarded  by 
her  location  far  from  the  seaboard.  Until  recently  the  only 
mode  of  communication  between  Paraguay  and  the  outside 
world  was  the  Paraguay  River,  which  is  navigable  by  vessels 
of  light  draught  up  to  Asuncion.  The  first  railroad  in  Para- 
guay, opened  between  Asuncion  and  Paraguari  in  1861,  was 
later  extended  to  Encarnacion. 

Finances. — The  starting  point  for  a consideration  of 
Paraguay’s  fiscal  condition  is  the  Paraguayan  War.  The 
Tripartite  Treaty  provided  that  Paraguay  should  pay  the  ex- 
pense of  her  own  subjugation.  With  the  accumulated  interest 
that  war  indemnity  would  amount  to  a large  sum;  but  its 
payment  has  not  been  pressed  either  by  Argentina  or  by  Brazil. 
Aside  from  that  indebtedness — which  might  be  considered  as 
outlawed — the  Paraguayan  government  incurred  in  London 
in  1870  and  1871  a loan  which  amounted  to  three  million 
pounds.  On  behalf  of  her  national  bank  Paraguay  subse- 
quently made  loans  from  banks  in  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires. 
She  also  accumulated  a considerable  internal  debt.  A Para- 


286 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


guayan  author  estimated  in  1915  that  his  country’s  foreign 
debt,  arising  from  loans  contracted  in  London,  aggregated 
3,370,418  pesos  of  gold.  The  Paraguayan  government  has 
frequently  been  greatly  embarrassed  because  of  its  inconvert- 
ible paper  currency.  In  1915  there  were  in  circulation  in 
Paraguay  about  125,000,000  pesos  in  paper.  At  that  date 
the  exchange  rate  between  Paraguayan  gold  and  paper  was 
roughly  15  to  1.  Because  of  disturbing  fluctuations  in  the 
value  of  their  paper  money  Paraguayan  merchants  often  use 
the  Argentine  peso  of  gold  or  paper  as  a standard  unit  of 
value.  Commercial  transactions  between  Paraguayan  and 
foreign  merchants  are  commonly  reckoned  in  terms  of  the 
gold  peso  of  Argentina. 

Education  and  Learning. — Article  VII  of  the  Para- 
guayan Constitution  provided  that  primary  instruction  should 
be  compulsory.  Yet  the  percentage  of  illiteracy  has  always 
been  high.  Elementary,  rural,  graded,  and  night  schools  have 
been  established.  As  institutions  of  higher  education  where 
students  prepare  for  university  education,  national  colleges  or 
academies  have  been  founded  at  Asuncion  and  at  other  places. 
A law  of  1889  provided  for  a National  University  which 
opened  its  doors  in  the  following  year.  The  National  Uni- 
versity of  Paraguay  is  composed  of  a college  of  law  and 
social  sciences,  a college  of  medicine,  and  a college  of  mathe- 
matics. Besides  the  university,  there  are  normal  schools,  a 
military  academy,  and  an  ecclesiastical  seminary.  Among  the 
foreigners  who  have  stimulated  Paraguay’s  intellectual  life 
is  Dr.  C.  Fiebrig  who  made  excursions  into  the  forests  along 
the  Parana  River  to  make  a collection  of  Paraguayan  flora. 
At  his  own  cost  Moses  Bertoni  established  an  agronomy 
station  upon  the  banks  of  the  upper  Parana.  Of  the  Para- 
guayans who  have  made  reputations  as  men  of  letters  no 
name  is  more  worthy  of  mention  than  that  of  Juan  Silvano 
Godoi,  the  author  of  charming  biographical  sketches,  who 
donated  a valuable  library  and  works  of  art  to  his  native  land. 

Paraguay  since  the  Outbreak  of  the  World  War. — 
Paraguay  soon  felt  some  effects  of  the  World  War.  In 
August,  1914,  a moratorium  was  declared  by  Congress  for 
one  year.  During  the  administration  of  Manuel  Franco,  a 
Liberal-Radical  who  was  inaugurated  in  August,  1916,  the 


PARAGUAY 


287 


moratorium  was  extended.  Paraguay’s  imports  decreased 
and  with  them  her  customs  revenues.  Disturbed  economic 
conditions — which  were  partly  the  result  of  the  World  War 
— induced  the  government  to  establish  a bureau  which  was  to 
arrange  for  the  redemption  of  paper  money  and  to  regulate 
the  currency.  With  Argentina  a treaty  was  negotiated  pro- 
viding that,  with  few  exceptions,  the  products  of  each  country 
were  to  be  admitted  into  the  other  country  free  of  duty  for 
five  years.  A law  was  passed  providing  for  compulsory  mil- 
itary service.  With  regard  to  the  declared  policy  of  the 
United  States  toward  the  German  submarine  campaign,  the 
Paraguayan  government  expressed  its  sympathy  for  her 
advocacy  of  neutral  rights.  In  1918  in  a message  to  Congress 
the  President  stated  that  Paraguay  accepted  the  principles  of 
American  solidarity  as  voiced  by  President  Wilson.  Franco 
died  in  June,  1919,  and  was  succeeded  by  Vice-President  Jose 
P.  Montero.  Montero’s  successor  was  Manuel  Gondra,  who 
returned  from  Washington — where  die  had  been  serving  as 
the  minister  of  Paraguay — to  Asuncion,  where  he  was  inau- 
gurated on  August  15,  1920.  President  Gondra  was  not  long 
in  office,  however,  when  factional  disturbances  again  took 
place.  In  the  end  of  October,  1921,  revolutionists  at  Asun- 
cion led  by  ex-President  Schaerer  forced  Gondra  to  resign 
the  presidency  in  favor  of  Vice-President  Paiva. 

Summary. — No  people  of  South  America  have  been 
more  influenced  by  their  political  heritage  and  their  geograph- 
ical location  than  the  Paraguayans.  The  people  of  Paraguay 
had  been  deeply  affected  by  the  Jesuit  regime  and  were  later 
influenced  by  the  despotism  of  Francia  and  of  the  Lopez 
dynasty.  Patriotic  though  they  were,  some  Paraguayan 
leaders  apparently  cared  little  about  the  forms  of  government. 
That  attitude  was  probably  partly  responsible  for  the  frequent 
alterations  in  the  government — which  to  foreigners  often 
seemed  to  be  mere  contests  for  power  and  office — as  well  as 
for  the  domination  of  politico-military  cliques  or  parties. 
Aside  from  this,  Paraguay’s  history  since  1870  has  been 
largely  the  story  of  her  readjustment  and  recuperation  from 
the  effects  of  her  tragic  struggle  with  three  neighboring  na- 
tions. In  recent  years  there  have  been  some  encouraging 
signs  of  a political  transformation:  revolutions  have  happily 


2SS 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


become  less  frequent,  interest  in  public  education  is  develop- 
ing, and  attention  is  being  turned  from  personal  or  party  ad- 
vantage to  social  welfare.  The  influence  Qf  Brazil  upon 
Paraguay  has  waned.  But  linked  as  she  is  to  Argentina  by 
many  bonds,  Paraguay  will  probably  long  remain  to  a con- 
siderable extent  a commercial  dependency  of  her  great 
southern  neighbor.  It  remains  to  be  seen  to  what  extent 
Paraguay  can  develop  or  maintain  an  autonomous  industrial 
life  in  the  face  of  the  foreign  interests  that  are  striking  root 
in  her  rich,  unexploited  soil.  Bordered  by  three  of  the  largest 
states  of  South  America,  deprived  of  much  valuable  territory 
and  threatened  with  the  loss  of  more  of  the  domain  which  she 
claims,  Paraguay  has  nevertheless  within  her  comparatively 
narrow  bounds  the  basis  for  a vigorous  national  life. 


CHAPTER  XI 


CHILE 

O’Higgins  as  Supreme  Director. — Chile  arose  from  the 
captaincy  general  of  that  name.  After  the  captaincy  general 
of  Chile  had  been  liberated  by  San  Martin,  Director  O’Hig- 
gins proceeded  to  organize  a new  government.  O’ Higgins 
appointed  Miguel  Zanartu  as  secretary  of  state  and  Jose 
Ignacio  Zenteno  as  secretary  of  war.  A short  time  after- 
wards, Hipolito  Villegas  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  finances. 
Meantime  Director  O’Higgins  issued  some  reformatory  de- 
crees. All  Chileans  were  to  take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the 
new  government.  Property  belonging  to  royalists  was  to  be 
confiscated;  and  a Chilean  army  was  to  be  organized. 

The  Chilean  Constitution  of  1818. — In  May,  1818,  the 
“Supreme  Director  of  the  State’’ — as  O’Higgins  was  styled — 
appointed  a commission  of  seven  men  to  frame  a provisional 
constitution  for  Chile.  A draft  of  a fundamental  law  was 
submitted  to  O’Higgins  who  promulgated  it  in  October,  1818. 
This  Constitution  placed  the  supreme  executive  authority  of 
the  nation  in  the  hands  of  O’ Higgins — who  was  to  be  aided 
by  three  secretaries — and  gave  him  the  right  to  appoint  all 
important  magistrates,  as  well  as  the  right  to  veto  legislation. 
It  granted  legislative  authority  to  a Senate  composed  of  five 
members.  It  vested  judicial  authority  in  a supreme  court  com- 
posed of  five  members  who,  like  the  Senators,  should  be 
chosen  by  O’Higgins.  The  territory  of  Chile  was  divided  into 
three  provinces  which  should  be  managed  by  officials  called 
governors-intendant.  The  Constitution  of  1818  contained  a 
pledge  that  a Congress  would  be  convoked  when  the  country 
was  freed  from  royalist  soldiers. 

Foreign  Policy  of  O’Higgins. — Yet  Director  O’Higgins 
remained  virtually  the  Dictator  of  the  new  state  for  several 
years.  He  appointed  five  prominent  Chileans  members  of 

289 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


290 

the  Senate ; but  their  decisions,  on  the  whole,  merely  embodied 
his  wishes.  In  his  foreign  policy  O’Higgins  was  compara- 
tively successful.  Despite  differences  between  San  Martin 
and  the  United  Provinces  of  la  Plata,  the  Dictator  maintained 
amicable  relations  with  that  state.  He  negotiated  treaties  of 
alliance  with  the  governments  of  Peru  and  Colombia.  His 
government  was  recognized  by  the  Mexican  Empire.  In  1822 
his  agent  in  London,  Antonio  de  Irisarri,  succeeded  in 
negotiating  a loan  of  one  million  pounds  with  English  bankers. 

Domestic  Reforms. — Dictator  O’Higgins  rightly  felt 
that  conditions  in  Chile  were  ripe  for  certain  social  reforms. 
He  reopened  the  National  Institute,  an  educational  establish- 
ment which  had  been  closed  for  several  years,  and  he  improved 
elementary  schools  in  various  ways.  He  promoted  the  organ- 
ization of  a police  system  in  the  cities  and  also  in  rural  dis- 
tricts. From  his  epoch  date  the  serenos  or  watchmen  who 
patrol  the  streets  of  Santiago.  He  attempted  to  suppress 
brigandage  by  establishing  special  tribunals  which  dispensed 
summary  justice.  He  decreed  that  all  titles  of  nobility  granted 
by  the  Spanish  King  to  Chileans,  as  well  as  the  coats  of  arms 
attesting  those  titles,  should  be  abolished.  Further,  he  aimed 
to  abolish  mayorazgos  or  entailed  estates.  Those  reforms 
antagonized  many  members  of  the  influential  and  wealthy 
classes,  while  other  Chileans  opposed  O’Higgins  because  they 
had  been  partisans  of  the  Carreras. 

Formation  of  the  Constitution  of  1822. — On  May  7, 
1822,  O’Higgins  issued  a decree  which  directed  that  elections 
should  be  held  for  a “preparatory  Convention.”  Elections 
which  took  place  in  the  municipalities  resulted  in  the  choice 
of  delegates  who  had  been  designated  by  the  Dictator.  To 
the  Convention  which  was  installed  at  Santiago  on  July  23 
O’Higgins  submitted  a message  resigning  his  position ; but  its 
members  declared  that  he  should  remain  in  command,  and  he 
yielded.  On  September  28,  1822,  he  sent  another  message 
to  the  Convention  proposing  that  it  should  frame  a new  funda- 
mental law  for  Chile.  A project  of  a Constitution  was 
promptly  formed,  briefly  discussed,  and  sanctioned  by  the 
Convention  on  October  23,  1822.  A few  days  later  the 
Supreme  Director  swore  to  observe  it.  Although  this  Consti- 
tution declared  that  sovereign  authority  emanated  from  the 


CHILE 


291 


people,  and  although  it  vested  the  government  in  three  distinct 
departments,  yet  it  virtually  provided  that  O’Higgins  might 
wield  dictatorial  powers  for  ten  years  longer. 

Abdication  of  O’Higgins. — Two  months  after  the  Con- 
stitution of  1822  was  promulgated,  a revolt  which  was  led 
by  a soldier  of  the  Revolution  named  Ramon  Freire  occurred 
at  Concepcion.  The  insurrection  spread  throughout  other  dis- 
tricts in  southern  Chile,  and  a cabildo  abierto  soon  assembled 
in  Santiago  to  request  the  Director  to  give  up  his  office.  On 
January  28,  1823,  a committee  from  this  council  asked 
O’ Higgins  to  resign.  At  first  he  demurred  declaring  that  there 
was  no  competent  authority  to  which  he  might  transfer  his 
functions.  The  insistence  of  the  revolutionists,  however,  con- 
vinced him  that  he  must  yield,  and  he  reluctantly  gave  up 
his  power  to  a junta  upon  the  condition  that  a national  Con- 
gress should  be  convoked.  After  the  acts  of  his  administra- 
tion had  been  adjudged,  the  ex-Director  sailed  for  Peru. 

Freire  Becomes  Supreme  Director. — The  provisional 
government  that  succeeded  Director  O’Higgins  soon  selected 
General  Ramon  Freire  to  serve  as  Supreme  Director  until  a 
Constituent  Congress  should  assemble.  Freire  aimed  to  con- 
tinue the  policy  of  reform  which  had  been  initiated  by  O’Hig- 
gins; and  he  succeeded  in  abolishing  negro  slavery.  When 
the  Constituent  Congress  assembled  it  promptly  confirmed  the 
choice  of  Freire  as  Supreme  Director.  It  entrusted  the  task 
of  framing  a Constitution  to  a prominent  jurist  named  Juan 
Egaiia.  After  some  discussion  of  his  project  it  adopted  a 
Constitution  which  was  promulgated  on  December  29,  1823. 

Chile’s  Constitution  of  1823. — That  Constitution  pro- 
vided for  a peculiar  and  complicated  form  of  government. 
Executive  authority  should  be  vested  in  a Supreme  Director 
whose  term  of  office  should  ordinarily  be  four  years.  His 
cabinent  was  to  be  composed  of  three  secretaries.  He  was 
to  be  advised  by  a council  made  up  of  dignitaries  and  magis- 
trates. Legislative  authority  was  granted  to  a bicameral  Con- 
gress composed  of  a Senate  and  a “National  Chamber.” 
Ordinarily  the  Senate,  which  was  to  be  composed  of  nine 
members,  was  to  exercise  legislative  functions.  Only  when 
differences  arose  between  the  Senate  and  the  Director  in  re- 
gard to  the  enactment  of  a law,  should  the  members  of  the 


292 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


National  Chamber  be  summoned  to  exercise  legislative  powers. 
National  magistrates  were  to  be  chosen  by  male  citizens  in 
electoral  assemblies  which  were  also  authorized  to  censure 
officials  for  neglect  of  duty.  Judicial  authority  was  vested  in 
a supreme  court,  an  appellate  court,  and  inferior  judges.  Care- 
ful provisions  were  made  about  the  powers  of  judicial 
tribunals.  The  republic  was  to  be  divided  and  subdivided  into 
various  administrative  districts.  Some  provision  was  made 
for  municipal  governments.  Restrictions  were  placed  upon 
the  press ; for  nothing  might  be  published  without  the  previous 
sanction  of  a tribunal  of  censors.  In  order  to  appreciate  the 
relative  merit  of  Chileans  this  Constitution  created  a register 
of  “national  morality”:  a citizen  who  had  performed  a dis- 
tinctive service  to  his  country  was  to  be  adjudged  worthy 
of  civic  merit.  Regulations  concerning  that  honor  were  to 
be  formulated  by  the  Senate.  The  Constitution  stipulated 
that,  unless  they  had  been  conceded  a dispensation  by  Con- 
gress, all  citizens  of  Chile  should  be  Roman  Catholics.  Artifi- 
cial though  this  fundamental  law  was,  yet,  as  suggested  in  a 
commemorative  decree,  it  became  a political  legacy  to  posterity. 

The  Policies  of  Freire. — Evidently  some  of  its  provi- 
sions were  never  put  into  force.  By  a coup  d’etat  Director 
Freire  soon  established  himself  as  dictator.  Freire  led  two 
campaigns  against  Spanish  royalists  in  the  Chiloe  Islands  and 
thus  brought  the  archipelago  under  Chile’s  jurisdiction.  After 
he  had  banished  the  royalist  bishop  of  Santiago,  Freire’s  rela- 
tions with  the  Papacy  became  strained.  An  agent  of  the  Pope 
named  Juan  Muzzi  demanded  his  passports,  and  the  Papacy 
would  not  acknowledge  the  right  of  the  Chilean  government 
to  make  ecclesiastical  appointments.  Perhaps  the  most  awk- 
ward problem  which  confronted  Dictator  Freire  was  con- 
cerned with  the  finances ; for  he  soon  found  it  difficult  to  pay 
the  interest  upon  the  debt  that  had  been  incurred  in  England. 

Federalism  and  the  Constitutions  of  1826  and  1828. — 
A significant  development  in  Chilean  politics  was  the  appear- 
ance of  a party  that  advocated  the  adoption  of  a federal  system 
of  government.  Among  its  leaders  were  Camilo  Henriquez 
and  a publicist  named  Jose  M.  Infante.  In  a Congress  which 
Freire  convoked  the  Federal  party  triumphed:  on  August  28, 
r826,  that  Congress  sanctioned  a Constitution  that  established 


CHILE 


293 


a federalistic  organization.  This  fundamental  law  divided 
Chile  into  eight  provinces.  Each  province  should  be  admin- 
istered by  a governor  and  an  assembly  as  provided  by  its 
respective  constitution.  The  Constitution  of  1826  did  not 
prove  as  successful,  however,  as  its  projectors  had  anticipated. 
Two  years  later  President  Pinto  accordingly  convoked  a Con- 
stituent Assembly  which  decided  that  the  government  should 
be  popular,  representative,  and  republican.  That  Assembly 
promulgated  the  “Political  Constitution  of  1828.”  This  Con- 
stitution stipulated  that  Roman  Catholicism  should  be  the 
religion  of  the  State  to  the  exclusion  of  every  other  faith. 
Executive  authority  was  given  to  a President  who  should  be 
selected  by  electors  chosen  by  popular  vote.  Legislative 
authority  was  granted  to  a Congress  composed  of  a Senate 
and  a House  of  Representatives.  Provincial  assemblies — com- 
posed of  members  chosen  by  direct  popular  vote — were  given 
the  power  to  elect  Senators,  as  well  as  the  right  to  nominate 
intendants  for  the  provinces.  The  highest  judicial  authority 
was  vested  in  a supreme  court. 

Party  Struggles. — Discussions  about  constitutional 
changes  had  encouraged  the  formation  of  new  political 
organizations.  The  lack  of  success  of  the  Constitution  of 
1826  had  checked  the  growth  of  the  Federal  party.  Young 
Chileans  of  the  lower  classes,  styled  Pipolos  (novices)  in 
derision,  had  supported  the  liberal  movement  for  a new  con- 
stitution. Opponents  of  the  Liberals  were  generally  the  aristo- 
crats of  Chile,  that  is  to  say,  the  clergy  and  men  of  property. 
Members  of  other  parties  called  those  conservatives  Pelucones, 
because  of  the  large  wigs  which  colonial  aristocrats  had 
customarily  worn.  The  Pelucones  were  opposed  to  extreme 
measures  or  radical  changes.  To  an  extent  they  became  a 
clerical  party  that  stood  for  the  Catholic  Church  and  its  in- 
fluence. After  the  liberal  leader  Francisco  Antonio  Pinto 
became  president  under  the  Constitution  of  1828,  the  Conser- 
vatives criticised  his  policies  severely,  and  he  soon  relinquished 
his  office.  President  succeeded  President  in  rapid  succession 
until  1830,  when  the  Conservatives  came  into  office.  A civil 
war  which  took  place  between  the  Liberals  led  by  Prieto  culmi- 
nated in  the  battle  of  Lircai,  April  17,  1830,  where  the  Con- 
servatives were  victorious. 


294 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Diego  Portales. — An  outstanding  figure  among  the 
Conservatives  was  Diego  Portales.  A born  agitator  and  a 
merchant,  he  believed  that  Chile  needed  peace  and  a stable 
administration.  As  secretary  of  important  departments  for 
Vice-President  Ovalle,  after  the  battle  of  Lircai,  Portales 
exercised  extensive  authority.  Among  the  measures  which 
he  promoted  were  the  following:  the  banishment  of  Freire 
to  Peru;  the  replacement  of  Liberal  office-holders  by  Conser- 
vatives; the  reorganization  of  the  national  guard  under  loyal 
commanders;  and  the  establishment  of  order.  Most  impor- 
tant of  all,  at  his  instance,  on  October  i,  1831,  Congress  passed 
a law  convoking  a Convention  to  revise  the  Constitution  of 
1828.  To  that  Convention,  which  assembled  on  October  20, 
1831,  a committee  of  its  members  headed  by  Mariano  Egana, 
a conservative  lawyer,  submitted  the  project  of  a constitution. 
During  the  twelve  months  of  discussion  that  followed  con- 
cerning this  project,  a Liberal  named  Manuel  J.  Ganderillas 
played  a leading  part.  On  May  25,  1833,  a new  Constitution 
was  promulgated.  It  was  based  largely  upon  the  project  of 
the  committee,  modified  at  some  points  as  a result  of  the  sug- 
gestions of  Egana,  and  at  other  points  apparently  moulded 
in  accordance  with  the  advice  of  Portales.  It  discarded  many 
federalistic  doctrines. 

Constitution  of  1833. — The  Constitution  of  1833  de- 
dared  that  Chile  embraced  the  territory  stretching  from  the 
desert  of  Atacama  to  Cape  Horn  and  from  the  cordillera  of 
the  Andes  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  including  the  Chiloe  Archipe- 
lago, other  adjacent  islands,  and  the  Juan  Fernandez  Islands. 
This  Constitution  stated  that  Chile’s  government  was  popular 
and  representative  and  that  sovereignty  resided  in  the  nation. 
Her  religion  was  to  be  Roman  Catholicism:  no  other  faith 
was  to  be  publicly  worshiped.  The  functions  of  government 
were  to  be  exercised  by  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial 
departments. 

The  Executive  Department. — Executive  authority  was 
vested  in  a President  chosen  by  indirect  election  to  serve  for 
five  years.  In  case  of  disability  he  was  to  be  replaced  by  one 
of  his  secretaries.  The  President  should  be  commander  in 
chief  of  the  army  and  navy  and  should  be  the  chief  adminis- 
trator of  the  state.  He  could  make  important  appointments, 


CHILE 


295 


both  civil  and  ecclesiastical ; he  could  refuse  entrance  to  papal 
bulls  and  rescripts;  and  he  could  veto  laws  of  Congress.  He 
was  to  be  advised  by  a council  of  state.  A distinctive  feature 
of  this  Constitution  was  the  provision  that  the  members  of 
the  President’s  cabinet  might  at  the  same  time  hold  seats  in 
Congress. 

Legislative  and  Judicial  Departments. — Congress  was 
to  be  composed  of  a Senate  and  a Chamber  of  Deputies. 
Senators — who  must  have  an  income — should  be  chosen  by 
indirect  election  from  districts  in  the  provinces  for  six  years. 
Deputies  should  be  elected  for  three  years  by  direct  vote  from 
smaller  districts.  A permanent  committee,  composed  of  seven 
members  of  Congress  chosen  by  that  body,  should  act  as  its 
representative  while  it  was  not  in  session.  Among  the  powers 
of  Congress  was  the  right  to  declare  war  and  to  approve  or 
disapprove  the  annual  budget.  A somewhat  unusual  power 
which  was  assigned  to  it  was  to  pass  upon  the  inability  of 
the  President  to  exercise  his  office.  The  lower  house  was 
given  the  exclusive  right  to  impeach  national  officers,  while 
the  upper  house  was  given  the  right  to  try  such  impeachments. 
The  Senate  was  also  granted  the  exclusive  right  to  approve 
nominations  by  the  President  of  bishops  and  archbishops.  The 
judicial  department  was  to  be  composed  of  superior  and  in- 
ferior courts  which  should  be  established  by  law. 

Local  Government. — Other  clauses  of  the  Constitution 
made  provisions  about  a hierarchy  of  local  officials.  The 
republic  was  divided  into  provinces,  which  were  to  be  gov- 
erned by  intendants  appointed  by  the  President.  Every  prov- 
ince was  divided  into  departments  under  governors*who  should 
be  appointed  by  the  President  on  the  recommendation  of  the 
intendant.  Each  department  was  divided  into  subdelegations 
that  were  to  be  administered  by  subdelegates  appointed  by  the 
governor.  Every  subdelegation  was  divided  into  districts  that 
should  be  governed  by  inspectors  who  were  made  subject  to 
the  respective  subdelegate. 

Significance  of  the  New  Constitution. — The  adoption  of 
this  Constitution — the  oldest  Constitution  at  present  in  force 
in  Latin  America — was  a significant  step  in  national  progress. 
It  was  evidently  suited  to  the  particular  stage  of  political 
development  which  Chile  had  reached.  It  preserved  to  the 


296 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Chileans  their  religion  and  their  system  of  landed  estates 
that  had  descended  to  them  from  colonial  days.  It  granted 
to  the  President  such  a large  measure  of  authority  that  upon 
its  adoption  certain  Chileans  occasionally  styled  him  a 
monarch.  As  the  sequel  will  indicate,  it  sanctioned  a regime 
under  which  wise  statesmen  might  check  anarchy  and  still 
hope  for  the  development  of  a democratic  system  of  govern- 
ment. The  Chilean  fathers  probably  did  not  realize  that  the 
Constitution  of  1833  made  possible  the  growth  of  a species 
of  parliamentary  government. 

President  Prieto. — A temporary  clause  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  1833  stipulated  that  the  existing  Congress  should  re- 
main in  session  until  1834.  In  that  year  elections  under  the 
new  Constitution  took  place.  General  Joaquin  Prieto,  who 
had  become  the  chief  magistrate  in  September,  1831,  was 
■elected  President;  he  opened  the  sessions  of  the  first  Congress 
under  the  new  regime  in  June,  1834.  At  once  he  was  con- 
fronted with  serious  difficulties  because  of  the  embarrassed 
condition  of  the  finances.  In  a short  time  he  had  to  contend 
with  a threatening  insurrection.  Ex-President  Freire  secured 
two  warships  in  Peru,  and  in  July,  1836,  sailed  to  the  Chiloe 
Islands  where  he  planned  to  organize  a revolution  that  would 
overthrow  the  Chilean  government.  But  Freire  was  captured, 
tried  by  court  martial,  and  condemned  to  exile.  Not  only 
did  this  incident  injure  the  prestige  of  the  Liberal  party,  but 
it  created  a strong  prejudice  against  Peru  and  possibly  had 
some  influence  upon  the  attitude  of  the  Chilean  government 
toward  the  Peru-Bolivian  Confederation  which  soon  came 
into  existence.  In  1841  General  Manuel  Bulnes — who  had 
defeated  the  confederate  army  of  Peru  and  Bolivia  at  the 
battle  of  Yungay — became  president  of  Chile. 

Varied  Progress  under  President  Bulnes. — Although 
Bulnes  was  a Conservative,  yet  he  attempted  to  govern  by  a 
cabinet  composed  of  members  of  different  parties.  During 
his  administration  marked  advances  were  made  in  various 
lines.  A normal  school  was  founded  at  Santiago  and  placed 
in  charge  of  Domingo  Sarmiento.  A law  of  November  19, 
1842,  provided  for  the  founding  of  the  University  of  Chile 
at  Santiago.  It  was  opened  on  September  17,  1843,  in  the 
same  structure  as  that  which  had  been  occupied  by  the  Uni- 


CHILE 


297 


versity  of  San  Felipe.  A scholarly  Venezuelan  named  Andres 
Bello  was  made  rector  of  the  University  of  Chile.  Bello  was 
also  charged  by  the  government  to  prepare  a Chilean  civil 
code.  The  military  academy,  which  had  been  created  by 
O’Higgins,  was  reestablished.  A debt  that  Chile  had  incurred 
in  England — upon  which  considerable  interest  had  been  un- 
paid— was  consolidated.  The  secretary  of  finance  formulated 
regulations  for  the  administration  of  custom  houses.  In 
1843  the  schooner  “Ancud”  sailed  from  the  Chiloe  Islands 
on  a voyage  to  the  Strait  of  Magellan,  where  upon  the 
peninsula  of  Brunswick  its  company  planted  a Chilean  settle- 
ment. A few  years  later  Chile’s  claim  to  that  strait  was 
strengthened  by  the  founding  of  a town  at  Punta  Arenas. 
Meantime  immigrants  from  Germany  began  to  settle  in  the 
province  of  Valdivia.  On  April  25,  1844,  Chile  signed  with 
Spain  a treaty  by  which  that  nation  acknowledged  Chilean 
independence.  During  the  second  administration  of  Bulnes 
— who  was  reelected  in  1846 — reform  tendencies  alarmed  the 
Conservatives,  who  selected  Manuel  Montt,  secretary  of 
justice  and  public  instruction,  as  their  candidate  for  the  presi- 
dency. 

President  Manuel  Montt  Continues  the  Policies  of  Bul- 
nes.— Manuel  Montt,  who  served  as  president  from  1851- 
1861,  in  many  respects  continued  the  policies  of  Bulnes. 
Opposition  to  Montt’s  rule  resulted  in  an  insurrection  in  which 
the  Liberals  were  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Loncomilla  on 
December  8,  1851.  Yet  the  tithe  was  replaced  by  a tax. 
Treaties  of  commerce  were  negotiated  with  various  nations 
of  Europe.  To  promote  public  improvements  a new  loan 
was  negotiated  in  England.  Mayorazgos  were  abolished.  In 
1857  the  Chilean  civil  code  went  into  force.  After  the  re- 
election  of  Montt  a new  alignment  of  parties  appeared : the 
Montt-Varista  party — so  designated  because  its  leader  was 
Antonio  Varas,  one  of  Montt’s  secretaries — that  had  pro- 
nounced aristocratic  leanings;  and  the  Liberal-Conservative 
party  composed  of  former  Liberals  and  Conservatives  who 
opposed  the  aristocratic  regime  which  had  been  fostered  by 
Montt.  In  1859  strife  between  the  contending  parties  culmi- 
nated in  civil  war.  A law  was  consequently  enacted  which 
provided  that  citizens  who  took  part  in  riots  and  revolts  should 


298 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


be  answerable  with  their  persons  and  property  for  the  ensu- 
ing damage. 

Foreign  and  Domestic  Wars. — The  Montt-Varista 
party  nominated  for  the  presidency  Jose  J.  Perez,  a publicist 
of  wide  experience,  who  triumphed  in  1861  by  a large  majority 
of  electoral  votes.  During  his  administration  a war  broke 
out  between  Spain  and  Peru  which  ultimately  involved  Chile. 
For  her  the  most  significant  event  of  the  war  was  the  ruth- 
less bombardment  of  Valparaiso  by  a Spanish  fleet  on  March 
31,  1866 — an  event  which  incited  the  Chileans  to  fortify  their 
ports  and  to  build  a navy.  At  the  instigation  of  a trouble- 
some Frenchman  who  assumed  the  trappings  of  royalty,  the 
Araucanian  Indians  arose  against  the  Chilean  pioneers  who 
were  gradually  encroaching  upon  their  territory.  But  the 
pseudo-king,  Aurelie  Antonine  I,  was  captured  by  Chileans 
and  deported. 

Religious  Reforms. — An  animated  discussion  about  the 
religious  provisions  of  the  Constitution  resulted  in  a law  which 
provided  that  Protestants  might  practice  their  faith  inside 
their  own  buildings.  Under  Federico  Errazuriz,  a Conserva- 
tive who  became  president  in  1871,  religious  reform  was 
carried  farther  by  a decree  which  provided  that  Protestants 
might  be  buried  in  certain  portions  of  Catholic  cemeteries. 
Largely  because  of  those  reforms  the  clergy  assumed  an  atti- 
tude of  protest  toward  the  President.  A Clerical  or  Ultra- 
montane party  was  definitely  formed.  During  the  presidency 
of  Anibal  Pinto  a struggle  occurred  between  Church  and 
State.  As  the  result  of  a dispute  over  the  choice  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  Santiago  the  government  secured  complete  control 
of  ecclesiastical  appointments.  On  January  16,  1884,  under 
President  Santa  Maria,  a law  of  civil  marriage  was  promul- 
gated which  made  possible  the  celebration  in  Chile  of  a legal 
marriage  without  the  participation  of  Catholic  priests.  Other 
laws  of  the  same  year  provided  for  the  legal  recognition  of 
non-Catholic  cemeteries  which  might  be  used  for  the  inter- 
ment of  members  of  any  religious  sect. 

War  with  Bolivia  and  Peru. — Meantime,  the  so-called 
‘‘War  of  the  Pacific”  had  occurred  between  Chile,  on  the  one 
side,  and  Bolivia  and  Peru,  on  the  other  side — the  causes 
and  significance  of  which  will  be  considered  in  detail  in  the 


CHILE 


299 


Map  to  Illustrate  Territorial  Adjustments  Resulting  from  “The 
War  of  the  Pacific.” 


300 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


following  chapters.  Let  it  suffice  to  note  here  that,  as  a result 
of  Chile’s  triumph  in  that  conflict,  she  was  permitted  to  retain 
possession  of  the  Bolivian  department  of  Atacama,  she  was 
conceded  the  province  of  Tarapaca  by  Peru,  and  was  allowed 
to  retain  control  of  the  Peruvian  provinces  of  Tacna  and 
Arica,  pending  a plebiscite  of  their  inhabitants  that  should 
decide  whether  those  provinces  should  belong  to  Chile  or  to 
Peru. 

Politics  under  President  Balmaceda. — A significant  de- 
velopment took  place  in  internal  politics  during  the  age  of 
Jose  Manuel  Balmaceda,  who  had  served  as  secretary  of  the 
interior  under  Santa  Maria.  A facile  speaker,  a journalist 
and  a politician  of  no  small  ability,  he  had  become  a leader 
of  the  anti-clericals  and  reformers  who  were  sometimes  styled 
the  Rcformistas.  His  presidency,  which  began  in  1886.  was 
marked  by  some  progress  in  education  and  in  public  improve- 
ments. In  politics  Balmaceda  attempted  to  unite  the  dis- 
cordant groups  of  Liberals  into  one  strong  party  J His  cabi- 
nets, that  contained  politicians  from  different  cliques,  were 
unstable.  Upon  the  one  hand,  on  August  9,  1888,  he  sanc- 
tioned a law  regarding  suffrage  which  provided  that  all  male 
citizens  of  twenty-one  years  of  age  who  could  read  and  write 
and  who  were  listed  in  departmental  registers  should  have 
the  right  to  vote.  Upon  the  other  hand,  he  was  accused  of 
manipulating  congressional  elections.  Suspicions  that  the 
President  was  preparing  the  way  for  a successor,  who  was 
not  favored  by  the  congressional  majority,  precipitated  a con- 
flict between  him  and  Congress  before  the  electoral  law  was 
put  into  operation.  So  strong  did  congressional  opposition 
to  Balmaceda’s  administration  become,  that  eventually  only 
a nucleus  of  Liberals  supported  him. 

His  Struggle  with  Congress. — A crisis  was  precipitated 
when  Balmaceda  insisted  that  he  had  the  constitutional  right 
to  select  a cabinet  wffiich  was  not  in  harmony  with  the  majority 
in  Congress.  In  January,  1890,  he  formed  a new  cabinet 
composed  of  his  own  adherents — a step  that  ran  counter  to 
the  principles  of  the  parliamentary  system  which  had  been 
slowly  developing.  As  the  result  of  congressional  opposition, 
the  President  yielded  and  replaced  that  cabinet  by  one  satis- 
factory to  Congress.  In  August,  1890,  it  therefore  passed 


CHILE 


301 


a law  making  appropriations  for  the  expenses  of  government. 
After  a crisis  in  the  cabinet,  its  members  resigned,  and  Balma- 
ceda  again  selected  advisers  composed  of  his  own  followers 
who  belonged  to  a faction  that  was  in  a minority  in  Congress. 
At  a meeting  in  Santiago  on  October  15 — the  day  upon  which 
Balmaceda  dissolved  Congress — members  of  the  opposition 
adopted  a resolution  stating  that  the  President  had  shown 
bad  faith  by  the  selection  of  a cabinet  which  was  not  sup- 
ported by  the  congressional  majority.  The  permanent  com- 
mittee protested  against  various  acts  of  Balmaceda  and  noti- 
fied him  that  after  December  31  of  the  ensuing  year  he  would 
have  no  authority  to  maintain  the  army  or  the  navy  unless 
Congress  made  appropriations. 

The  Congressional  Revolt. — On  January  1,  1891,  Presi- 
dent Balmaceda  issued  a proclamation  declaring  that  the  “par- 
liamentary regimen”  which  the  coalition  advocated  was 
“incompatible  with  republican  government.”  A few  days  later 
he  issued  an  extraordinary  decree  announcing  that,  until  Con- 
gress passed  an  appropriation  for  1891,  the  budget  which  it 
had  approved  for  1889  should  be  in  force.  This  act  was  not 
only  contrary  to  precedent  but  it  was  extralegal — not  to  say 
dictatorial.  Early  on  the  morning  of  January  7 vessels  of 
the  Chilean  navy  at  Valparaiso  accordingly  sailed  out  of  the 
harbor  bearing  prominent  members  of  the  Anti-Balmacedista 
party.  The  navy  was  in  open  revolt.  Upon  the  same  day 
a pronunciamiento,  signed  by  a majority  of  the  congressmen, 
was  published  which  declared  that  Balmaceda  had  been  de- 
posed because  he  had  violated  the  Constitution  of  the  republic. 

Progress  of  the  Anti-Balmaceda  Revolution. — In  the 
civil  war  which  ensued  the  Congressionalists  controlled  the 
navy,  while  the  Balmacedists  dominated  the  army.  As  the 
struggle  progressed,  the  fortune  of  arms  inclined  more  and 
more  to  the  side  of  Congress.  The  Congressionalists  estab- 
lished a governmental  junta  at  Iquique.  After  some  bloody 
conflicts  by  sea  and  land,  the  soldiers  of  Balmaceda  were 
badly  routed  near  Valparaiso  on  August  28,  1891.  Upon  the 
following  day  the  President  abdicated  and  appointed  General 
Baquedano — who  had  been  neutral  in  the  struggle — as  the 
head  of  a provisional  government.  Balmaceda  sought  a refuge 
in  the  Argentine  legation,  while  confusion  and  anarchy  reigned 


302 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


in  Santiago.  Some  days  later  the  revolutionary  junta  reached 
Valparaiso;  and  it  was  soon  installed  in  the  capital.  To  avert 
the  shame  of  being  prosecuted  by  his  political  enemies,  on 
the  morning  of  September  19,  Balmaceda  committed  suicide. 
In  his  own  words,  he  covered  himself  with  a “mantle  of  pity.” 

Its  Results. — The  internecine  conflict  had  a demoraliz- 
ing influence  upon  the  finances  of  Chile.  Her  debt  had  in- 
creased greatly,  while  her  currency  had  been  swollen  by 
metallic  and  paper  tokens  that  had  been  issued  by  the  con- 
gressional junta.  The  political  result  of  the  revolution  was 
the  establishment  of  the  principle  that  no  President  should 
govern  without  a cabinet  which  was  supported  by  a congres- 
sional majority.  Yet  this  did  not  mean  that  presidential 
authority  should  be  subjected  to  the  public  will  through  Con- 
gress; for  the  practice  of  dissolving  the  legislature  after  a 
vote  of  lack  of  confidence  never  prevailed  in  Chile.  Balma- 
ceda had  failed  in  his  attempt  to  make  the  government  of 
Chile  “presidential”  instead  of — in  a sense — “parliamentary.” 
In  some  respects  it  continued  to  resemble  the  French  system 
of  parliamentary  government. 

The  “Baltimore”  Affair. — As  incidents  connected  with 
the  anti-Balmaceda  revolution  had  evidently  convinced  some 
Chileans  that  the  United  States  was  opposed  to  this  move- 
ment, a dispute  with  that  government  took  on  a serious  aspect. 
On  October  16,  1891,  a brawl  occurred  between  Chileans  and 
sailors  of  the  United  States  vessel  “Baltimore”  who  were  on 
shore  at  Valparaiso.  One  United  States  officer  was  killed 
and  several  sailors  were  wounded.  President  Harrison  in 
a message  to  Congress  took  a positive  and  somewhat  jingo- 
istic attitude.  As  a retort,  the  secretary  of  foreign  relations 
of  Chile  sent  a discourteous  cablegram  to  her  minister  at 
Washington  which  was  communicated  to  the  United  States 
government  and  also  published  in  Chile.  In  January,  1892, 
the  United  States  therefore  delivered  an  ultimatum  to  Chile 
demanding  an  indemnity.  That  policy  exasperated  many 
Chileans,  but  rather  than  precipitate  a war  with  the  United 
States  their  government  agreed  to  pay  an  indemnity  of 
seventy-five  thousand  dollars  for  the  families  of  the  injured 
sailors. 


CHILE 


3°3 


Reconstruction  under  Jorje  Montt. — Even  before  the 
suicide  of  Balmaceda,  the  victors  in  the  civil  strife  had  made 
Captain  Jorje  Montt — who  had  become  vice-admiral — the  head 
of  a junta  of  government.  In  November,  1891,  a new  Con- 
gress selected  Montt  to  be  president.  Toward  the  vanquished 
party  his  policy  was  generous.  He  immediately  granted  an 
amnesty  to  officials  of  the  Balmaceda  regime,  with  certain 
exceptions.  In  fiscal  and  political  affairs  he  adopted  a policy 
of  reform.  On  December  22,  1891,  he  sanctioned  an  organic 
law  concerning  local  government.  That  law  provided  for  the 
establishment  in  Chile  of  municipalities  which  were  to  be 
administered  by  elective  officers.  Municipal  corporations  were 
accorded  the  right  of  regulating  local  affairs  and  also  the 
privilege  of  supervising  the  registration  of  voters  in  local 
and  national  elections.  The  powers  of  intendants,  governors, 
and  subdelegates  were  accordingly  much  reduced.  Another 
measure  of  reconstruction  promoted  by  Jorje  Montt  was  con- 
cerned with  inconvertible  paper  currency.  In  spite  of  violent 
opposition  by  the  debtor  classes,  on  February  11,  1895,  he 
signed  a bill  which  provided  for  the  redemption  of  paper 
money  in  gold  by  the  government  and  which  established  the 
gold  standard.  The  gold  peso  was  made  the  monetary  unit. 

International  Problems. — In  1896  Federico  Errazuriz, 
a son  of  the  former  president,  was  elected  chief  magistrate 
by  the  support  of  Conservatives  and  members  of  other  party 
groups.  During  his  administration  various  problems  of 
foreign  relations  pressed  for  solution.  Those  were  the  ques- 
tions with  Peru  about  the  plebiscite  in  Tacna  and  Arica;  the 
policy  to  be  adopted  in  regard  to  Bolivia’s  demand  for  a sea- 
port upon  the  Pacific ; and  a boundary  dispute  with  Argentina. 
A possibility  of  war  provoked  the  fear  of  a panic;  hence  the 
President  suspended  the  law  which  provided  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  paper  currency  in  gold.  The  boundary  dispute  with 
Argentina  was  an  inheritance  from  other  days.  It  had  arisen 
in  a serious  form  in  1881  when,  by  the  mediation  of  the 
United  States,  a treaty  had  been  signed  by  the  contending 
parties  drawing  a boundary  line  in  Tierra  del  Fuego,  and 
providing  that  the  boundary  in  the  cordillera  should  be  a 
line  drawn  between  the  highest  peaks  which  were  supposed 
to  indicate  the  continental  watershed.  As  investigations 


304 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


showed  that  the  line  sketched  by  the  treaty  of  1881  and  this 
watershed  did  not  everywhere  coincide,  a renewal  of  the  old 
controversy  took  place.  Peru  and  Bolivia  evidently  hoped 
to  profit  by  Chile’s  foreign  difficulties.  Eventually  Chile  and 
Argentina  agreed  to  submit  the  dispute  about  their  limits 
in  the  cordillera  to  the  arbitration  of  the  English  king.  The 
controversy  about  their  boundaries  in  the  puna  of  Atacama 
was  settled  by  the  arbitration  of  a mixed  commission  in  1899. 
Errazuriz  died  in  the  following  year  and  was  succeeded  by 
Jerman  Riesco. 

Political  Tendencies. — The  suicide  of  Balmaceda  did 
not  end  his  influence  in  Chilean  political  life.  A tendency 
was  indeed  displayed  among  the  lower  classes  to  view  him  as 
the  martyred  champion  of  the  cause  of  the  people  against 
the  aristocratic  classes  who  were  entrenched  in  Congress.  In 
time  his  disciples  formed  a party  group  that  was  designated 
the  Balmacedistas.  They  founded  their  principles  upon  a 
letter  left  by  their  leader:  their  political  programme  was  to 
vindicate  the  President  and  to  protect  that  magistrate  against 
alleged  encroachments  by  Congress.  Although  the  Liberal 
party  had  been  greatly  injured  by  Balmaceda’s  policy,  yet 
it  recovered  strength  in  the  election  of  1901  when  its  candi- 
date, Jerman  Riesco,  was  elected  by  a large  majority  over 
the  coalition  candidate,  Pedro  Montt.  The  Conservative  party 
declined  in  influence;  it  became  a clerical  party  whose  chief 
political  ambition  was  to  establish  the  dominance  of  the 
Church.  President  Riesco’s  administration  was  notorious  for 
political  instability.  There  were  frequent  changes  in  his 
cabinet:  ministerial  crises  caused  him  to  seek  support,  even 
more  than  his  predecessors  had  done,  in  groupings  and  re- 
groupings of  cliques  or  parties.  Perhaps  that  is  one  reason 
why  he  was  unable  to  resist  the  clamor  for  the  emission  of 
inconvertible  paper  money. 

Rapproachement  between  Chile  and  Argentina. — Still, 
during  his  administration  significant  moves  were  made  in 
international  relations.  The  long-standing  dispute  between 
Chile  and  Argentina  about  their  limits  was  adjusted  by  the 
decision  of  the  English  King  who  made  his  definitive  award 
in  November,  1902.  About  the  same  juncture  those  two 
nations  signed  significant  treaties  stipulating  that  in  the  future 


CHILE 


305 


their  disputes  should  be  settled  by  arbitration,  that  their 
military  armaments  should  be  limited,  and  that  for  five  years 
neither  party  should,  without  previous  notification,  make  an 
increase  in  her  navy. 

The  Election  of  1906. — In  1906 — the  year  in  which  a 
terrible  earthquake  visited  Valparaiso — a new  political  align- 
ment appeared.  The  National  party  emerged : it  originated 
in  the  personal  following  of  Manuel  Montt.  With  the  aid 
of  the  Radical  party,  which  championed  the  application  of 
democratic  principles  to  party  organization  and  to  govern- 
ment, and  of  some  Liberals  and  Conservatives,  it  elected  to 
the  presidency  Pedro  Montt,  a son  of  Manuel  Montt.  In 
that  campaign  the  Radical  party  adopted  a platform  advocat- 
ing the  election  of  the  President  by  direct  popular  vote,  the 
payment  of  salaries  to  congressmen,  the  modification  of  the 
Senate  so  as  to  make  it  a different  body  from  the  lower  house, 
the  complete  separation  of  Church  and  State,  and  a decrease 
in  the  number  of  feast  days.  The  Democratic  party,  which 
was  organized  to  represent  the  interests  of  the  laboring  classes, 
did  not  frame  a precise  statement  of  political  principles. 

Material  Progress. — President  Pedro  Montt  was 

troubled  by  an  opposition  which  desired  to  issue  more  incon- 
vertible paper  currency.  He  encouraged  important  public 
works  and  the  construction  of  railroads.  During  his  ad- 
ministration the  Chilean  people  celebrated  the  completion 
of  the  tunnel  through  the  frozen  ridge  of  the  Andes.  This 
formed  the  last  link  of  the  railroad  between  Santiago  and 
Mendoza,  thus  affording  quick  communication  with 
Argentina.  Under  Ramon  Barros  Luco,  an  octogenarian 
who  served  as  president  from  1911  to  1916,  material  prog- 
ress continued.  The  railroad  which  Chile  had  agreed  to 
construct  from  Arica  to  La  Paz  was  completed.  Along 
the  seacoast  a longitudinal  railroad  was  extended  from 
Iquique  to  Puerto  Montt.  The  government  promoted  the 
construction  of  quays,  reservoirs,  dams,  and  aqueducts. 
United  States  corporations  acquired  valuable  mines  of  cop- 
per and  tin  where  they  constructed  huge  mining  plants. 

Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Immigration. 
— A stream  of  Germans  that  emigrated  to  southern  Chile 
caused  the  formation  there  of  a region  known  as  “Little  Ger- 


3o6 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


many”  which,  in  certain  particulars,  resembled  southern 
Brazil.  In  1907  some  eight  thousand  immigrants  reached 
Chile.  Regulations  providing  that  only  immigrants  under 
contract  with  private  individuals  would  be  admitted  re- 
duced the  influx.  In  1908  only  four  thousand  immigrants 
landed  on  Chilean  soil.  Of  one  thousand  foreigners  who 
arrived  in  Chile  in  1913  about  eight  hundred  were 
Spaniards;  over  one  hundred  came  from  Italy,  and  about 
the  same  number  from  France.  In  truth  the  chief  element 
in  recent  Chilean  immigration  has  been  the  Spanish.  A 
distinct  national  type  has  consequently  developed  in  Chile: 
the  typical  Chilean  is  a descendant  of  a Spaniard  with  an 
occasional  dash  of  Araucanian  blood. 

The  Army. — According  to  Chile’s  Constitution  all  citi- 
zens who  can  bear  arms  are  liable  for  military  service. 
The  organizer  of  the  Chilean  army  was  Emil  Korner. 
On  September  5,  1900,  a law  was  enacted  concerning 
recruits  which  provided  that  all  citizens  between  eighteen 
and  forty-five  years  of  age  should  inscribe  their  names 
in  military  registers.  Citizens  from  twenty  to  twenty- 
one  years  should  belong  to  the  active  contingent  for  at 
least  nine  months.  In  practice  soldiers  actually  in  the 
service  were  chosen  by  allotment;  the  rest  of  the  recruits 
formed  the  first  reserve,  who  served  nominally  for  nine 
years;  and  then  they  passed  to  the  second  reserve,  where 
they  were  to  serve  until  they  had  reached  the  age  of  forty- 
five.  The  President  managed  the  army  through  a secre- 
tary of  war,  who  was  aided  by  a general  staff.  Officers 
were  trained  at  military  academies.  Prospective  officers 
of  the  general  staff  received  special  training  at  an  academy 
in  Santiago.  About  1914  the  Chilean  army  numbered 
some  seventeen  thousand  men:  it  was  almost  equally 
divided  between  the  regular  army  and  conscripts.  Among 
the  officers  were  six  generals  and  ten  brigadier  generals. 

Navy. — Recruits  for  the  navy  were  secured  from  mili- 
tary conscripts.  Under  the  secretary  of  the  navy  there 
was  a general  director,  who  was  in  charge  of  naval  organ- 
ization and  administration.  The  general  director  with  the 
heads  of  his  departments  constituted  a board  of  admiralty 
or  naval  council.  Besides  a naval  school  and  an  academy. 


CHILE 


307 


there  were  naval  establishments  at  Magallanes  and  Tal- 
cahuano.  There  was  also  a hydrographic  bureau.  About 
1914  the  navy  of  Chile  was  composed  of  one  battleship, 
six  cruisers,  four  torpedo  gunboats,  seven  destroyers,  and 
five  torpedo  boats.  In  her  naval  service  there  were  about 
seven  thousand  men. 

Occupations  and  Products. — The  chief  occupations  were 
farming,  grazing,  mining,  and  manufacturing.  In  south- 
ern Chile  large  estates  held  by  descendants  of  colonial 
aristocrats  were  cultivated  by  laborers  who  were  some- 
times in  a condition  of  economic  serfdom.  The  main 
crops  were  wheat,  corn,  barley,  and  beans.  Grapes  were 
raised  in  various  parts  of  Chile.  Large  flocks  of  cattle 
and  sheep  grazed  upon  plains  in  the  South.  Some  bitumi- 
nous coal  was  mined  in  southern  Chile.  In  1914  about  a 
million  tons  of  copper  were  extracted  from  Chile’s 
enormous  ore  deposits.  Aside  from  copper,  the  greatest 
mineral  wealth  of  Chile  was  saltpeter  which  was  found 
mixed  with  other  salts  in  enormous  quantities  in  the  north- 
ern desert.  An  important  product  of  the  nitrate  industry 
was  iodine.  The  manufactures  of  Chile  were  mainly 
various  food  stuffs,  alcoholic  beverages,  clothing,  leather, 
woodwork,  and  pottery.  Statistics  of  the  exports  in  1914, 
besides  miscellaneous  items,  were  as  follows : beverages 
and  liquors,  175,245  pesos  of  gold;  agricultural  products, 
16,665,222;  pastoral  products,  21,824,705;  and  mineral 
products,  253,365,503.  Here  notice  must  again  be  taken 
of  the  measure  of  value.  Although  the  monetary  standard 
— the  unit  of  international  exchange — was  nominally  the 
gold  peso  worth  thirty-six  cents  in  United  States  money, 
yet  the  actual  currency  was  the  inconvertible  paper  peso 
of  fluctuating  value. 

Transportation. — In  transportation  Chile  is  both  aided 
and  hindered  by  her  geography.  Along  the  narrow  strip 
of  land  bordering  the  ocean  there  are  many  ports  visited 
by  vessels  engaged  in  the  coastwise  trade.  The  South 
American  Steamship  Company,  which  is  backed  by 
Chilean  capital,  is  one  of  the  best  companies  that  furnishes 
service  between  important  Chilean  ports  and  ports  of  Peru 
and  Panama.  Small  ports  are  served  by  sailing  vessels. 


3°8 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


In  part  railways  are  owned  by  private  companies  and  in 
part  by  the  government.  By  the  construction  of  various 
short  railways  which  have  been  linked  together,  a longi- 
tudinal railway  has  been  constructed  that  stretches  south 
from  Pisagra  in  the  province  of  Tarapaca  to  Puerto  Montt 
in  the  province  of  Llancpiihue.  Branch  railroads  or  trans- 
verse lines  stretch  from  the  seaboard  toward  the  foothills 
of  the  Andes.  Three  railroads  cross  the  Andes  from  Chile : 
a railroad  from  Lai-Lai  (near  Santiago)  to  Mendoza;  a 
railroad  from  Arica  to  La  Paz,  Bolivia;  and  another  from 
Antofagasta  to  Oruro,  La  Paz,  and  other  Bolivian  cities. 

Education. — Upon  the  eve  of  the  World  War,  the  gen- 
eral direction  of  education  in  Chile  was  in  charge  of  the 
secretary  of  public  instruction.  Elementary  education  was 
mainly  supported  by  the  local  districts.  Free,  and  en- 
trusted to  laymen,  it  was  not,  however,  compulsory. 
Secondary  education  was  chiefly  carried  on  in  liceos  where 
courses  lasting  from  three  to  six  years  prepared  students  for 
a university  career  or  for  technical  schools.  As  already 
noticed,  normal  schools  in  Chile  date  from  the  age  of 
Sarmiento.  In  charge  of  the  secretary  of  industry  were  vari- 
ous technical  schools,  such  as  the  school  of  arts  and  trades, 
agricultural  schools,  and  mining  schools. 

Universities. — At  the  capital  city  there  was  also  a school 
of  pedagogy  which  was  affiliated  with  the  national  university. 
The  University  of  Chile,  reorganized  by  a law  of  1879,  was 
managed  by  a board  of  public  instruction.  It  was  composed 
of  the  following  colleges:  theology;  law  and  social  sciences; 
medicine  and  pharmacy;  physical  science  and  mathematics; 
philosophy,  letters,  and  fine  arts.  Besides  furnishing  instruc- 
tion in  the  social  sciences,  the  college  of  law  and  social  sciences 
supervised  legal  education  throughout  the  republic.  The 
medical  college  included  dental  and  pharmacy  schools.  The 
college  of  physical  science  and  mathematics  included  a school 
of  engineering  and  a school  of  architecture.  A school  of 
pedagogy  was  affiliated  with  the  college  of  philosophy  and 
letters.  The  rector  or  president  of  the  University  of  Chile 
was  selected  at  intervals  by  the  President  of  the  republic  from 
a list  of  three  nominees  submitted  by  the  university  faculty. 


CHILE 


309 


At  the  capital,  besides  the  national  university,  a Catholic  Uni- 
versity had  been  established. 

Chilean  Literature. — Andres  Bello  is  the  first  distinctive 
name  in  Chilean  literature.  Editor  of  a government  journal 
called  El  Araucano,  a poet  of  no  small  merit,  author  of  a 
Castilian  grammar  and  of  a standard  work  on  international 
law,  Bello  stimulated  intellectual  life  in  Chile  in  various 
directions.  His  pupil  Salvador  Sanfuentes  composed  poems 
which  dealt  with  dramatic  incidents  in  the  relations  between 
Spaniards  and  Araucanians.  Guillermo  Blest  Gana  wrote 
verses  about  Chilean  home  life.  Upon  the  occasion  of  the 
war  with  Spain  in  inspired  verses  Guillermo  Matta  summoned 
Spanish  Americans  to  rise  against  her  attack.  A poem  of 
Eusebio  Lillo  was  adopted  as  the  national  hymn  of  Chile. 
While  upon  diplomatic  service  for  his  country  in  Bogota, 
Jose  Antonio  Soffia  wrote  a notable  poem  about  Bolivar  and 
San  Martin.  Among  prize  poems  of  Eduardo  de  la  Barro 
was  one  entitled  A la  independencia  de  America.  Alberto 
Blest  Gana — who  had  resided  in  Paris — produced  among  other 
novels,  Martin  Rivas,  a tale  of  Chilean  society.  A stimulat- 
ing prose  writer  was  Jose  V.  Lastarria,  whose  stories  were 
collected  and  published  in  a volume  entitled  Antano  y Hogaiio. 
His  Recuerdos  Literarios  described  the  dispute  in  Chilean 
literary  circles  about  romanticism,  while  among  his  historical 
studies  was  a treatise  about  the  Chilean  Constitution.  A group 
of  great  writers  made  the  University  of  Chile  famous.  Miguel 
L.  Amunategui  wrote  learned  monographs  about  the  Revolu- 
tion against  Spanish  rule.  Besides  numerous  studies  and  spe- 
cial volumes,  Diego  Barros  Arana  composed  a monumental 
Historia  jeneral  de  Chile.  Benjamin  Vicuna  Mackenna  was 
a voluminous  and  suggestive  historical  writer.  The  dean  of 
American  bibliographers,  Jose  T.  Medina  has  composed  or 
edited  some  two  hundred  brochures  or  volumes.  Besides  those 
productions,  Chilean  scholars  have  planned  and  are  publish- 
ing inedited  documents  that  deal  with  important  phases  of 
their  country’s  history. 

Fine  Arts. — Considerable  attention  has  been  paid  to  the 
promotion  of  fine  arts  in  Chile.  Aspiring  painters  and  sculp- 
tors have  been  much  influenced  by  the  artists  of  France  and 


3io 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Spain.  About  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  a French 
painter  named  Monvoisin  established  a school  of  fine  arts,  and 
subsequently  his  pupils  founded  an  academy  of  painting. 
Among  prominent  painters  may  be  mentioned  Antonio  Smith, 
the  creator  of  Chilean  landscape  painting.  The  great  painter 
of  historical  scenes  was  Pedro  Subercaseaux  who  depicted  the 
departure  of  Almagro  from  Peru  for  Chile  and  also  the  em- 
brace of  O’Higgins  and  San  Martin  after  the  victory  at 
Maipu.  Another  well-known  painter  was  Pedro  Lira  who 
served  as  the  director  of  the  school  of  fine  arts.  Of  Chilean 
sculptors  space  allows  the  mention  of  only  a few:  Nicanor 
Plaza,  who  made  a sculptored  representation  of  Caupolican; 
Rebeca  Matte,  sculptress  of  La  Guerra;  Simon  Gonzalez,  who 
chiseled  Nino  Taimado;  and  Ernesto  Concha,  sculptor  of  La 
Miseria.  A striking  collection  of  Chilean  artistic  productions 
are  kept  in  the  beautiful  building  where  an  international  ex- 
hibit of  fine  arts  was  held  at  Santiago  in  1910 — a building 
which  subsequently  became  the  home  of  the  National  Museum 
of  Fine  Arts.  Chilean  music  bids  fair  to  develop  under  the 
direction  of  the  National  Conservatory  of  Music  which  is 
also  located  at  the  capital  city. 

Chile  and  the  World  War. — On  August  3,  1914,  the 
Chilean  secretary  of  foreign  relations  informed  the  Ger- 
man minister  at  Santiago  that  his  government  would 
maintain  “the  strictest  neutrality”  in  the  war  which  had 
begun  between  Germany  and  Russia.  Chile  soon  began 
to  feel  the  economic  effects  of  that  struggle : she  lost 
Teutonic  markets  for  guano  and  nitrate.  In  1915  the 
attack  of  an  English  squadron  upon  the  German  warship 
“Dresden” — which  was  supposed  to  be  interned — pro- 
voked Chile  to  demand  an  apology,  the  acceptance  of 
which  angered  Germany.  Although  exposed  to  commerce 
raiders,  yet  because  of  her  position  upon  the  Pacific  she 
was  not  so  menaced  by  Germany’s  submarine  campaign 
as  Argentina  and  Brazil.  In  response  to  the  announce- 
ment of  a new  ruthless  submarine  campaign,  on  February 
8,  1917,  the  Chilean  secretary  of  foreign  affairs  under 
President  Sanfuentes,  who  took  office  in  December,  1916, 
sent  a note  to  the  German  envoy  at  Santiago  to  state 
that  Germany’s  blockade  involved  a restriction  of  the 


CHILE 


3ii 

rights  of  neutrals  which  Chile  would  not  endure  because 
it  was  contrary  to  principles  that  had  long  been  observed 
in  regard  to  nations  which  were  distant  from  the  clash 
of  arms.  Further,  the  Chilean  secretary  stated  that  his 
government  could  not  accept  the  policy  announced  by  the 
Imperial  German  government  because  that  would  be  a 
departure  from  strict  neutrality.  He  declared  that  Chile 
reserved  the  liberty  to  insist  upon  all  her  rights  whenever 
an  attack  might  be  made  upon  her  ships.  Oh  April  11, 
1917,  Chile  proclaimed  her  neutrality  in  the  war  between 
the  United  States  and  Germany — a policy  to  which  she 
adhered  throughout  the  struggle. 

Present  Party  Groupings. — The  directive  force  in  the 
changing  politics  of  Chile,  like  that  of  England  in  war  time, 
has  often  been  in  the  hands  of  a coalition.  Occasionally 
a President  has  actually  attempted  to  govern  by  a cabinet 
composed  of  a member  from  each  important  political 
party.  Since  the  age  of  Balmaceda  the  political  pendulum 
in  Chile  has  swung  toward  congressional — which  ordi- 
narily meant  aristocratic — domination  of  the  government. 
Parliamentary  government  has  often  been  a regime  dis- 
tinguished by  its  instability.  It  has  been  estimated  that 
in  recent  decades  the  average  life  of  a cabinet  in  Chile 
has  been  about  three  months.  Two  influential  party 
groups  in  present  Chilean  politics  are  the  National  Union 
and  the  Liberal  Alliance.  The  Union  is  mainly  composed 
of  Conservatives  and  Liberals  of  former  days,  while  the 
Alliance  is  made  up  of  Democrats,  Socialists,  and  other 
persons  with  radical  views.  In  the  main  the  National 
Union  is  representative  of  the  landed  aristocracy  which 
has  exercised  a profound  influence  in  Chilean  politics, 
while  the  Alliance  may  not  inappropriately  be  designated 
the  progressive  and  popular  element  that  draws  its 
strength  from  the  growing  middle  class. 

The  Presidential  Election  of  1920. — In  the  campaign  of 
1920  the  candidate  of  the  National  Union  was  Barros 
Borgono,  a member  of  an  aristocratic  family  who  had 
served  as  secretary  of  foreign  relations,  while  the  candi- 
date of  the  Liberal  Alliance  was  an  eloquent  lawyer  of 
Italian  descent  named  Arturo  Alessandri.  So  close  was 


312 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  presidential  election  which  took  place  on  June  25  that 
both  parties  ultimately  agreed  that  instead  of  allowing 
Congress  to  scrutinize  the  election  returns — as  provided 
by  the  Constitution — they  would  form  a special  tribunal 
of  seven  members  designated  the  Court  of  Honor  to  serve 
as  an  electoral  board.  By  a vote  of  five  to  two  that  board 
decided  that  Barros  Borgono  had  received  one  hundred 
and  seventy-six  votes,  while  Alessandri  had  received  one 
hundred  and  seventy-seven.  Alessandri,  who  was  in- 
augurated in  December,  1920,  selected  the  members  of 
his  cabinet  from  the  different  political  groups  that  com- 
posed his  party  coalition. 

President  Alessandri’s  Programme. — In  a message  to 
Congress  on  June  1,  1921,  President  Alessandri  outlined 
his  programme.  Among  social  and  economic  reforms  he 
advocated  an  improvement  in  the  legal  status  of  women, 
the  adoption  of  laws  that  would  promote  the  welfare  of 
laborers,  and  the  stabilization  of  the  monetary  system. 
Pending  the  formulation  of  specific  amendments  to  the 
Constitution,  he  suggested  that  the  fundamental  law 
should  be  modified  so  as  to  separate  Church  and  State 
completely.  He  proposed  that  the  administration  should 
be  decentralized  by  transferring  to  provincial  officials  a 
large  measure  of  authority  that  the  national  government 
had  exercised  in  local  affairs.  The  existing  parliamentary 
system,  said  Alessandri,  should  be  altered  so  as  to  prevent 
destructive  collisions  between  the  executive  and  the  legis- 
lative departments.  He  asked  that  the  permanent  com- 
mittee and  the  council  of  state  should  be  abolished.  The 
President  should  be  elected  by  direct  popular  vote.  In 
place  of  the  existing  system  of  presidential  succession, 
Alessandri  proposed  that  a vice-president  ought  to  be  sub- 
stituted who  should  also  be  chosen  by  popular  vote. 

Summary. — The  history  of  Chile  is  a story  of  steady 
development.  Since  the  establishment  of  independence, 
by  war,  or  by  diplomacy,  or  by  occupation,  the  confines  of 
her  territory  have  been  drawn  to  the  south  and  to  the  east 
and  pushed  much  farther  to  the  north.  Chile’s  industrial 
development  has  been  vigorous.  Although  she  possesses 
the  physical  basis  for  a diversified  agriculture  in  the  south, 


CHILE 


3i3 


yet  her  economic  prosperity  has  become  too  largely  de- 
pendent upon  the  exploitation  of  the  nitrate  deposits. 
From  a military  and  naval  point  of  view,  the  position  of 
Chile  is  much  stronger  than  that  of  some  other  Latin- 
American  nations.  Of  all  the  Latin-American  countries 
Chile  is  the  state  where  constitutional  development  has 
most  resembled  that  of  England.  At  the  present  day  cer- 
tain significant  results  of  the  Anti-Balmaceda  revolution 
— which  established  a species  of  parliamentary  govern- 
ment— seem  to  be  jeopardized  by  the  advent  to  power  of 
a coalition  of  the  radical  political  elements  of  the  nation. 
Evidently  many  members  of  the  Liberal  Alliance  consider 
Congress,  and  especially  the  Senate,  as  the  citadel  of  the 
privileged  classes.  At  the  same  time  the  decline  in  the 
purchase  of  votes  at  national  elections  holds  promise  of 
the  formation  of  an  independent  electorate.  Whatever  the 
future  may  hold  in  store  for  the  Chileans,  of  them  it  may 
more  truthfully  be  said  than  of  almost  any  other  Latin- 
American  people  that  they  constitute  a homogeneous 
nation.  Chile  is  virile,  progressive,  and  tenacious  of  her 
rights. 


CHAPTER  XII 


BOLIVIA 

The  Creation  of  Bolivia. — The  state  of  Bolivia  origin- 
ally claimed  the  territory  which  had  been  subject  to  the 
audiencia  of  Charcas.  In  August,  1825,  the  Congress  at 
Sucre  adopted  a flag  for  Bolivia;  it  made  provision  for  a 
national  coinage,  and  declared  that  the  new  nation  should 
have  a representative  and  republican  government.  Shortly 
afterwards  it  asked  that  two  thousand  Colombian  soldiers 
should  be  allowed  to  remain  in  Bolivia  for  the  protection 
of  the  new  republic.  On  October  3,  1825,  it  enacted  a law 
which  provided  that  General  Sucre  should  be  the  supreme 
ruler  whenever  Bolivar  was  not  within  the  limits  of 
Bolivia. 

Measures  of  Bolivar  and  Sucre. — On  November  1 Simon 
Bolivar  reached  the  Bolivian  capital.  For  a short  period 
the  Liberator  acted  as  the  chief  executive  of  Bolivia.  After 
making  certain  administrative  and  political  reforms,  on 
December  29  he  issued  a decree  which  announced  that  a 
Constituent  Congress  for  Bolivia  would  assemble  at  the 
capital  on  May  25,  1826.  At  the  same  time  he  transferred 
his  authority  to  General  Sucre.  During  the  months  which 
elapsed  before  the  Constituent  Congress  met,  Sucre 
initiated  important  policies.  In  January,  1826,  he  issued 
a decree  providing  that  Bolivia’s  territory  should  be  carved 
into  five  departments  which  were  to  be  divided  into  prov- 
inces. He  soon  exercised  authority  over  the  desert  of 
Atacama,  which  had  been  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
audiencia  of  Charcas.  In  vain  he  aimed  to  secure  from 
the  Peruvian  government  a strip  of  territory  that  would 
include  the  port  of  Arica  and  thus  furnish  Bolivia  a con- 
venient egress  to  the  sea.  By  a decree  of  May  18,  1826, 
Peru  recognized  Bolivia’s  independence. 


314 


BOLIVIA 


3*5 

Bolivar’s  Constitution  for  Bolivia. — On  May  25,  1826, 
Sucre  resigned  his  authority  to  the  Constituent  Congress. 
At  once  Congress  elected  him  provisional  president  of 
Bolivia.  This  position  he  accepted  with  reluctance.  Mean- 
time, at  the  request  of  the  Bolivians,  Bolivar  had  framed 
a project  of  a Constitution  for  the  new  republic.  In  June, 
1826,  Sucre  presented  this  project  to  the  Constituent  Con- 
gress. Bolivar’s  Constitution  proposed  that  the  govern- 
ment should  be  vested  in  executive,  legislative,  judicial, 
and  “electoral”  powers  or  departments.  Executive 
authority  was  given  to  a President  who  should  serve  for 
life.  His  powers  resembled  those  granted  to  the  United 
States  President;  his  cabinet  was  to  be  composed  of  three 
secretaries.  The  legislature  was  to  be  made  up  of  three 
houses:  a House  of  Tribunes,  a House  of  Senators,  and 
a House  of  Censors.  The  Tribunes  were  granted  special 
power  over  fiscal,  military,  and  foreign  affairs.  The 
Senators  were  given  control  of  judicial,  ecclesiastical,  and 
constitutional  matters.  The  Censors  were  charged  to 
observe  that  the  Constitution,  laws,  and  treaties  of  the 
nation  were  obeyed.  In  addition,  they  were  given  special 
powers  concerning  education  and  the  press.  Judicial  power 
was  vested  in  a supreme  court,  district  courts,  and  justices 
of  the  peace.  The  supreme  court  was  granted  jurisdiction 
over  cases  regarding  ambassadors,  consuls,  and  the  patron- 
age; and  it  was  to  scrutinize  papal  bulls  and  rescripts. 
Torture  in  judicial  proceedings  was  prohibited.  The 
“electoral  power”  was  a scheme  for  the  selection  of  cer- 
tain national  officers  through  colleges  in  the  departments. 
Members  of  these  colleges  should  be  chosen  by  voters  and 
were  to  hold  their  offices  for  four  years.  The  Liberator 
provided  that  Bolivia  should  be  composed  of  departments 
which  were  to  be  divided  into  provinces.  Those,  in  turn, 
should  be  subdivided  into  cantons.  At  the  head  of  each 
department  there  should  be  a prefect.  Bolivar  maintained 
that  the  Constitution  should  contain  no  stipulation  con- 
cerning religious  faith. 

Its  Adoption. — This  Constitution  was  referred  by  Con- 
gress to  a committee  which  proposed  certain  modifications. 
After  several  months  of  debate  it  was  adopted  with  an 


3i6 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


amendment  providing  that  Roman  Catholicism  should  be  the 
state  religion. 

The  Presidency  of  Sucre. — Sucre  was  promptly  elected 
president  of  Bolivia.  On  December  9,  1826,  he  took  an 
oath  faithfully  to  observe  the  Bolivian  Constitution,  and 
made  an  address  to  Congress  announcing  his  intention  to 
retire  from  office  on  August  2,  1828.  President  Sucre 
laid  the  administrative  foundations  for  the  Bolivian  state. 
In  July,  1827,  the  judges  whom  he  had  appointed  members 
of  the  supreme  court  were  installed  at  the  capital.  He 
warned  Brazil  to  evacuate  Bolivian  territory  where  she 
was  encroaching.  He  negotiated  a treaty  of  limits  with 
Peru  which  stipulated  that  Bolivia  should  have  possession 
of  the  Pacific  coast  from  Cape  Sama  to  the  river  Loa ; but 
unfortunately  for  Bolivia  the  Peruvian  executive,  General 
Santa  Cruz,  declined  to  sanction  the  arrangement.  Despite 
the  politic  measures  of  Sucre,  the  presence  of  Colombian 
soldiers  in  Bolivia  created  much  dissatisfaction.  The 
President  felt  that  Peru  viewed  Bolivia  as  an  outpost  of 
Colombia.  Conspiracies  which  were  formed  against  him 
have  been  ascribed  to  Peruvian  influence. 

His  Withdrawal. — On  April  18,  1828,  disaffected 

soldiers  in  the  garrison  of  the  capital  city  rebelled  against 
President  Sucre,  who  was  severely  wounded  in  the  right 
arm.  The  mutiny  was  followed  by  an  invasion  of  Peruvian 
soldiers  under  General  Gamarra.  So  far  did  the  invaders 
penetrate  into  Bolivia  that  on  July  6,  1828,  her  invalid 
President  was  constrained  to  agree  to  a capitulation  which 
provided  that  the  Colombian  soldiers  should  soon  leave 
the  soil  of  Bolivia,  that  he  should  resign  the  presidency, 
and  that  a Constituent  Assembly  should  be  convoked  to 
revise  the  Bolivian  Constitution.  On  August  2,  1828,  in 
his  message  to  Congress  resigning  the  presidency,  Sucre 
deplored  the  policy  of  intervention  which  Peru  had 
employed. 

Rise  of  Santa  Cruz. — After  the  departure  of  General 
Sucre  the  Congress  of  Bolivia  proclaimed  as  president 
General  Blanco,  who  was  soon  imprisoned  by  political 
enemies  and  assassinated.  Congress  then  invited  General 
Santa  Cruz  to  assume  the  presidency  of  the  nation.  Santa 


BOLIVIA 


3i7 


Cruz  was  a forceful  native  of  Bolivia  who  had  served  in  both 
the  royalist  and  the  patriot  armies  during  the  struggle  for 
independence.  During  Sucre’s  presidency — while  Santa  Cruz 
was  president  of  the  Peruvian  council  of  government — he  had 
formed  an  ambitious  project  to  unite  Peru  and  Bolivia  into 
a Confederation  that  would  include  a large  portion  of  the 
former  Empire  of  the  Incas. 

Constitutional  Changes. — Early  in  1829  Santa  Cruz  ac- 
cepted the  presidency.  He  soon  replaced  the  Constitution 
by  a provisional  statute  and  selected  a commission  which 
framed  a civil  code  for  Bolivia  that  went  into  force  in  1831. 
At  La  Paz  in  August,  1831,  a Constituent  Assembly  adopted 
a fundamental  law  which  in  some  particulars  was  in  sharp 
contrast  with  the  Liberator’s  Constitution.  Bolivia’s  Consti- 
tution of  1831  provided  that  governmental  authority  should 
be  exercised  by  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  departments. 
The  President's  term  of  office  was  fixed  at  four  years.  He 
was  to  be  aided  by  three  secretaries,  and  advised  by  a council 
of  state  selected  by  Congress.  Legislative  authority  was 
vested  in  a Congress  composed  of  a Senate  and  a House  of 
Representatives.  The  Constitution  declared  that  no  person 
had  been  born  a slave  upon  the  soil  of  Bolivia  since  her 
Declaration  of  Independence.  It  prohibited  the  introduction 
of  slaves  into  the  republic.  In  October,  1834,  a Congress  that 
had  assembled  at  Sucre  promulgated  a “reformed  Constitu- 
tion” which  in  reality  was  the  Constitution  of  1831  with  slight 
modifications. 

Relations  with  Peru. — A chance  to  realize  his  project 
came  to  Santa  Cruz  in  1835.  For  he  arranged  with  Provi- 
sional President  Orbegosa  of  Peru  to  send  an  army  into  that 
country  to  restore  order.  In  June,  1835,  Santa  Cruz  deputed 
his  executive  authority  to  a council  of  ministers,  and  led  his 
soldiers  into  Peru.  This  intervention  evoked  a protest  from 
some  Peruvian  leaders,  notably  from  Gamarra  and  Salaverry. 
Santa  Cruz  defeated  Gamarra,  however,  at  Yanacocha  on 
August  13,  1835,  and  Salaverry  at  Socabaya  on  February  7, 
1836.  Meantime  Orbegosa  had  convoked  two  assemblies  of 
Peruvians  to  meet  at  Sicuani  and  Huara  respectively  to  con- 
sider the  project  of  a confederation.  The  Assembly  at 
Sicuani  on  March  17,  1836,  made  known  the  establishment 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


3i8 

of  the  free  and  independent  state  of  South  Peru,  composed 
of  the  departments  of  Arequipa,  Ayacucho,  Cuzco,  and  Puno, 
with  Santa  Cruz  as  “Supreme  Protector.”  In  the  following 
August  the  Assembly  at  Huara  proclaimed  the  state  of  North 
Peru,  with  Santa  Cruz  as  Protector.  A Congress  at  Tapacari 
had  already  announced  that  the  Protector  of  Bolivia  was 
Santa  Cruz. 

Santa  Cruz  Establishes  the  Peru-Bolivian  Confedera- 
tion.— On  October  28,  1836,  the  Protector  issued  a proc- 
lamation which  announced  the  establishment  of  a Confeder- 
ation composed  of  North  Peru,  South  Peru,  and  Bolivia. 
Santa  Cruz  also  convoked  a General  Assembly  at  Tacna  on 
January  24,  1837,  which  was  to  be  composed  of  three  deputies 
from  each  of  the  confederated  states.  In  the  meantime  he 
had  announced  that  the  civil  code  of  Bolivia  should  be  in 
force  throughout  the  Confederation.  He  initiated  some  ad- 
ministrative reforms  and  issued  regulations  which  promoted 
commerce  and  mining. 

Its  Dissolution. — Yet  circumstances  were  against  the 
Protector.  In  the  northern  part  of  the  Confederation  many 
Peruvians  felt  keenly  aggrieved  at  the  predominance  of  Boliv- 
ians in  the  government.  That  sentiment  was  not  lessened  by 
the  Protector’s  autocratic  measures.  Chile  became  excited 
at  the  emergence  of  a confederated  state  that  included  a coun- 
try in  which  Freire  had  organized  an  expedition  against  the 
Chiloe  Islands.  Dictator  Rosas  took  up  arms  against  the 
Confederation;  and  in  June,  1838,  an  Argentine  army  invaded 
the  Bolivian  department  of  Tarija  but  was  defeated.  With 
the  aid  of  Peruvian  emigres,  Chilean  soldiers  invaded  south- 
ern Peru  and  occupied  Arequipa  in  October,  1837.  In  the 
following  month,  however,  those  invaders  were  compelled  to 
sign  a treaty  of  peace  at  Paucarpata.  Nevertheless,  the 
Chileans  soon  resumed  the  struggle,  and  on  January  20,  1839, 
under  General  Bulnes  they  defeated  the  soldiers  of  Santa 
Cruz  at  the  battle  of  Yungay.  The  Peru-Bolivian  Confedera- 
tion dissolved  and  Santa  Cruz  sailed  for  Guayaquil. 

The  Constitution  of  1839. — A Constituent  Congress 
soon  assembled  at  Sucre.  Its  members  declared  in  the  pre- 
amble of  a new  Constitution  which  was  adopted  in  October, 
1839,  that,  as  the  republic  of  Bolivia  had  proclaimed  against 


BOLIVIA 


3i9 


the  Peru-Bolivian  Confederation,  the  Constitution  of  1834 
was  no  longer  in  force.  In  comparison  with  the  Constitution 
of  1831  the  fundamental  law  of  1839  made  some  innovations. 
Among  those  the  most  important  were  perhaps  the  following. 
It  provided  for  the  creation  of  elective  municipal  councils  in 
the  departmental  capitals  and  of  municipal  juntas  in  the 
cantons.  In  each  departmental  capital  it  established  a judicial 
tribunal  with  special  jurisdiction.  It  declared  that  citizens 
shouLd  have  the  right  freely  to  petition  the  government.  The 
death  penalty — except  in  specified  cases — was  prohibited. 

Jose  Ballivian  Becomes  President. — Upon  the  downfall 
of  Santa  Cruz,  General  Velasco  was  proclaimed  president. 
Shortly  afterwards  he  was  deposed  by  revolutionists.  In  Sep- 
tember, 1841,  soldiers  proclaimed  that  General  Jose  Ballivian, 
an  enterprising  native  of  La  Paz,  was  president  of  the  re- 
public. Ballivian  announced  that  the  constitutions  of  1839 
and  1841  were  no  longer  in  force  and  that  his  policy  would 
be  to  preserve  property,  liberty,  and  the  Catholic  religion. 

The  Battle  of  Ingavi. — As  President  Gamarra  of  Peru 
would  not  desist  from  an  invasion  of  Bolivia  and  evidently 
aimed  to  annex  the  department  of  La  Paz,  if  not  to  overthrow 
the  government  of  the  republic,  Ballivian  placed  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  army.  On  November  18,  1841,  Gamarra  was 
defeated  and  killed  on  the  plains  of  Ingavi,  within  sight  of 
the  snow-capped  peaks  of  Illampu  and  Illimani.  At  Puno 
in  the  following  June  a treaty  was  arranged  between  Bolivia 
and  Peru  by  which  both  nations  agreed  to  restore  the  status 
quo  and  to  relinquish  all  claims  for  indemnities. 

Ballivian’s  Internal  Policy. — In  1843  a National  As- 
sembly adopted  a Constitution  for  Bolivia.  That  Constitution 
much  increased  the  power  of  the  chief  magistrate.  It  pro- 
vided an  advisory  body  to  the  President  which  was  designated 
the  national  council.  His  term  of  office  was  extended  to  eight 
years.  Among  the  powers  conferred  upon  him  was  the  right 
to  appoint  judges  of  the  supreme  court,  to  suspend  or  remove 
government  officials  at  pleasure,  to  dissolve  Congress,  and  to 
promote  immigration.  In  consequence  of  such  clauses  Bo- 
livia’s fourth  Constitution  has  been  characterized  as  a “mili- 
tary ordinance  which  should  be  perused  in  the  glow  of  the 
sword  that  conquered  at  Ingavi.”  President  Ballivian  took 


320 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


a deep  interest  in  public  improvements.  He  promoted  the 
construction  of  aqueducts,  cathedrals,  hospitals,  prisons,  and 
roads  throughout  the  republic.  He  dispatched  an  agent  to 
England  who  was  instructed  to  interest  capitalists  and  manu- 
facturers in  the  development  of  Bolivia.  He  equipped  expe- 
ditions that  were  directed  to  determine  whether  or  not  the 
river  Pilcomayo  would  furnish  Bolivia  an  exit  to  the  Atlantic 
Ocean..  He  formed  projects  designed  to  encourage  emigra- 
tion from  Europe.  His  envoy,  Jose  Maria  Linares,  signed 
a treaty  of  recognition  with  the  Spanish  government  on  July 
21,  1847.  Yet  Ballivian’s  arbitrary  regime  provoked  opposi- 
tion, especially  in  the  army,  and  in  December,  1847,  the  Presi- 
dent resigned  his  magistracy  rather  than  precipitate  a civil  war. 

General  Belzu  Becomes  President. — It  was  the  news  of 
a rebellion  in  La  Paz  led  by  a valiant  general  named  Manuel 
I.  Belzu  that  caused  Ballivian’s  resignation.  Velasco — who 
was  again  proclaimed  president — appointed  General  Belzu 
secretary  of  war.  In  October,  1848,  Belzu  secretly  left  Sucre 
and  joined  insurrectionary  soldiers  at  Oruro.  He  decisively 
defeated  Velasco’s  army  at  Yamparaez  on  December  6,  1848. 
The  victorious  general  soon  issued  a decree  declaring  that  the 
Constitution  of  1839  was  in  force  but  announcing  that,  in 
case  the  President  should  not  be  able  to  perform  his  duties, 
the  council  of  state  shotild  perform  the  functions  of  the  chief 
executive  instead  of  the  president  of  Congress,  as  provided 
by  that  Constitution.  Other  decrees  evinced  his  desire  to 
win  the  support  of  the  lower  classes  against  the  aristocratic 
partisans  of  Ballivian  who  were  designated  the  Rojos.  Belzu 
thus  brought  a so-called  Democratic  party  into  existence. 
With  the  aid  of  aborigines  and  the  army,  he  suppressed  vari- 
ous rebellions.  By  good  luck  he  escaped  death  by  an  assas- 
sin’s dagger. 

His  Policies. — In  September,  1851,  a National  Conven- 
tion brought  another  Constitution  into  existence.  In  some 
particulars  it  resembled  the  Constitution  of  1843.  The  funda- 
mental law’  of  1851  abolished  the  national  council.  It  fixed 
the  President’s  term  at  five  years  and  gave  him  wride  powers. 
He  was  given  the  right,  by  way  of  punishment,  to  suspend 
government  officials  from  office  for  three  months.  The  Con- 
stitution gave  legislative  authority  to  a Congress  composed 


BOLIVIA 


321 


of  two  coordinate  houses.  It  declared  that  slavery  could  not 
exist  in  Bolivia.  In  January,  1853,  President  Belzu  issued 
a notable  decree  announcing  that  the  waters  of  all  navigable 
streams  flowing  through  Bolivian  territory  and  emptying  into 
the  Amazon  and  the  Paraguay  Rivers  should  be  open  to  navi- 
gation by  the  vessels  of  all  nations.  In  the  following  year 
a census  was  taken  which  indicated  that  Bolivia  had  2,326,126 
inhabitants,  including  Indians.  In  the  election  of  1855  the 
chief  presidential  candidates  were  Dr.  Jose  Maria  Linares 
and  General  Jorge  Cordova,  a disciple  of  Belzu.  Cordova 
was  elected  president. 

Rise  and  Fall  of  Linares. — President  Cordova  was  much 
harassed  by  conspiracies  and  rebellions.  A humane  ruler, 
he  did  not  sanction  a single  execution.  In  September,  1857, 
Linares  started  a revolt  in  Oruro.  Uprisings  soon  took  place 
in  other  cities,  and,  after  Cordova  had  made  a vain  attempt 
to  suppress  the  insurrection,  he  fled  to  Peru.  Jose  Maria 
Linares,  who  thus  realized  a long-cherished  ambition,  was  a 
man  of  great  determination  and  energy.  With  the  support 
of  aristocratic  and  intelligent  political  leaders,  he  hoped  to 
carry  out  certain  reforms.  To  the  cabinet  he  added  a secre- 
tary of  public  improvement.  He  reduced  the  emoluments  of 
many  officials,  made  alterations  in  the  system  of  central  and 
local  administration,  and  divided  the  republic  into  three  judi- 
cial districts.  He  established  a military  college  and  organized 
a national  guard.  By  a decree  providing  for  the  establish- 
ment of  ecclesiastical  seminaries  he  displayed  his  intention  to 
reform  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  clergy.  When  signs 
of  opposition  to  his  measures  became  apparent,  on  March  31, 
1858,  Linares  issued  a decree  frankly  announcing  that  he  had 
assumed  the  powers  of  a Dictator.  The  stern,  not  to  say 
cruel,  policy  which  he  pursued  toward  seditious  conspirators 
intensified  the  discontent.  Bolivian  emigres  commanded  by 
Belzu  and  Cordova  made  irruptions  into  Bolivia  from  Peru. 
Upon  the  eve  of  the  presidential  election,  two  members  of 
his  own  cabinet  conspired  against  Linares;  and  by  the  aid 
of  military  officers  in  January,  1861,  they  established  a gov- 
ernmental junta.  Linares  was  forced  to  withdraw  from  his 
native  land;  and  a Congress  elected  General  Jose  M.  de  Acha 
president. 


322 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Anarchy  Approaches  a Climax. — In  August,  1861,  a 
National  Constituent  Assembly  framed  the  “Political  Consti- 
tution of  the  State.”  This  Constitution  set  the  President’s 
term  at  three  years.  It  established  a unicameral  legislature 
and  reestablished  the  council  of  state.  Unusually  liberal  to 
foreigners,  it  declared  that  all  persons  within  the  republic 
should  enjoy  civil  rights.  The  massacre  of  numerous  pris- 
oners of  state — including  ex-President  Cordova — by  a mili- 
tary commander  caused  a revulsion  of  feeling  among  the 
populace.  Weak  and  vacillating  in  character,  Acha  hesitated 
to  take  decisive  measures  against  the  author  of  that  mad  act. 

Mariano  Melgarejo. — On  December  28,  1864,  General 
Mariano  Melgarejo  took  advantage  of  the  growing  dissatis- 
faction and  proclaimed  himself  president.  An  intriguing  and 
brutal  militarist,  Melgarejo  showed  even  less  regard  for  Bo- 
livia’s laws  and  institutions  than  had  his  predecessors.  Among 
other  measures  he  speedily  proclaimed  that  the  Constitution 
was  abrogated.  During  the  years  of  his  domination  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  two  political  parties,  the  Rojos  and  the  Colorados, 
became  even  less  than  the  mere  battle  cries  of  bitter  partisans. 
Upon  the  point  of  being  deposed  by  Belzu — who  suddenly 
returned  from  exile  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  a rebel- 
lion in  La  Paz — Melgarejo  slew  that  rival  with  his  own  hand. 

Foreign  Relations  under  Melgarejo. — Extremely  jeal- 
ous of  his  authority  at  home,  Melgarejo  did  not  increase  the 
prestige  of  his  nation  abroad.  In  1867  he  authorized  a treaty 
with  Brazil  by  which  Bolivia  acknowledged  the  Empire’s  title 
to  some  sixty  thousand  square  leagues  of  territory  upon  the 
Madeira  and  Paraguay  Rivers.  A dispute  that  had  arisen 
with  Chile  about  the  title  to  the  desert  of  Atacama — a large 
portion  of  which  was  included  in  Bolivia  by  the  uti  possidetis 
of  1810 — was  adjusted  by  a treaty  signed  on  August  10,  1866. 
This  treaty  stipulated  that  Bolivia  should  cede  to  Chile  the 
zone  between  the  Salado  River  and  the  parallel  of  240  south 
latitude  from  the  Andes  to  the  Pacific.  The  guano  discovered 
between  parallels  23 0 and  25 0 and  the  duties  levied  upon  min- 
eral products  exported  from  that  zone  were  to  be  divided 
equally  between  the  parties.  Chilean  products  should  be 
exempt  from  imposts  upon  .entering  the  Bolivian  port  of 
Mejillones.  Within  the  department  of  Atacama,  as  well  as  in 


BOLIVIA 


323 


the  southern  provinces  of  Peru,  energetic  Chileans  became 
engaged  in  the  exploitation  of  nitrate  deposits.  To  the  Ni- 
trate Company  of  Antofagasta — that  was  domiciled  in  Chile 
— Melgarejo  conceded  the  right  to  exploit  for  fifteen  years 
nitrate  deposits  in  the  desert  of  Atacama. 

His  Immediate  Successors. — In  November,  1870,  revo- 
lutionists led  by  Hilarion  Daza  repudiated  the  odious  rule  of 
Melgarejo  and  announced  that  Colonel  Agustin  Morales  was 
their  leader.  Morales,  who  was  proclaimed  president  after 
the  defeat  and  flight  of  Melgarejo,  declared  that  his  political 
motto  was  “more  liberty  and  less  government.”  After  a Con- 
stituent Assembly  had  passed  some  reformatory  laws.  Morales 
assumed  dictatorial  authority  but  was  soon  killed  in  a quarrel 
with  some  military  officers.  In  May,  1873,  Adolfo  Ballivian, 
a son  of  the  victor  of  Ingavi,  was  inaugurated  as  president. 
An  outstanding  personality,  he  attempted  to  reform  the 
disordered  finances  of  his  country.  He  negotiated  a treaty 
of  defensive  alliance  with  Peru,  but  unfortunately  died  on 
February  14,  1874.  Ballivian’s  term  was  almost  completed  by 
Tomas  Frias,  an  old  man  who  had  been  president  of  the 
council  of  state.  His  administration  was  vexed  by  military 
uprisings. 

Renewal  of  the  Dispute  with  Chile. — At  this  juncture  a 
dispute  again  arose  with  Chile  about  the  desert  of  Atacama. 
In  August,  1874,  Bolivia  and  Chile  attempted  to  adjust  the 
dispute  by  a treaty  which  stipulated  that  their  boundary  line 
in  the  desert  should  be  the  parallel  of  240 — which  ran  a short 
distance  south  of  Antofagasta.  As  a concession  to  the  Chilean 
government,  the  Bolivian  government  agreed  that  for  twenty- 
five  years  Chileans  who  might  be  engaged  in  the  mining  in- 
dustry in  the  desert  should  not  be  subjected  to  any  additional 
imposts. 

The  Tax  of  Ten  Centavos. — On  the  eve  of  the  presiden- 
tial election,  one  of  the  leading  candidates,  General  Hilarion 
Daza,  who  was  secretary  of  war,  seized  the  President  and  his 
other  secretaries.  The  subservient  populace  of  the  capital 
city  proclaimed  Daza  president  of  Bolivia  on  May  4,  1876. 
That  coup  d’etat  marked  the  accession  of  a Dictator  whose 
rule  became  notorious  in  South  America  for  corruption,  ar- 
bitrary imprisonments,  and  bacchanalian  feasts.  In  February, 


324 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


1878,  he  sanctioned  a law  which  had  unthinkingly  been  passed 
by  Congress  to  the  effect  that  a tax  of  ten  centavos  per  hun- 
dredweight should  be  laid  upon  all  nitrate  exported  from  the 
Bolivian  littoral.  Against  this  law  the  Nitrate  Company  of 
Antofagasta  protested  and  appealed  to  the  Chilean  govern- 
ment. While  negotiations  were  still  in  progress  at  La  Paz 
for  the  adjustment  of  the  dispute,  the  Bolivian  government 
decided  temporarily  to  rescind  its  contract  with  the  nitrate 
company.  On  February  14,  1879,  which  was  the  date  set 
by  Bolivia  for  the  sale  of  the  company’s  property  to  ensure 
the  payment  of  the  taxes,  Chilean  soldiers  took  possession  of 
Antofagasta.  Two  weeks  later  Bolivia  announced  that  in 
consequence  a state  of  war  existed  between  her  and  Chile. 
After  the  Peruvian  government  had  declined  to  proclaim  its 
neutrality  in  the  struggle,  Chile  declared  war  upon  Bolivia 
and  Peru.  The  conflict  which  ensued  has  been  designated 
by  South  Americans  as  the  “War  of  the  Pacific.” 

The  “War  of  the  Pacific.” — Even  before  a declaration 
of  war  had  been  made  by  Chile,  her  soldiers  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  Bolivian  port  of  Cobija,  and  had  captured 
Calama  by  assault.  Delegating  executive  authority  to  the 
council  of  state,  President  Daza  hastily  led  a division  of 
poorly  equipped  soldiers  to  Tacna,  where  he  reported  to  the 
Peruvian  commander,  General  Mariano  Prado.  Upon  learn- 
ing of  the  capture  of  Pisagua  by  Chilean  soldiers,  Daza  and 
Prado  decided  to  make  a concerted  attack  upon  the  invaders. 
When,  after  a toilsome  march  by  way  of  Arica  to  the  river 
Camarones,  Daza  sent  a message  to  Prado  declaring  that  his 
soldiers  refused  to  advance  farther,  he  was  instructed  to  desist 
from  his  march  southward.  Daza  then  retreated  to  Arica. 
That  retrograde  movement — la  rctirada  de  Camarones — was 
stigmatized  as  an  act  of  treason  by  the  Bolivians,  especially 
as  it  was  followed  by  the  rout  of  cooperating  Peruvian  sol- 
diers at  San  Francisco.  Soon  afterwards  the  Chileans  de- 
feated the  Peruvian-Bolivian  army  at  Tarapaca.  General 
Daza  then  formed  the  resolution  to  march  to  La  Paz  in  order 
to  suppress  an  insurrection;  but  Bolivian  soldiers  at  Tacna, 
who  were  disgusted  at  his  conduct,  disavowed  his  authority 
and  proclaimed  that  the  commander  of  the  Bolivian  army  in 
Peru  should  be  Colonel  Eliodoro  Camacho.  As  Camacho  had 


BOLIVIA 


325 


no  ambition  to  become  president  of  Bolivia,  he  placed  himself 
under  the  orders  of  a junta  that  had  been  established  at  La 
Paz. 

General  Campero  Becomes  President. — When  he  heard 
of  the  deposition  of  President  Daza,  General  Campero,  who 
had  been  in  command  of  another  division  of  the  Bolivian 
army,  proceeded  to  Oruro.  There,  by  a decree  of  January 
19,  1880,  he  assumed  the  provisional  presidency  of  the  dis- 
tracted republic.  He  soon  convoked  a Convention  at  La  Paz, 
which  in  June  elected  him  president  for  four  years.  At  that 
Convention  a group  of  Bolivian  leaders — far  from  the  boom- 
ing of  Chilean  cannon — framed  a centralists  Constitution 
which  was  promulgated  on  October  17,  1880. 

Guaranties  of  the  Constitution  of  1880. — The  Bolivian 
Constitution  of  1880  provided  that  Roman  Catholicism  should 
be  the  religion  of  the  State.  It  prohibited  the  public  exercise 
of  any  other  faith  except  in  frontier  territories.  Among  the 
guaranties  of  its  bill  of  rights  was  an  article  which  declared 
that  slavery  should  not  exist  in  Bolivia. 

The  Executive  Department. — Executive  authority  was 
vested  in  a President  and  two  Vice-Presidents.  Those  magis- 
trates should  be  elected  by  direct  vote  to  hold  office  for  four 
years.  The  President  was  given  the  title  of  captain  general 
of  the  army:  he  might  even  direct  a war  in  person,  and  could 
negotiate  treaties.  He  could  appoint  ambassadors  and  eccle- 
siastical dignitaries.  He  had  the  right  to  concur  in  the  en- 
actment of  laws,  and  was  given  the  power  to  exclude  papal 
bulls  and  rescripts.  He  might  grant  amnesties,  commuta- 
tions of  punishment,  and  pardons.  All  presidential  orders 
and  decrees  must  be  signed  by  the  respective  secretary  of  state. 
Members  of  the  cabinet  might  take  part  in  the  debates  of 
Congress,  but  they  must  withdraw  before  a vote  was  taken. 

Legislative  and  Judicial  Departments. — Congress  was 
to  be  composed  of  a House  of  Deputies  and  a Senate.  Each 
department  of  the  republic  was  to  have  two  Senators  elected 
by  direct  vote  who  were  to  hold  office  for  six  years.  Exclu- 
sive functions  of  the  Senators  were  to  try  impeachments  and 
to  make  nominations  to  the  president  for  appointments  to 
bishoprics,  archbishoprics,  and  justices  of  the  supreme  cohrt. 
Deputies,  who  should  be  chosen  in  the  same  way  as  Senators, 


326 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


were  to  hold  office  for  two  years.  They  were  granted  the 
exclusive  right  to  impeach  the  chief  national  officers  and  to 
elect  justices  of  the  supreme  court  upon  nomination  by  the 
Senate.  The  Constitution  provided  that  the  houses  of  Con- 
gress might  sit  separately  or  jointly.  In  joint  session  they 
might  consider  the  resignation  of  the  President,  approve  or 
reject  treaties  which  he  had  negotiated,  declare  war  at  his 
instance,  set  the  strength  of  the  permanent  military  force, 
and  decide  conflicts  about  the  jurisdiction  of  the  supreme 
court.  Acting  separately,  they  were  to  exercise  ordinary 
legislative  powers;  such  as  to  levy  taxes,  to  grant  subsidies 
for  the  construction  of  railroads,  and  to  authorize  the  execu- 
tive to  contract  loans.  The  judicial  department  was  to  be 
composed  of  a supreme  court  and  district  courts.  Among 
specific  grants  of  jurisdiction  to  the  supreme  court  was  the 
power  to  judge  disputes  arising  from  contracts  and  conces- 
sions. In  an  emergency  the  President  might  summon  Con- 
gress to  meet  in  some  other  place  than  the  capital  of  the 
republic. 

Local  Government. — The  local  administrative  system 
which  had  been  founded  by  General  Sucre  was,  in  the  main, 
preserved.  The  republic  was  to  be  divided  into  departments, 
provinces,  and  cantons.  A department  should  be  governed 
by  a prefect  who  was  to  be  the  President’s  agent.  Every 
province  should  be  governed  by  a subprefect  appointed  by  the 
President.  Each  canton  should  be  administered  by  a cor- 
regidor,  who  should  be  appointed  by  the  prefect  upon  the 
nomination  of  the  subprefect.  A municipal  council  should 
be  established  in  the  capital  of  each  department. 

Treaty  of  Valparaiso. — Although  General  Campero 
gave  to  his  country  a new  Constitution,  yet  he  could  not  pre- 
vent Chilean  soldiers  from  conquering  the  Bolivian  littoral. 
Chileans  took  possession  of  the  department  of  Atacama. 
Campero  kept  the  Bolivian  army  upon  a war  footing.  At 
last — after  a treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed  between  Peru 
and  Chile — at  Valparaiso  on  April  4,  1884,  a convention  was 
signed  between  Chile  and  Bolivia  which  was  designated  as  an 
agreement  upon  an  indefinite  truce.  The  Treaty  of  Val- 
paraiso declared  that  the  state  of  belligerency  between  the 
parties  had  terminated,  and  that  neither  party  might  renew 


BOLIVIA 


327 


the  war  without  a year’s  notification  to  the  other  party.  It 
stipulated  that  during  the  life  of  the  agreement  Chile  should 
retain  control  of  the  department  of  Atacama,  that  is  to  say, 
of  the  conquered  Bolivian  territory  lying  between  230  south 
latitude  and  the  mouth  of  the  river  Loa.  Chilean  products 
and  manufactures  should  be  allowed  to  enter  Bolivia  through 
her  former  littoral  free  of  duty,  while  foreign  merchandise 
destined  for  Bolivia  should  pay  the  imposts  laid  by  the  Chilean 
tariff  but  should  not  be  liable  for  other  duties.  Bolivia  should 
receive  seventy-five  per  cent  of  such  imposts  for  use  in  part 
on  her  indemnities  that  were  due  to  Chile.  By  the  Treaty 
of  Valparaiso  Bolivia  reluctantly  waived  control  of  valuable 
territory  that  was  rich  in  nitrate  deposits  and  that  contained 
her  only  seaports. 

Treaties  of  1895  between  Bolivia  and  Chile. — After  this 
treaty  was  signed  President  Campero  was  succeeded  by 
Gregorio  Pacheco.  He  prepared  the  way  for  the  acces- 
sion of  Aniceto  Arce,  who  became  president  in  1888.  Both 
of  those  presidents  aimed  to  stifle  all  opposition  to  their 
rule.  The  presidency  of  Arce — who  has  been  described 
as  “a  Bolivian  Yankee” — was,  however,  signalized  by  the 
opening  of  a railroad  from  Antofagasta  to  Oruro,  the  first 
exit  by  railroad  that  was  afforded  to  the  mediterranean 
state.  Under  Arce’s  successor,  Mariano  Baptista,  on  May 
18,  1895,  two  significant  treaties  were  signed  between 
Bolivia  and  Chile  which  aimed  to  settle  definitively  the 
territorial  problems  left  open  by  the  Treaty  of  Valparaiso. 
One  of  those  treaties  proposed  that  Chile  should  be  defini- 
tively assured  of  the  possession  of  the  Bolivian  littoral 
which  she  had  retained.  The  debts  of  Bolivia  that  had 
been  guaranteed  by  the  customs  of  Arica  were  to  be  as- 
sumed by  Chile.  By  the  other  treaty  Chile  promised  that 
if  she  secured  “dominion  and  permanent  sovereignty”  over 
the  provinces  of  Tacna  and  Arica  by  direct  negotiations  or 
by  a plebiscite,  she  would  transfer  those  provinces  to  Bolivia. 
For  that  cession  Bolivia  was  to  pay  Chile  five  million  pesos 
in  silver.  To  accomplish  this  adjustment  Chile  promised 
to  use  her  influence  separately  or  in  conjunction  with 
Bolivia  to  obtain  a definite  proprietary  right  over  Tacna 
and  Arica.  That  treaty  of  peace  and  transfer  of  territories 


32S 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


was  supplemented  by  a protocol  dated  December  8,  1895, 
which  stated  that  the  proposed  cession  of  the  Bolivian 
littoral  to  Chile  was  to  be  without  effect,  if  within  two 
years  Chile  did  not  give  to  Bolivia  a port  upon  the  Pacific. 
In  no  case  were  Chile’s  obligations  to  be  fulfilled  without 
the  transfer  of  a zone  and  a port  to  serve  as  an  outlet  to 
Bolivia.  Although  ratifications  of  these  treaties  of  May, 
1895,  were  exchanged,  yet  they  were  never  executed.  Upon 
becoming  aware  of  their  existence  Peru  made  strenuous  ob- 
jections to  certain  of  their  provisions. 

The  Revolution  of  1899. — In  1896  Severo  Alonso,  who 
had  been  a secretary  of  Baptista,  became  president  of 
Bolivia.  In  December,  1898,  because  of  an  attempt  of  the 
Conservatives  to  enact  a law  that  would  have  made  Sucre 
the  permanent  capital  of  the  republic — a dignity  which,  in 
reality,  it  had  shared  at  times  with  La  Paz,  Cochabamba, 
and  Oruro — the  citizens  of  La  Paz  declared  in  favor  of  a 
federation  and  took  up  arms  under  Colonel  Jose  M.  Pando 
against  the  government.  On  January  17,  1899,  a battle 
was  fought  near  La  Paz  between  government  soldiers  and 
insurgent  forces  which  resulted  in  a victory  for  the  revolu- 
tionists. In  the  following  April,  after  another  victory  over 
government  troops,  Colonel  Pando  entered  Oruro  in 
triumph.  President  Alonso  fled  to  Chile,  while  Pando 
organized  a provisional  government.  In  this  manner,  after 
a struggle  that  had  lasted  more  than  a score  of  years,  the 
ruling  oligarchy  was  shorn  of  authority  and  the  so-called 
Liberal  party  came  into  power. 

The  Dispute  about  Acre. — Elected  president  without 
any  opposition,  Pando  was  inaugurated  on  October  26, 
1899.  During  his  administration  a long-standing  bound- 
ary dispute  reached  a climax.  A treaty  between  Bolivia 
and  Brazil  in  1867  had  sketched  an  arbitrary  boundary 
line  between  those  nations  through  a tropical  region  in 
the  very  heart  of  South  America.  Subsequently  many 
Brazilians  settled  in  Bolivian  territory  adjacent  to  the 
boundary  line  in  order  to  gather  rubber.  In  July,  1899, 
they  rebelled  against  Bolivian  magistrates  and  proclaimed 
the  existence  of  an  independent  state  named  Acre.  A 
sanguinary  struggle  took  place  in  that  territory  between 


BOLIVIA 


329 


Bolivian  soldiers  and  Brazilian  pioneers.  The  controversy 
was  settled  by  the  Treaty  of  Petropolis  which  was  signed 
on  November  17,  1903.  The  treaty  provided  that  the  rich, 
rubber-bearing  territory  of  Acre  should  become  the  prop- 
erty of  Brazil  after  she  had  paid  two  million  pounds 
sterling  as  indemnity  to  Bolivia.  Further,  Brazil  pledged 
herself  to  construct  a railroad  around  the  terrible  cataracts 
between  Sao  Antonio  and  Bella  Vista  in  order  to  connect 
navigation  on  the  Madeira  River  in  Brazil  with  naviga- 
tion on  the  Bolivian  river  Mamore.  By  the  Treaty  of 
Petropolis  the  Brazilian  republic  not  only  secured  the  clear 
title  to  a large  region  which  had  been  in  dispute  but,  in 
order  to  straighten  out  her  frontiers,  she  also  obtained 
possession  of  many  square  miles  of  territory  which  had 
been  in  Bolivia’s  possession. 

President  Montes. — Among  the  soldiers  who  had  up- 
held the  rights  of  Bolivia  in  Acre  was  a young  colonel,  Ismael 
Montes,  who  had  had  a varied  experience  as  a journal- 
ist, lawyer,  and  publicist.  A commander  who  had  served 
in  the  revolution  against  Alonso,  he  was  chosen  as  Pando’s 
successor.  He  was  inaugurated  president  in  August,  1904. 
In  internal  affairs  Montes  established  a reputation  as  an 
energetic  and  progressive  administrator.  He  encouraged 
education  by  establishing  new  colegios,  promoted  the  comple- 
tion of  a railroad  from  Oruro  to  Viacha,  and  improved  the 
credit  of  the  republic.  He  signed  a law  which  virtually 
provided  that  the  monetary  unit  of  Bolivia  should  be  the 
boliviano;  and  that  twelve  and  one-half  bolivianos  should 
be  the  equivalent  of  an  English  pound. 

Definitive  Cession  of  Atacama. — In  1903  his  govern- 
ment engaged  in  negotiations  for  a definitive  settlement 
of  the  boundaries  with  Chile.  On  October  20,  1904,  a 
treaty  of  peace  and  amity  was  signed  between  Chile  and 
Bolivia.  That  treaty  recognized  “the  absolute  and  per- 
petual possession”  by  Chile  of  the  Bolivian  littoral  which 
she  had  occupied  according  to  the  Treaty  of  Valparaiso. 
The  limits  of  Bolivia  upon  the  west  were  carefully  indi- 
cated. In  order  to  strengthen  the  political  and  commer- 
cial relations  between  the  two  republics — so  ran  the  treaty 
— the  parties  agreed  that  within  one  year  a railway  should 


330 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


be  constructed  from  Arica  to  La  Paz  at  the  expense  of 
the  Chilean  government.  Upon  the  expiration  of  fifteen 
years  after  its  completion,  Chile  promised  that  the  owner- 
ship of  the  Bolivian  section  of  the  Arica- La  Paz  railway 
should  be  transferred  to  Bolivia.  Further,  Chile  agreed 
that,  after  ratifications  of  this  treaty  were  exchanged,  she 
would  pay  Bolivia  three  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling. 
Chile  also  undertook  to  meet  certain  outstanding  obliga- 
tions of  Bolivia.  She  recognized  the  perpetual  right  of 
Bolivia  to  commercial  transit  through  her  territories  and 
ports  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  On  November  15,  1904,  those 
nations  signed  a supplementary  protocol  by  which  Bolivia 
recognized  the  sovereignty  of  Chile  over  the  territory  be- 
tween the  parallels  of  23  0 and  240  from  the  Argentine 
boundary  to  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

Villazon  Continues  the  Policies  of  Montes. — In  August, 
1906,  a law  was  enacted  providing  that  the  public  exercise 
of  other  religions  than  Roman  Catholicism  should  be  per- 
mitted. In  August,  1909,  Montes — whose  term  had  been 
extended  by  Congress  for  one  year  upon  the  sudden  death 
of  the  president-elect — was  succeeded  by  Elidoro  Villazon. 
A conciliatory  statesman  with  a varied  experience  in  public 
life,  Villazon  aimed  to  continue  the  policies  that  had  been 
promoted  by  Montes.  Important  railroads  were  projected 
and  new  telegraph  lines  were  built.  The  foreign  com- 
merce of  Bolivia  increased;  and  her  revenues  steadily  aug- 
mented. On  January  7,  1911,  Villazon  signed  a bill  which 
provided  for  the  establishment  of  the  Banco  de  la  Nacion 
Boliviano  that  soon  absorbed  three  existing  banks.  Difficulties 
about  the  boundary  line  provoked  armed  conflicts  between 
Bolivians  and  Peruvians  near  the  Manuripi  River.  On 
December  28,  1912,  a protocol  was  signed  between  Bolivia 
and  Brazil  which  relieved  Brazil  from  her  pledge  in  the 
Treaty  of  Petropolis  to  build  a spur  of  the  Madeira- 
Mamore  Railroad  from  Villa  Murtinho  to  Villa  Bella. 
Near  the  end  of  Villazon’s  term,  Montes  was  reelected 
president. 

El  Gran  Presidente. — Montes  was  inaugurated  for  the 
second  time  on  August  6,  1913.  He  took  various  steps 
to  promote  the  construction  of  new  railroads  or  the  exten- 


BOLIVIA 


33* 


sion  of  existing  lines.  Of  economic  developments  perhaps 
the  most  significant  was  the  increased  attention  which 
was  paid  to  mining.  So  pleased  were  some  of  the  Bolivians 
with  his  energetic  administration  that  they  styled  him 
El  Gran  Presidente. 

Conditions  on  Eve  of  World  War:  Boundary  Disputes. 

— Partly  because  of  her  mediterranean  position  Bolivia 
has  been  vexed  by  many  boundary  disputes.  As  has  been 
indicated,  the  victory  of  Chile  in  the  “War  of  the  Pacific” 
eventually  determined  the  boundary  between  Bolivia  and 
Chile.  A dispute  with  Argentina  about  Bolivia’s  southern 
boundary  was  apparently  adjusted  by  a treaty  negotiated 
in  1899;  but,  as  modified  three  years  later,  it  sketched  a 
line  of  demarcation  which  was  difficult  to  survey  because 
of  the  geographical  errors  or  misconceptions  that  it  in- 
corporated. The  task  of  surveying  this  boundary  was 
resumed  in  1913  and  iron  posts  were  set  up  along  parts 
of  the  line.  In  April,  1913,  a treaty  signed  by  diplomats 
of  Bolivia  and  Paraguay  at  Asuncion  stipulated  that  their 
dispute  concerning  the  ownership  of  territory  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Paraguay  River  below  the  mouth  of  the  river 
Apa  should  be  settled  by  direct  negotiations.  Disputes 
concerning  the  Bolivian-Peruvian  boundary  will  be  con- 
sidered in  connection  with  Peru. 

Social  Condition. — Since  the  War  of  the  Pacific  an 
isolated  state,  Bolivia  has  attracted  few  immigrants.  Ac- 
cording to  a rough  enumeration  made  in  1900 — with  some 
allowance  for  omissions — her  population  was  about  1,700,- 
000.  The  inhabitants  of  Bolivia  are  mainly  persons  of 
Indian  or  Spanish  descent  or  mixed  classes.  Possibly  the 
creoles,  who  reside  mainly  in  the  towns  and  cities,  con- 
stitute one-tenth  of  the  inhabitants.  A very  large  part 
of  the  population  is  made  up  of  pure-blooded  Indians,  who 
even  in  towns  near  the  capital  city  of  La  Paz  still  preserve 
their  clan  organization  and  customs.  In  frontier  districts 
the  aborigines  are  in  a barbarous  state.  A considerable 
part  of  the  population  in  large  towns  or  cities  is  composed 
of  mixed  classes  resulting  from  the  intermingling  of 
Spanish  and  aboriginal  blood.  Of  78,000  people  in  the  city 
of  La  Paz  a Bolivian  scholar  estimated  in  1910  that  55,000 


332 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


were  Indians  or  mestizos.  Whites  and  the  mixed  classes  speak 
Spanish,  while  the  Indians  of  Bolivia  ordinarily  use  their 
own  dialects.  Unnumbered  thousands  of  her  people  still 
speak  the  Aymaran  or  the  Quechuan  language.  In  1914 
the  size  of  her  regular  army  was  set  at  4,600  men.  Bolivia 
has  no  navy  whatever.  The  chief  occupations  of  her  people 
are  farming,  grazing,  and  mining.  Her  great  mineral 
wealth  is  being  largely  exploited  by  foreign  corporations. 

Economic  Condition. — In  1915  mineral  products  consti- 
tuted over  five-sixths  of  the  total  value  of  the  exports  of 
Bolivia.  Her  chief  exports  in  that  year  amounted  to  the 
following  sums  in  bolivianos:  tin,  44,885,450;  antimony, 
13,442,286;  rubber,  10,768,937;  copper,  14,035,410;  bis- 
muth, 3,266,802;  silver,  2,982,858;  wolfram,  1,497,845;  live 
stock,  792,860;  coca,  731,000;  hides,  470,852;  lead,  353,239; 
gold,  306,737;  alpaca  wool,  162,605;  coffee,  83,682;  quinine, 
78,561 ; and  furs,  61,778.  The  nominal  unit  of  monetary 
value  is  the  boliviano  which  is  ordinarily  worth  $0,389  in 
United  States  currency.  Bolivia  is  linked  to  the  outside 
world  by  two  railways  which  find  their  exit  to  the  Pacific 
at  Arica  and  Antofagasta  through  territory  held  by  Chile; 
and  by  a third  railway  that  passes  through  Peruvian  terri- 
tory from  Lake  Titicaca  to  Mollendo.  On  June  30,  1919, 
Bolivia’s  foreign  debt  amounted  to  £3,114,682  sterling 
which  had  been  floated  in  France  and  in  the  United  States 
in  order  to  promote  banking  and  railway  enterprises.  Be- 
sides this  she  had  an  internal  debt  that  aggregated  29,933,- 
636  bolivianos. 

Education. — Education  in  Bolivia  is  very  backward.  A 
Bolivian  writer  estimated  that  in  1910  only  about  one- 
eighth  of  his  fellow  countrymen  could  read.  In  1914  tnere 
existed  in  the  republic,  according  to  the  report  of  the 
secretary  of  public  instruction,  over  six  hundred  primary 
schools.  Two  years  later  some  fifty-six  thousand  persons 
were  attending  primary,  secondary,  and  normal  schools. 
Higher  education  was  curiously  regulated,  for  each  de- 
partment of  the  republic  had  a so-called  university  which 
was  located  at  its  capital.  In  some  of  those  institutions 
the  instruction  was  mainly  secondary,  as  there  were  few 
advanced  students  in  attendance.  National  colleges  of 


BOLIVIA 


333 


commerce  and  of  medicine  were  at  La  Paz,  while  a 
national  college  of  law  was  at  Sucre. 

Literature. — It  is  probably  chiefly  because  of  the  large 
aboriginal  element  and  the  backward  condition  of  Bolivia 
that  her  literature  is  comparatively  scant.  Some  books 
and  pamphlets  have  been  written  about  important  events 
in  Bolivian  politics,  such  as  the  struggles  of  political  par- 
ties, the  lives  of  salient  personalities,  and  the  need  of  an 
outlet  to  the  sea.  Among  historical  writers  Manuel 
Ordonez  Lopez  and  Luis  S.  Crespo  have  composed  a his- 
tory of  Bolivia  which  unfortunately  ends  in  1880.  Manuel 
V.  Ballivian  has  made  valuable  contributions  to  the  knowl- 
edge about  Bolivia,  as  in  his  monograph  about  the  rubber 
industry.  Among  Bolivian  novels  may  be  mentioned  Casa 
Solaricga,  a romance  of  Latin-American  society  by  Armando 
Chirveches.  Probably  the  most  illuminating  sociological  study 
of  twentieth  century  Andean  life  is  the  introspective  booklet 
entitled  Pueblo  Enfermo — a suggestive  criticism  of  Bolivian 
manners  and  customs  by  Alciades  Arguedas. 

Bolivia  and  the  World  War. — Soon  after  the  United 
States  broke  off  diplomatic  relations  with  Germany  be- 
cause of  her  ruthless  submarine  campaign,  the  Bolivian 
government  expressed  its  approval  of  the  policy  pursued 
by  the  government  at  Washington.  On  April  13,  1917, 
Bolivia’s  secretary  of  foreign  relations  sent  a note  to  Ger- 
many’s representative  at  La  Paz  declaring  that  a ship 
carrying  the  Bolivian  envoy  to  Berlin  had  been  sunk  by  a 
German  torpedo  while  traversing  neutral  waters.  Hence 
that  secretary  gave  passports  to  the  Kaiser’s  agent. 

An  Outlet  to  the  Pacific. — A publicist  and  banker  who 
had  served  as  secretary  of  finance  under  Montes,  Jose  N. 
Gutierrez  Guerra,  was  elected  president  by  the  Liberals 
in  the  campaign  of  1917.  During  his  administration  the 
agitation  about  an  outlet  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  became 
more  and  more  serious.  His  secretary  of  foreign  relations 
assumed  the  position  that  the  provinces  of  Tacna  and 
Arica — which  Peru  had  allowed  Chile  to  retain  after  the 
War  of  the  Pacific — were  not  Chilean  or  Peruvian;  that 
neither  Chile  nor  Peru  had  a definite  right  to  them;  and 
that  Bolivia  should  be  granted  an  outlet  to  the  Pacific 


334 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


through  a port  in  those  provinces,  preferably  Arica. 
Bolivia’s  claim  to  this  territory  was  partly  based  upon 
economic  considerations  and  geographical  proximity,  and 
partly  upon  the  assertion  that  before  the  establishment  of 
Bolivian  independence  Tacna  and  Arica  had  been  con- 
sidered as  belonging  to  the  audiencia  of  Charcas.  Sup- 
positions that  the  government  of  Bolivia  was  quietly  nego- 
tiating with  Chile  for  an  understanding  about  an  outlet 
to  the  ocean  evidently  helped  to  precipitate  a bloodless 
revolution  at  La  Paz,  where  a provisional  junta  of  govern- 
ment was  established.  On  July  13,  1920,  that  junta  issued 
a decree  announcing  that  it  would  soon  convoke  a National 
Convention  composed  of  delegates  chosen  by  popular  vote 
which  would  elect  a new  President,  reform  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  adopt  laws  to  promote  the  reorganization  of  the 
country.  President  Gutierrez  Guerra  was  escorted  out  of 
Bolivia.  Bautista  Saavedra,  a member  of  the  so-called 
“Republican”  party,  was  inaugurated  as  president  early 
in  the  following  year. 

Summary. — Among  South  American  nations  the  repub- 
lic of  Bolivia  possesses  traits  that  are  unique.  Her  in- 
dustry is  to  a large  extent  dependent  upon  the  Aymaran 
and  the  Quechuan  Indians  or  upon  the  large,  mixed  classes 
called  cholos.  This  will  remain  in  a measure  true  of  Bolivia 
even  after  her  rich,  eastern  regions  have  been  opened  to 
civilization.  For  the  main  habitat  of  the  Bolivian  nation 
is  upon  a plateau  so  elevated  that  the  average  white  man 
cannot  continuously  carry  on  physical  labor  there,  if  in- 
deed he  can  thrive  at  all.  The  significant  role  played  by 
the  Indians  and  the  mixed  classes — who  are  not  only  the 
laborers  but  also  the  fighters  of  the  nation — has  been 
vividly  illustrated  by  the  military  insurrections  that  have 
so  often  rudely  disturbed  Bolivia’s  political  equilibrium. 
Those  insurrections  have  occasionally  made  her  institu- 
tions appear  like  the  mere  shuttlecocks  of  contending  par- 
tisans. Aboriginal  blood  which  indubitably  coursed  the 
veins  of  some  of  her  outstanding  leaders  seems  occasion- 
ally to  have  found  expression  in  statesmanship  that  was 
bizarre.  This,  as  well  as  the  clever  and  well-informed 
diplomacy  of  her  protagonists,  has  had  a deleterious  effect 


BOLIVIA 


335 


upon  Bolivia’s  territorial  ambitions  and  integrity.  Some- 
what as  Brazilian  history  has  been  signalized  by  repeated 
accessions  of  territory,  so  has  the  history  of  Bolivia  been 
checkered  by  successive  losses  of  outlying  regions  to  which 
she  had  a claim.  Upon  a map  of  his  native  land  a Bolivian 
cartographer  has  indicated  those  grievous  losses  by  areas 
which  he  colored  black — in  several  places  his  country’s 
present  dominions  thus  appear  to  have  wide  borders  of 
mourning.  At  times  storm  clouds  upon  the  horizon  have 
even  seemed  to  presage  the  absorption  of  other  portions 
of  Bolivia  by  aspiring  neighbors.  Bolivian  nationality  is 
a creature  of  circumstance. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


PERU 

Declaration  of  Constitutional  Principles,  1822. — Modern 
Peru  arose  from  the  viceroyalty  of  that  name.  Shortly 
after  the  departure  of  Protector  San  Martin  from  Lima, 
a Constituent  Congress  which  he  had  convoked  became 
the  source  of  political  authority.  It  soon  vested  executive 
power  in  a junta  composed  of  three  persons.  On  Decem- 
ber 16,  1822,  Congress  adopted  the  “Bases  of  the  Political 
Constitution”  of  Peru.  Among  its  principles  was  a 
declaration  that  the  Peruvian  provinces  combined  into  one 
organization  composed  the  nation.  Sovereignty  was  de- 
clared to  reside  in  the  nation,  which  was  independent  of 
all  foreign  powers  and  which  could  not  become  the  patri- 
mony of  any  person  or  family.  The  nation  should  be 
styled  the  Peruvian  Republic:  her  government  should  be 
popular  and  representative.  Her  religion  should  be 
Roman  Catholicism — the  exercise  of  no  other  faith  should 
be  permitted.  An  essential  principle  of  government  was 
declared  to  be  the  separation  of  executive,  legislative,  and 
judicial  authority.  Executive  authority  should  neither  be 
held  for  life;  nor  should  it  become  hereditary.  Legislative 
authority  should  be  vested  in  a unicameral  Congress.  A 
“Senate”  composed  of  men  selected  by  the  provinces  was 
to  act  as  an  executive  council.  Judges  should  hold  their 
offices  for  life.  An  enumeration  was  made  of  the  rights 
and  privileges  which  Peruvian  citizens  ought  to  enjoy. 
This  declaration  of  constitutional  principles  forms  a pre- 
lude to  the  political  life  of  independent  Peru. 

The  Peruvian  Constitution  of  1823. — In  February,  1823, 
Congress  declared  that  Jose  de  la  Riva  Agiiero  should  be 
president  of  Peru.  In  June  following  he  was  induced  to 
retire  from  the  presidency  and  two  months  later  Jose 
Torre  Tagle  was  made  president.  On  November  12,  1823, 

336 


PERU 


337 


he  promulgated  a Constitution  which  Congress  had  just 
adopted.  That  Constitution  abolished  certain  hereditary 
privileges  and  prohibited  the  slave  trade.  Executive 
authority  was  vested  in  a President  who  should  serve  for 
four  years.  He  was  to  be  aided  by  three  secretaries  or 
ministers  of  state.  Legislative  authority  was  given  to  a 
unicameral  Congress.  Provision  was  also  made  for  a 
Senate  that  was  to  watch  over  the  execution  of  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  laws,  to  serve  as  an  advisory  council  to 
the  President,  and  to  summon  Congress  upon  special 
occasions.  Judicial  power  was  vested  in  a supreme  court, 
departmental  courts,  and  provincial  tribunals.  The  repub- 
lic was  to  be  divided  into  departments,  provinces,  districts, 
and  parishes.  Municipal  governments  were  to  be  estab- 
lished in  the  towns  and  cities.  The  last  section  of  the 
Constitution  contained  a list  of  political  guaranties. 

Bolivar  as  Dictator. — The  Peruvian  Congress  had  al- 
ready declared  that  Simon  Bolivar  was  the  supreme  mili- 
tary and  political  authority  of  the  republic.  On  November 
14,  1823,  it  enacted  a law  declaring  that  any  articles  of 
the  Constitution  which  were  incompatible  with  his 
authority  should  be  suspended.  On  February  10,  1824, 
Bolivar  was  declared  to  be  Supreme  Political  Chief  of  the 
Peruvian  nation.  A year  later  Congress  extended  Bolivar’s 
dictatorship  until  such  a time  as  Peru’s  administration 
should  have  been  definitely  organized.  In  April,  1823, 
Dictator  Bolivar  temporarily  transferred  his  authority  to 
a council  of  government.  Upon  his  return  from  a trip  to 
Bolivia,  in  September,  1826,  Bolivar  renounced  the  dicta- 
torship of  Peru  and  departed  for  Colombia.  On  Novem- 
ber 30  of  that  year  the  Constitution  that  he  had  framed 
for  Bolivia — which  had  been  approved  by  Peruvian  elec- 
toral colleges — was  declared  to  be  the  Constitution  of 
Peru.  In  June,  1827,  however,  the  Liberator’s  cherished 
Constitution  was  discarded:  the  Peruvian  Congress  de- 
clared that,  with  some  modifications,  the  Constitution  of 
1823  would  be  provisionally  in  force. 

The  Constitution  of  1828. — In  March,  1828,  a Consti- 
tuent Congress  that  had  been  convoked  by  Santa  Cruz, 
who  was  president  of  the  council  of  government,  adopted 


338 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  “Political  Constitution  of  the  Peruvian  Republic.” 
This  Constitution  declared  that  the  nation  was  not  to  join 
any  union  or  federation  which  would  prejudice  her  inde- 
pendence. Executive  power  was  given  to  a President 
whose  term  should  be  four  years.  He  was  to  be  aided  by 
secretaries  of  state  whose  number  should  be  determined 
by  law.  Legislative  authority  was  vested  in  a Congress 
composed  of  a Senate  and  a Chamber  of  Deputies.  The 
judiciary  was  declared  to  be  completely  independent.  Pre- 
fects of  departments  were  made  dependent  upon  the  Presi- 
dent, while  subprefects  of  provinces  were  made  dependent 
upon  the  prefects.  Mayorazgos  were  to  be  abolished.  There 
was  a provision  that  the  Constitution  should  not  be  altered 
for  five  years  after  its  publication  but  that  in  July,  1833, 
a Constitutional  Convention  should  assemble  to  amend  it. 

President  La  Mar.— Linder  this  Constitution,  General 
Jose  de  la  Mar,  who  had  fought  under  Sucre  in  the  patriot 
army  at  Ayacucho,  was  elected  President.  Not  only  did 
La  Mar  dispatch  an  army  against  Bolivia,  but  he  became 
involved  in  war  with  Colombia.  Eventually  the  Peruvian 
army  was  defeated  by  General  Sucre  at  the  battle  of 
Tarqui  and  La  Mar’s  hope  of  annexing  southern  Colombia 
was  thwarted.  A military  uprising  against  La  Mar  re- 
sulted in  his  deposition  and  General  Gamarra,  a native 
of  Cuzco,  was  elected  president.  Gamarra  was  succeeded 
by  an  aristocrat  named  Luis  Jose  Orbegosa.  It  was  a 
stormy  age  in  Peru’s  history  when  the  National  Conven- 
tion met  in  September,  1833,  to  revise  the  fundamental 
law.  The  discussion  of  proposed  changes  lasted  several 
months:  on  June  10,  1834,  another  Constitution  was  pro- 
mulgated. As  contrasted  with  the  Constitution  of  1828, 
the  Constitution  of  1834  differed  chiefly  in  phraseology 
and  minor  details.  Each  department  was  to  be  repre- 
sented by  five  instead  of  by  three  Senators.  Instead  of  a 
Vice-President,  the  president  of  the  council  of  state  should 
act  as  chief  executive  in  case  of  the  death,  absence,  or 
disability  of  the  President.  Members  of  that  council 
might  be  selected  by  Congress  from  persons  who  were  not 
congressmen.  A certain  article  provided  that  any  person 
who  might  become  President  by  sedition  or  by  force  was 


PERU 


339 


to  lose  his  political  rights  and  that  all  his  acts  should  be 
null  and  void.  While  this  Constitution  was  being  framed, 
a reconciliation  had  been  effected  among  the  warring 
factions. 

Intervention  of  Santa  Cruz. — Scarcely  had  the  new 

Constitution  been  promulgated,  however,  when  Felipe 
Salaverry,  a talented  and  ambitious  Peruvian,  took  the 
leadership  in  a revolt  that  broke  out  in  Lima.  On  Feb- 
ruary 25,  1835,  he  proclaimed  himself  supreme  chief  of 
Peru.  In  the  ensuing  civil  war  President  Santa  Cruz  of 
Bolivia  took  occasion  to  intervene  on  the  side  of  President 
Orbegosa  in  order  to  establish  the  Peru-Bolivian  Confed- 
eration, as  described  in  the  preceding  chapter.  After  the 
defeat  of  Santa  Cruz  at  Yungay,  Provisional  President 
Gamarra  issued  a decree  convoking  a Congress  of  dele- 
gates to  reorganize  Peru’s  political  system. 

President  Gamarra  and  the  Constitution  of  1839. — On 
August  15,  1839,  I^e  delegates  assembled  at  Huancayo. 
A few  days  later  they  enacted  a law  announcing  that  the 
Constitution  of  1834  was  inoperative.  They  declared  that 
the  acts  of  Santa  Cruz  and  the  measures  taken  by  the 
assemblies  of  North  and  South  Peru  at  Sicuani  and  Huara 
were  null.  On  November  10,  1839,  they  adopted  a new 
Constitution.  In  many  particulars  the  Constitution  of 
1839  resembled  the  constitutions  of  1828  and  1831.  The 
term  of  office  of  the  President,  however,  was  extended  to 
six  years  and  he  might  not  be  reelected  until  a presidential 
term  had  intervened.  The  council  of  state  was  to  be  com- 
posed of  fifteen  members  selected  by  Congress.  As  in  the 
Constitution  of  1831,  the  president  of  the  council  should 
succeed  the  President  of  the  republic  in  case  of  his  death, 
absence,  or  disability.  Judges  of  the  highest  courts  were 
to  be  selected  by  the  chief  executive  from  a list  of  nomi- 
nees presented  by  the  council  of  state.  All  Peruvians  were 
pronounced  equal  before  the  law.  A declaration  was  made 
that  no  stranger  might  acquire  land  in  the  republic  with- 
out assuming  thereby  the  responsibilities  of  citizenship. 
This  Constitution  stated  that  the  nation  would  not  recog- 
nize any  pact  or  stipulation  with  a foreign  power  which 
had  not  been  approved  by  Congress.  A leader  of  the 


340 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Peruvian  nationalistic  movement,  Gamarra,  was  elected 
president.  As  elsewhere  indicated,  shortly  afterwards  he 
led  an  army  into  Bolivia,  but  was  defeated  and  killed  at 
the  battle  of  Ingavi. 

Ramon  Castilla. — In  the  civil  strife  that  ensued  among 
claimants  for  the  Peruvian  presidency,  the  rising  figure 
was  Ramon  Castilla,  who  had  served  under  Sucre  and 
fought  at  Ingavi.  After  defeating  General  Vivanco,  who 
had  proclaimed  himself  supreme  director,  Castilla  was  in- 
augurated president  of  Peru  in  April,  1845.  An  energetic 
and  resolute  ruler,  he  gave  his  native  land  tranquillity. 
For  fifteen  years  he  was  virtually  Dictator.  During  his 
first  presidential  term,  from  1845  to  1 85 1 , he  promoted 
Peruvian  progress  in  manifold  ways.  Although  some 
political  agitation  took  place  in  the  southern  provinces, 
yet  no  concerted  uprising  occurred  against  his  govern- 
ment. Castilla  refrained  from  persecuting  the  partisans 
of  Vivanco  and  even  appointed  some  of  them  to  govern- 
mental offices.  He  reorganized  the  army  and  began  the 
task  of  creating  a navy  composed  of  steamships.  He  took 
steps  to  systematize  the  administration  of  the  nation’s 
finances.  Two  years  after  he  was  inaugurated,  a telegraph 
line  was  constructed  between  Callao  and  Lima;  and  a few 
years  later  a railway  was  built  between  those  cities. 

Guano  and  Nitrate. — Early  in  1849  the  Peruvian  gov- 
ernment made  an  important  contract  in  London  for  the 
exploitation  of  guano  which  had  been  discovered  in  the 
Chincha  Islands.  Soon  four  hundred  thousand  tons  were 
exported  annually.  The  exploitation  of  vast  beds  of  salt- 
peter in  ravines  of  the  province  of  Tarapaca  became  a 
great  industry  which  brought  a regular  income  to  the 
Peruvians.  About  one  million  tons  of  nitrate  were  ex- 
ported annually  from  southern  Peru.  Castilla  was  able 
to  pay  regularly  the  interest  on  the  national  debt  which 
had  been  floated  in  London.  He  reorganized  Peru’s  inter- 
nal debt.  Along  with  those  measures  there  occasionally 
went  improvidence:  some  government  offices  were  well 
paid  sinecures;  certain  taxes  were  abolished;  and  the 
accounts  of  some  branches  of  the  fiscal  administration 
were  poorly  kept.  A speculative  spirit  became  manifest. 


PERU 


34i 


Downfall  of  Echenique. — In  December,  1851,  President 
Echenique  announced  that  the  civil  code  of  Peru  was  to 
go  into  force  in  July,  1852.  Soon  discontent  became  rife. 
Early  in  1854,  Castilla  came  forward  to  lead  a revolution. 
On  July  5 he  issued  a decree  abolishing  the  tribute  that 
had  been  levied  upon  the  Indians.  In  October  he  decreed 
the  immediate  emancipation  of  negro  slaves.  After  Cas- 
tilla had  routed  the  soldiers  of  Echenique  at  La  Palma, 
on  January  5,  1855,  and  after  the  victor  had  been  elected 
president,  those  reforms  were  sanctioned  by  Congress.  In 
October,  1855,  it  enacted  a law  declaring  that  the  Con- 
stitution of  1839  had  been  abrogated  by  the  national  will. 

Peru’s  Constitution  of  1856. — Soon  after  electing  Cas- 
tilla president,  Congress  proceeded  to  act  as  a Constituent 
Convention.  In  October,  1856,  it  adopted  a new  constitu- 
tion which,  among  other  features,  contained  a clause 
abolishing  ecclesiastical  flier  os.  After  a revolt  at  Arequipa 
had  been  suppressed  by  the  indomitable  Castilla,  at  his 
instance  Congress  made  alterations  in  the  fundamental  law. 
The  constitutional  charter  which  he  promulgated  on 
November  13,  i860,  was  thus  a revised  edition  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  1856. 

Constitution  of  i860. — The  Peruvian  Constitution  of 
i860  stipulated  that  Roman  Catholicism  should  be  pro- 
fessed and  protected  by  the  state,  and  that  the  public 
exercise  of  any  other  religion  should  not  be  permitted. 
Executive  authority  should  be  vested  in  a President 
elected  by  the  people  for  four  years  in  a manner  to  be 
prescribed  by  law.  As  substitutes  for  the  President  a first 
and  second  Vice-President  were  provided.  The  President 
was  given  the  right  to  veto  acts  of  Congress.  He  was 
granted  control  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical  patronage  and 
was  made  commander  in  chief  of  the  army  and  navy.  He 
might  negotiate  treaties  and  might  admit  papal  rescripts. 
But  the  President  might  neither  leave  Peruvian  territory 
nor  assume  personal  command  of  the  armed  forces  of  the 
nation  without  the  consent  of  Congress.  He  was  to  be 
aided  by  secretaries  of  state.  Those  secretaries  should  be 
responsible  to  Congress:  they  were  granted  the  right  to 
attend  its  debates;  they  were  to  answer  the  interpellations 


342 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


of  its  members  but  should  withdraw  before  a vote  was 
taken.  Congress  was  composed  of  a Senate  and  a House 
of  Deputies.  The  number  of  Senators  to  be  elected  from 
the  departments  should  be  in  proportion  to  the  respective 
number  of  their  provinces.  At  least  one  deputy  should 
be  chosen  for  every  province.  Bills  might  be  introduced 
into  Congress  by  the  chief  executive  and  by  the  supreme 
court,  as  well  as  by  congressmen.  Among  the  powers  of 
Congress  was  the  right  to  accept  or  to  reject  the  resigna- 
tion of  the  President  and  the  right  to  declare  war  at  his 
instance.  A permanent  commission  composed  of  members 
of  Congress  was  to  exercise  certain  powers  when  it  was 
not  in  session.  In  cursory  phrases  the  Constitution  pro- 
vided that  the  judicial  authority  should  be  vested  in  a 
supreme  court,  superior  courts,  and  justices  of  the  peace. 

Local  Government. — This  Constitution  was  of  the  cen- 
tralists type.  It  provided  that  the  republic  should  be 
divided  into  departments  and  littoral  provinces.  The  de- 
partments were  subdivided  into  provinces;  and  the  prov- 
inces were  carved  into  districts.  Prefects,  selected  by  the 
President,  should  govern  the  departments  and  the  littoral 
provinces.  Subprefects  should  rule  over  the  provinces, 
governors  over  the  districts,  and  lieutenant-governors 
should  be  placed  wherever  necessary.  The  subprefects 
should  be  appointed  by  the  President,  while  the  governors 
and  lieutenant-governors  should  be  appointed  by  their 
respective  superiors.  The  Constitution  of  i860  served  as 
the  fundamental  law  of  Peru  for  more  than  half  a century. 

The  War  with  Spain. — In  1862  General  San  Roman  be- 
came president.  He  was  soon  succeeded  by  Vice-Presi- 
dent Juan  A.  Pezet  who  had  served  in  the  war  for  inde- 
pendence and  had  acted  as  secretary  of  war  for  Castilla. 
During  Pezet’s  presidency  serious  difficulties  arose  with 
Spain,  which  had  not  acknowledged  the  independence  of 
Peru.  Some  Spanish  citizens  still  had  claims  against  the 
Peruvian  government  because  of  alleged  injuries  during 
the  Revolutionary  War.  An  occasion  for  a serious  con- 
troversy was  furnished  in  1863  by  a quarrel  that  occurred 
between  Peruvians  and  Spaniards  upon  the  hacienda  of 
Talambo.  Shortly  afterwards  a squadron  under  Admiral 


PERU 


343 


Pinzon — which  had  been  sent  from  Spain  ostensibly  on  a 
scientific  expedition — anchored  in  the  harbor  of  Callao. 
After  a special  and  extraordinary  agent  of  the  Spanish 
government  named  Salazar  y Mazarredo  had  failed  to 
reach  a satisfactory  adjustment  with  the  government  of 
Pezet,  he  reembarked  and  by  the  aid  of  Admiral  Pinzon 
seized  the  Chincha  Islands.  The  controversy  seemed  to 
be  adjusted  by  a preliminary  treaty  of  peace  and  friend- 
ship that  was  signed  on  January  27,  1865.  According  to 
that  treaty  Spain  virtually  acknowledged  Peru’s  inde- 
pendence and  agreed  to  return  the  Chincha  Islands,  while 
Peru  promised  to  pay  the  Spanish  claims  and  also  the 
expenses  of  Pinzon’s  expedition.  That  treaty  was  repu- 
diated, however,  by  Peruvian  public  opinion,  and  Colonel 
Mariano  I.  Prado  led  an  uprising  in  Arequipa  against  the 
government.  After  this  revolution  triumphed,  Dictator 
Prado  ruptured  relations  with  Spain;  and  made  alliances 
with  Chile,  Bolivia,  and  Ecuador  against  the  motherland. 
During  the  ensuing  war  a naval  battle  took  place  near 
the  Chiloe  Islands  between  Spanish  frigates  and  war  ves- 
sels of  the  allies.  Spanish  forces  blockaded  ports  of  the 
allies,  attacked  Valparaiso,  and  in  May,  1866,  bombarded 
Callao.  By  the  mediation  of  the  United  States  an  armistice 
was  ultimately  signed  by  the  belligerent  nations  at  Wash- 
ington in  1871 ; and  some  time  afterwards  each  of  the 
allied  nations  signed  a separate  treaty  of  peace  with  Spain. 

Guano,  Loans,  and  Railroads. — When  the  difficulties 
with  Spain  were  in  a fair  way  to  be  settled,  Vice-President 
Canseco — who  had  returned  from  Europe — and  Colonel 
Jose  Balta  reestablished  constitutional  rule.  Colonel  Balta 
became  president  in  1868.  Balta,  who  had  been  secretary 
of  war  under  President  Prado,  was  a vigorous  and  re- 
sourceful leader.  He  found  Peru  burdened  with  a con- 
siderable debt,  while  he  lacked  funds  with  which  to  pro- 
mote internal  improvements.  In  1869  he  accordingly  made 
an  important  contract  with  Dreyfus  and  Company  of 
Paris:  Peru  granted  the  firm  a monopoly  of  the  export 

of  guano  to  the  amount  of  2,000,000  tons;  and  Dreyfus 
agreed  to  pay  that  government  350,000  soles  for  the 
liquidation  of  a debt  incurred  in  1865  and  also  a bonus  of 


344 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


650,000  sdles  per  month  while  the  guano  was  being  de- 
livered. In  1870  a new  loan  of  12,000,000  soles  was  nego- 
tiated in  Europe;  and  two  years  later  another  loan  was 
floated  which  funded  the  outstanding  indebtedness;  thus 
Peru’s  foreign  debt  was  augmented  to  more  than  35,000,- 
000  soles.  With  these  funds  the  Peruvian  government 
proceeded  to  improve  harbors  at  Eten,  Pisca,  and  Callao; 
and  it  subsidized  foreign  contractors  to  construct  railroads. 
In  December,  1869,  it  signed  a contract  with  Henry 
Meiggs  for  the  construction  of  a railroad  up  the  steep 
grade  from  Callao  to  Oroya.  As  early  as  May,  1868,  it 
had  made  a contract  with  Meiggs  to  subsidize  the  con- 
struction of  a railroad  from  Arequipa  to  the  Pacific  Ocean 
— a railroad  which  was  opened  in  December,  1870.  By 
other  contracts  Meiggs  agreed  to  build  railways  in  the 
Peruvian  highlands  from  Arequipa  to  Puno  and  from 
Juliaca  to  Cuzco. 

Finances  under  Presidents  Pardo  and  Prado. — Years 
before  those  railroads  were  completed,  President  Balta 
had  been  deposed  and  murdered.  In  August,  1872,  Manuel 
Pardo  was  inaugurated  as  president.  Because  of  Balta’s 
enormous  expenditures,  Pardo  found  the  finances  of  Peru 
demoralized.  Still  he  arranged  for  the  construction  of 
two  new  ironclads.  To  promote  economy,  however,  he 
reduced  the  size  of  the  army.  President  Pardo  was  suc- 
ceeded by  General  Mariano  Prado  in  1876.  During  that 
year  a contract  was  made  with  consignees  for  the  disposal 
of  guano  which  was  not  so  favorable  to  Peru  as  the  con- 
tract of  1869.  In  April,  1877,  the  Peruvian  government 
issued  20,000,000  soles  of  inconvertible  paper  money. 

The  Defensive  Alliance  with  Bolivia. — Meantime  at 
Lima  on  February  6,  1873,  Peru  signed  a secret  treaty  of 
defensive  alliance  with  Bolivia.  The  Treaty  of  Lima  pro- 
vided that  the  contracting  parties  were  mutually  to 
guarantee  their  independence,  sovereignty,  and  territorial 
integrity  against  all  foreign  aggression,  whether  of  one 
or  more  states.  In  case  of  acts  that  tended  to  deprive  a 
party  to  this  treaty  of  a portion  of  her  territory,  or  to 
induce  a party  to  accept  a protectorate,  or  to  lessen  the 
sovereignty  of  a party,  or  to  alter  the  government  of  a 


PERU 


345 


party,  the  alliance  was  to  become  effective.  Each  party 
expressly  retained  the  right  to  judge  for  herself  whether 
or  not  an  offense  that  might  be  committed  against  her 
ally  should  be  considered  as  a casus  foederis.  Once  the  alliance 
had  been  declared  effective,  the  parties  agreed  that  all  diplo- 
matic and  commercial  relations  should  be  broken  off  with 
the  offending  nation.  Arrangements  were  then  to  be  made 
concerning  the  contingent  of  military  or  naval  forces  which 
the  cooperating  nation  should  furnish  her  ally.  The  state 
which  was  attacked  should  not  be  at  liberty  to  celebrate  any 
conventions,  truces,  or  armistices  without  the  consent  of  her 
coadjutor.  The  allies  promised  to  employ  whenever  feasible 
every  possible  conciliatory  measure  to  prevent  a rupture  of 
relations  or  to  end  a war.  Each  party  agreed  not  to  sign 
any  boundary  treaty  or  other  territorial  arrangement  without 
having  notified  the  other  party.  The  parties  might  invite  the 
accession  of  other  American  states  to  the  treaty.  When 
Chilean  publicists  became  aware  of  this  alliance,  they  deemed 
that  it  was  directed  against  their  nation. 

Peru  Becomes  Involved  in  “the  War  of  the  Pacific.” — 
When  the  controversy  about  the  activities  of  Chileans  in 
the  desert  of  Antofagasta  culminated  in  a war  between  Chile 
and  Bolivia,  this  alliance  led  Peru  to  essay  the  role  of  a 
mediator.  But  the  efforts  of  Peruvian  diplomats  were  fruit- 
less. After  Peru  had  declined  to  proclaim  her  neutrality,  the 
Chilean  government — which  claimed  to  have  been  just  in- 
formed of  the  secret  treaty  of  alliance  between  Bolivia  and 
Peru — declared  war  upon  the  allies  on  April  5,  1879. 

Chile  Defeats  the  Allies. — Although  the  war  nominally 
lasted  from  February,  1879,  until  April,  1884,  yet  the  actual 
conflict  by  land  and  sea  was  brief.  By  the  destruction  of  the 
Peruvian  warship  “Huascar”  in  October,  1879,  Chile  made 
herself  mistress  of  the  Pacific.  As  indicated  in  the  preceding 
chapter,  her  soldiers  soon  overran  the  Peruvian  provinces  of 
Tarapaca,  Tacna,  and  Arica  which  were  defended  by  soldiers 
of  the  allies.  President  Prado  was  replaced  by  Nicolas  de 
Pierola,  who  had  been  secretary  of  the  treasury.  An  attempt 
by  the  United  States  to  mediate  between  the  belligerent  nations 
failed.  On  January  13,  1881,  the  Chilean  army  defeated 
Peruvian  soldiers  at  Chorillos,  near  Callao.  Two  days  later 


346 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  invaders  broke  the  second  line  of  Peruvian  defenses  at 
Miraflores.  Nicolas  de  Pierola,  who  had  become  dictator, 
fled  from  Lima  which  was  soon  occupied  by  the  exultant 
victors. 

The  Treaty  of  Ancon. — Chile  terminated  the  war  by  the 
negotiation  of  separate  conventions  with  the  vanquished 
nations.  At  Ancon,  on  October  20,  1883,  a treaty  of  peace 
and  friendship  was  signed  between  Chile  and  Peru.  By  the 
Treaty  of  Ancon  the  Peruvian  republic  ceded  to  Chile  out- 
right the  province  of  Tarapaca,  while  she  allowed  the  prov- 
inces of  Tacna  and  Arica  to  remain  in  the  control  of  the 
conqueror  upon  the  express  condition  that  within  ten  years 
their  inhabitants  should  be  allowed  to  determine  by  plebiscite 
whether  they  wished  to  live  under  the  rule  of  Chile  or  of 
Peru.  The  nation  which  thus  secured  possession  of  those 
provinces  was  to  pay  ten  million  Chilean  pesos  or  their 
equivalent  to  the  other  party.  A special  protocol  was  to 
establish  the  mode  in  which  the  referendum  should  be  taken. 
The  Lobos  Islands  were  to  remain  in  the  possession  of  Chile 
until  one  million  tons  of  guano  had  been  furnished ; they 
were  then  to  be  returned  to  Peru:  the  net  proceeds  derived 
from  the  exploitation  of  the  guano  deposits  during  the  Chilean 
occupation  were  to  be  divided  between  the  contracting  parties. 

Significant  Results  of  the  War. — The  War  of  the  Pacific 
was  a most  important  event  in  South  American  history.  Chile 
gained  the  extensive  nitrate  desert  and  retained  control  of 
two  adjacent  provinces  of  southern  Peru.  Bolivia  was  de- 
prived of  valuable  territory  which  contained  her  only  seaports. 
Peru  apparently  lost  one  province  irretrievably,  and,  for  the 
time  being  at  least,  she  waived  the  control  of  two  other 
provinces  that  had  likewise  become  sources  of  special  income. 
For  Peru  the  War  of  the  Pacific  seemed  to  spell  national 
collapse.  Chile  gained  an  outlet  for  her  enterprise  and  capital 
in  territory  that  was  rich  in  resources,  territory  which  she 
thought  essential  to  her  future  security  and  the  best  pledge 
of  a lasting  peace.  Certain  Peruvians  have  likened  the  prov- 
inces of  Tacna  and  Arica  to  Alsace-Lorraine. 

Peru  after  the  Treaty  of  Ancon. — Peruvian  history  since 
the  Treaty  of  Ancon  has  been  in  large  part  the  story  of 
recuperation  and  readjustment.  The  itinerant  government  of 


PERU 


347 


Miguel  Iglesias,  which  negotiated  that  treaty,  was  overturned 
in  December,  1885,  by  General  Caceres,  who  served  as  presi- 
dent of  Peru  from  1886  to  1890.  During  his  presidency  the 
foreign  debt  of  Peru  was  funded  and  assumed  by  a society 
of  her  bondholders  called  the  Peruvian  Corporation.  That 
corporation  relieved  Peru  of  all  responsibility  for  her  loans  of 
1869,  1870,  and  1872:  in  return  Peru  ceded  to  it  her  rail- 
roads and  guano  deposits  for  sixty-six  years.  In  1889  a 
confidential  agent  was  dispatched  from  Santiago  to  Lima  to 
present  a plan  for  the  adjustment  of  the  future  of  Tacna 
and  Arica.  He  proposed  that  Chile  should  pay  Peru  an 
indemnity  of  about  one  million  pounds,  while  Peru  was  to 
cede  the  two  provinces  to  Chile  at  once.  The  Peruvian  gov- 
ernment declined  to  entertain  the  proposition. 

The  “Question  of  the  Pacific.” — Caceres  was  succeeded 
by  Colonel  Morales  Bermudez.  He  was  the  candidate  of  the 
“Civil  Party”  which  favored  order  and  stability  against  mili- 
tarism. During  his  administration  other  attempts  were  made 
to  settle  the  fate  of  Tacna  and  Arica.  In  1892  the  Peruvian 
government  sent  a special  agent  to  Santiago  with  a proposal 
that  his  government  would  make  certain  commercial  conces- 
sions to  Chile  in  return  for  sovereignty  over  the  lost  prov- 
inces. During  the  following  year  Peru  proposed  that  for 
purpose  of  the  plebiscite  Tacna  and  Arica  should  be  divided: 
Peru  should  direct  the  election  in  one  portion ; and  Chile  in 
the  other.  If  the  election  proved  favorable  to  Peru  in  both 
zones,  she  was  to  pay  the  stipulated  indemnity  by  admitting 
Chilean  goods  free  of  duties  for  twenty-five  years;  if  Peru 
won  the  election  in  only  one  zone,  she  was  to  admit  Chilean 
goods  free  for  twenty  years.  In  1894  Peru  proposed  the 
following  bases  for  a protocol:  the  referendum  should  be 
taken  under  conditions  acceptable  to  both  governments;  the 
nation  securing  the  provinces  should  pay  the  stipulated  sum 
in  bonds  bearing  interest  at  four  and  one-half  per  cent;  and 
the  Chilean-Peruvian  frontiers  were  to  be  rectified.  No  one 
of  those  solutions  was  adopted,  however,  and,  when  the  ten- 
year  period  elapsed  on  March  28,  1894,  no  decision  had  been 
reached  about  the  referendum. 

Mooted  Points  in  1894. — It  is  worth  while  to  notice  the 
chief  points  of  agreement  and  disagreement  at  that  juncture. 


343 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Chile  and  Peru  agreed  that  a referendum  should  be  taken 
to  determine  the  future  nationality  of  the  people  of  Tacna 
and  Arica.  Yet  they  could  not  agree  as  to  who  should  ad- 
minister the  two  provinces  when  the  ten  years  had  elapsed. 
The  Peruvian  government  argued  that  Peru  ought  to  be  given 
control  of  them,  while  the  Chilean  government  maintained 
that  Chile  should  retain  them : thus  the  disputants  differed 
as  to  the  nation  that  should  direct  the  referendum.  Peru  ' 
wished  the  vote  to  be  public;  Chile  wished  it  to  be  secret. 
Neither  could  they  agree  as  to  who  should  be  permitted  to 
vote  in  the  proposed  elections.  Peru  insisted  that  only  natural- 
born  inhabitants  of  Tacna  and  Arica  should  vote.  On  the 
other  side,  Chile  wished  to  allow  all  residents  of  those  prov- 
inces to  vote,  including  her  citizens. 

The  Billinghurst-La  Torre  Protocol. — By  an  exchange 
of  telegrams  in  1898  the  two  nations  most  nearly  approached 
a settlement  of  the  mooted  points  in  the  Billinghurst-La  Torre 
Protocol.  This  virtually  provided  that  the  disputed  points 
concerning  the  plebiscite  should  be  submitted  to  the  arbitra- 
tion of  the  Queen  of  Spain.  Ten  million  Chilean  pesos  or 
their  equivalent  should  be  paid  to  the  loser  within  ten  years 
by  the  nation  securing  the  territory  in  dispute.  The  payment 
of  that  sum  was  to  be  guaranteed  by  the  customs  of  Arica. 
The  protocol  was  approved  by  Peru;  it  was  sanctioned  by 
the  Senate  of  Chile;  but  her  Chamber  of  Deputies  rejected 
it,  and  suggested  that  the  controversy  should  be  adjusted  by 
direct  negotiations  instead  of  by  arbitration. 

Pierola’s  Reforms. — Meantime  a transformation  had 
taken  place  in  Peruvian  politics.  The  Democratic  party,  a 
radical  group  whose  members  sometimes  entertained  revolu- 
tionary doctrines,  had  changed  its  political  principles.  So  far 
had  it  altered  its  views  that  in  March,  1895,  it  secured  the 
support  of  members  of  the  Civil  Party  in  a revolution  led 
by  Nicolas  de  Pierola  which  deposed  the  President  of  Peru. 
In  September  of  that  year  Pierola  was  elected  president.  An 
efficient  administrator,  he  promoted  fiscal  and  religious  re- 
forms. During  his  presidency  a series  of  steps  was  taken 
that  looked  toward  the  adoption  of  the  gold  standard.  Even- 
tually a law  of  December,  1897,  authorized  the  mintage  of  a 
gold  coin  called  the  libra  which  was  to  be  of  the  same  weight 


PERU 


349 


and  value  as  the  English  pound.  In  the  same  month  a law 
was  enacted  providing  that  marriages  might  legally  be  solem- 
nized before  civil  magistrates;  in  1899  it  was  supplemented  by 
a decree  providing  for  the  legalization  of  marriages  that  had 
already  been  performed  in  Peru  by  Protestant  ministers.  The 
Peruvian  military  academy  was  reorganized  under  the  direc- 
tion of  French  officers.  At  Lima  the  construction  of  several 
important  public  buildings  was  undertaken. 

Internal  and  International  Problems  under  Romana. — 
Pierola  was  succeeded  by  Eduardo  de  Romana  in  1899.  Dur- 
ing his  term  of  office  the  Democratic  party  drew  away  from 
the  Civil  party.  The  Democrats  became  outspoken  oppo- 
nents of  the  administration.  At  this  time  capitalists  in  the 
United  States  took  steps  to  mine  the  enormous  deposits  of 
copper  ore  at  Cerro  de  Pasco.  With  respect  to  Tacna  and 
Arica,  Romana  declared  that  Peru  could  not  agree  to  her 
“own  dismemberment.”  Complications  developed  with 
Ecuador  about  the  disputed  boundary  in  the  Mainas  region. 
Under  Miguel  Candamo,  who  was  elected  in  1903  by  a com- 
bination of  the  followers  of  General  Caceres — who  were 
denominated  Constitutionalists — and  the  Civil  party,  a con- 
troversy arose  with  Brazil  because  of  an  unsettled  boundary. 

Tacna  and  Arica. — After  Jose  Pardo  had  become  presi- 
dent following  the  death  of  Candamo  in  1904,  fresh  difficul- 
ties arose  about  Peru’s  boundaries.  Certain  clauses  of  the 
treaty  by  which  Bolivia  definitively  ceded  the  department  of 
Atacama  to  Chile  provoked  a protest  from  the  Peruvian  gov- 
ernment which  declared  that  the  provisions  of  that  treaty 
could  not  diminish  its  rights  to  Tacna  and  Arica.  Neverthe- 
less the  Chileans  undertook  to  assimilate  those  provinces  in 
various  ways.  They  established  schools,  periodicals,  military 
law,  and  courts  in  the  province  of  Tacna — as  they  eventually 
designated  the  disputed  territories.  Their  purpose  was  evi- 
dently to  create  and  to  strengthen  definite  Chilean  interests 
in  that  region.  Peru  naturally  objected  to  this  policy  of 
Chileanization,  maintaining  that,  in  reality,  Chile’s  possession 
of  the  territory  was  only  temporary.  As  time  passed,  Chile 
altered  her  contentions  respecting  Tacna.  In  November,  1908, 
soon  after  August  B.  Leguia  had  succeeded  Pardo,  Chile’s 
authorized  spokesman  declared  that  the  plebiscite  clause  of 


35o 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  Treaty  of  Ancon  was  really  a disguised  cession;  that,  as 
holding  dominion  over  the  disputed  territory,  Chile  had  the 
right  to  direct  the  referendum;  that,  as  Tacna  was  of  vital 
importance  to  the  northern  frontier  of  Chile,  she  could  not 
submit  the  disputed  points  to  arbitration;  and  that  she  would 
be  justified  in  abrogating  the  clause  in  the  Treaty  of  Ancon 
about  the  referendum  because  an  agreement  concerning  its 
execution  was  impossible. 

The  Putumayo  Atrocities. — Under  Guillermo  Billing- 
hurst,  a former  mayor  of  Lima  who  became  president  in  1912, 
the  condition  of  the  aborigines  in  the  extensive  frontier  region 
drained  by  the  Putumayo  River  became  the  object  of  public 
solicitude.  In  that  territory  a Peruvian  company  that  was 
financed  mainly  by  English  capital  had  been  gathering  rubber 
through  the  employment  of  Huitoto  Indians.  Complaints 
about  their  treatment  led  to  the  appointment  by  President 
Leguia  of  a commissioner  to  investigate,  and  also  to  the 
appointment  by  the  English  government  of  Roger  Case- 
ment as  consul  to  Peru.  The  Peruvian  Congress  protested 
against  this  mission  because  it  seemed  to  menace  intervention. 
After  Casement’s  report  upon  the  Putumayo  atrocities — which 
rivaled  those  of  the  Belgians  in  the  Congo — became  known, 
the  government  of  Peru  took  steps  to  improve  the  condition 
of  the  oppressed  Indians. 

Revolutionary  Disturbances.  — Political  discontent, 
which  had  been  occasionally  manifested  under  previous  presi- 
dents, reached  a climax  under  Billinghurst  whose  arbitrary 
rule  stimulated  the  disaffection.  Rumors  of  his  project  for 
the  settlement  of  the  long-standing  dispute  with  Chile  about 
Tacna  and  Arica  somehow  provoked  suspicions  that  he  was 
unduly  favorable  to  Peru’s  former  antagonist.  After  the 
President  had  suspended  the  publication  of  a newspaper  which 
served  as  the  organ  of  the  opposition  and  had  arrested  some 
prominent  politicians,  early  on  the  morning  of  February  4, 
1914,  Colonel  Oscar  Benavides  and  other  military  leaders 
boldly  seized  Billinghurst,  forced  him  to  resign,  and  deported 
him  to  Chile.  Despite  the  opposition  of  the  Vice-President, 
the  provisional  government  which  the  revolutionists  organ- 
ized was  promptly  acknowledged  by  Peruvian  authorities  as 


PERU 


35i 


legal.  The  United  States  and  leading  nations  of  Latin 
America  soon  recognized  the  Benavides  regime. 

Conditions  on  Eve  of  World  War:  Boundary  Disputes. 
— As  Peru  was  the  heir  of  the  viceroyalty  of  that  name,  she 
naturally  had  many  boundary  difficulties.  With  Bolivia  a 
grievous  dispute  developed  because  of  conflicting  claims  to 
territory  occupied  by  the  Chuncha  and  Moxo  Indians.  In 
1902  Peru  and  Bolivia  agreed  to  a treaty  which  provided  that 
this  controversy  should  be  submitted  to  the  arbitration  of 
Argentina  upon  the  express  condition  that  she  should  confirm 
Bolivia’s  title  to  any  territory  over  which  the  audiencia  of 
Charcas  had  exercised  jurisdiction.  When  the  Argentine 
President  divided  the  controverted  territory  between  Bolivia 
and  Peru,  the  former  nation  strenuously  protested,  declared 
that  the  award  was  not  according  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
of  arbitration,  and  refused  to  accept  the  boundary  which  had 
been  sketched.  A subsequent  treaty  between  the  contending 
parties  in  1909  readjusted  this  boundary  more  to  Bolivia’s 
satisfaction,  and  provided  for  its  exact  delimitation.  Six 
years  later  posts  had  been  set  up  along  this  boundary  line. 
Peru’s  long-standing  controversy  with  Brazil  was  settled  by 
a treaty  signed  on  September  8,  1909.  By  that  treaty  Peru 
acknowledged  the  jurisdiction  of  Brazil  over  certain  portions 
of  the  territory  of  Acre.  Further,  Peru  recognized  Brazilian 
sovereignty  over  some  other  territory  which  she  had  also 
claimed.  Between  the  two  parties  this  treaty  drew  a jagged 
boundary  line  which  stretched  in  a northwesterly  direction 
from  the  river  Acre  to  the  Yavari  River.  As  Peru’s  disputes 
concerning  boundaries  with  Ecuador  and  Colombia  are  en- 
tangled with  Colombian  and  Ecuadorian  history,  a considera- 
tion of  those  controversies  will  be  postponed. 

Immigration. — Immigration  from  other  countries  than 
Spain  has  played  a small  part  in  Peruvian  development.  Al- 
though some  Germans  and  Italians  settled  in  Peru,  yet  the 
main  European  element  in  her  population  remained  the 
Spanish.  Negroes  and  persons  of  negro  descent  were  found 
in  many  of  her  coastal  valleys.  About  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  Chinese  immigration  to  Peru  began.  It 
has  been  estimated  that  between  1861  and  1872  some  fifty- 


352 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


eight  thousand  Chinese  landed  on  Peruvian  soil.  They  ordi- 
narily came  under  contract  to  serve  as  laborers  for  a term  of 
years.  As  certain  publicists  saw  a danger  in  Chinese  immi- 
gration, in  1873  the  Peruvian  Congress  passed  a law  which 
provided  that  such  contracts  should  be  registered  in  Peru  and 
enforced.  Still,  this  law  declared  that  Peru  offered  condi- 
tions suitable  to  every  type  of  emigrant  and  to  every  kind 
of  industry.  In  1893  a law  was  enacted  providing  that  free 
transportation,  agricultural  tools,  and  grants  of  land  should 
be  offered  to  European  immigrants  to  Peru.  As  the  immi- 
gration of  laborers  from  China  became  a serious  problem, 
in  May,  1909,  the  Peruvian  government  issued  a decree  pro- 
hibiting the  entrance  into  Peru  of  Chinese  who  had  less  than 
five  hundred  libras  in  cash. 

Population. — A careful  Peruvian  scholar  named  Ale- 
jandro Garland  calculated  that  in  1906  Peru’s  population  was 
about  3,500,000  souls.  According  to  his  calculations  the  most 
densely  populated  region  was  the  Andean  plateau,  while  the 
most  thinly  populated  area  was  the  tropical  trans-Andean 
forest.  Garland  estimated  that  in  1906  the  population  was 
composed  of  the  following  elements:  aborigines,  50  per  cent; 
whites — chiefly  of  Spanish  descent — 15  per  cent;  negroes,  2j4 
per  cent;  Chinese  and  Japanese,  1 per  cent;  and  “various  ethnic 
cross-breeds,”  31 per  cent.  In  1914  the  population  was  prob- 
ably over  4,000,000.  Although  Spanish  is  the  language  of  the 
educated  classes  in  Peru,  yet  it  appears  that  Indian  dialects  are 
used  by  the  majority  of  her  people.  Many  Peruvians  speak 
the  language  that  was  imposed  by  the  conquering  Incas,  while 
others  use  the  Aymaran  language. 

Army  and  Navy. — By  a law  of  December  27,  1896,  with 
certain  exceptions,  Peruvian  male  citizens  from  nineteen  to 
fifty  years  of  age  were  made  liable  for  military  service.  Ten 
years  later  the  actual  size  of  the  regular  army  was  about  four 
thousand  men.  It  had  been  efficiently  reorganized  under  the 
direction  of  French  military  officers.  Peruvian  officers  were 
trained  in  a military  high  school  and  in  a military  academy. 
After  serving  in  the  regular  army  three  or  four  years,  con- 
scripts regularly  passed  into  the  first  reserve,  where  they 
remained  until  they  reached  the  age  of  thirty.  The  second 
reserve  was  composed  of  men  between  the  ages  of  thirty  and 


PERU 


353 


thirty-five.  Among  Peruvian  military  officers  there  were  seven 
generals  and  ninety-nine  brevet  colonels.  In  1907  Peru  was 
actively  engaged  in  reconstructing  her  navy.  Her  two  best 
cruisers  were  the  “Almirante  Grau”  and  the  “Coronel 
Bolognesi” ; besides  these  she  had  the  cruiser  “Lima”  and 
some  transports.  In  1914  the  Peruvian  navy  included  about  a 
dozen  warships. 

Chief  Occupations. — The  chief  occupation  in  Peru  is 
agriculture.  Scattered  through  the  coastal  region  are  numer- 
ous plantations  of  cotton  and  sugar  cane.  Cereals  and  potatoes 
are  raised  upon  the  Andean  plateau.  Cacao,  coffee,  and  crude 
rubber  are  the  chief  products  of  the  wooded  eastern  slopes  of 
the  Andes.  V ery  few  minerals  are  not  found  in  Peru.  Peru- 
vian miners  are  the  Indians  of  the  mountains,  while  the  capital 
and  the  managerial  talent  for  the  development  of  the  mines 
are  generally  furnished  by  foreigners.  A few  factories  of 
cotton  and  woolen  goods  have  been  established  at  Arequipa 
and  Lima.  Other  manufactures  are  beverages,  cigars,  cigar- 
ettes, chocolate,  and  “Panama  hats.” 

Exports. — Official  statistics  show  that  in  1914  Peru  ex- 
ported animal  products  which  amounted  to  750,518  libras.  The 
three  most  important  items  in  that  category  were  the  wool  of 
sheep,  alpaca  wool,  and  various  kinds  of  hides.  In  1914  Peru 
exported  vegetable  products  which  amounted  to  4,894,699 
libras,  the  most  valuable  items  being  sugar,  cotton,  rubber,  rice, 
cacao,  and  straw  hats.  In  that  year  Peru  exported  mineral 
products,  largely  copper  and  silver,  which  amounted  to 
3,073,865  libras.  The  unit  of  monetary  value  is  the  libra,  a 
beautiful  gold  coin — legally  the  equivalent  of  ten  soles — which 
has  served  alike  as  the  basis  of  internal  trade  and  international 
exchange. 

Transportation.  — In  transportation  facilities  Peru 
stands  between  Chile  and  Bolivia.  Peru  is  in  communication 
with  the  Atlantic  by  steam  vessels  which  ply  the  upper  affluents 
of  the  Amazon.  Ocean  vessels  are  not  so  useful  to  her  as  to 
Chile,  because  she  has  fewer  ports.  A Peruvian  steamship 
company  furnishes  regular  service  between  Callao  and  Panama. 
Peru  has  no  longitudinal  railroad.  She  has  two  great  trans- 
Andean  lines:  one  that  runs  from  Mollendo  to  Lake  Titicaca, 
and  thence  to  Cuzco;  and  the  other  that  runs  from  Callao  to 


354 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Oroya,  and  thence  to  Cerro  de  Pasco.  The  ownership  of  those 
railways  is  in  large  part  vested  in  the  Peruvian  government. 
Because  of  the  lofty  cordilleras,  the  cost  of  transporting  freight 
by  land  between  certain  sections  of  Peru  is  enormous.  In  the 
Andean  region  of  Peru,  as  in  Bolivia,  the  llama  is  still  the  com- 
mon beast  of  burden.  Llamas  and  Indians  are  there  the  agents 
of  transportation. 

Education. — Primary  education  in  Peru,  originally  in 
the  hands  of  local  authorities,  has  been  taken  over  by  the 
national  government.  In  1901  the  Peruvian  President  sanc- 
tioned a law  which  regulated  primary,  secondary,  and  higher 
education.  Primary  education,  which  extended  over  five  years, 
was  made  obligatory  for  boys  between  the  ages  of  six  and 
fourteen  and  for  girls  between  six  and  twelve.  Secondary 
education  was  placed  under  the  direct  control  of  the  secretary 
of  public  instruction,  justice,  and  religion.  The  law  of  1901 
provided  two  different  types  of  secondary  schools,  the  colegio 
and  the  liceo.  The  colcgio  or  academy  was  intended  to  be 
preparatory  to  higher  education,  while  the  liceo  was  designed 
to  prepare  pupils  for  the  practical  arts,  as  agriculture,  mining, 
commerce,  and  mechanical  industry. 

Universities. — Higher  education  was  carried  on  in  four 
universities  and  in  other  national  institutions.  Among  the 
latter  are  an  engineering  school,  an  agricultural  college,  and  a 
school  of  industrial  arts.  By  the  law  of  1901  Peruvian  uni- 
versities were  divided  into  two  classes;  that  is  to  say,  major 
and  minor.  Minor  universities,  composed  of  at  least  two  col- 
leges, are  located  at  Arequipa,  Cuzco,  and  Trujillo.  The  only 
major  university  is  the  renowned  University  of  San  Marcos  at 
Lima  which  has  six  colleges:  theology,  jurisprudence,  medi- 
cine, philosophy  and  letters,  mathematics  and  natural  sciences, 
and  political  and  administrative  sciences.  This  institution  de- 
rives its  revenue  from  appropriations  by  the  Peruvian  govern- 
ment and  from  an  endowment  due  to  private  donations.  It  has 
been  an  important  factordn  the  intellectual  life  of  Peru. 

Peruvian  Literature. — Peru  has  a literature  that  is  rich 
and  varied.  Mariano  Melgar,  a poet  of  Arequipa,  introduced 
the  melancholy  note  of  the  Indian  into  Peruvian  literature.  In 
three  comedies  Felipe  Pardo  depicted  society  in  the  ancient 
capital  of  the  Peruvian  viceroyalty;  and  in  a satirical  news- 


PERU 


355 


paper  called  Espejo  de  mi  tierra  he  ridiculed  Castilla’s  at- 
tempts at  democratic  reform.  A dozen  comedies  that  dealt 
mainly  with  the  life  and  manners  of  Peru  were  written  by 
Manual  A.  Segura.  Al  Misti  by  Manuel  Castillo  of  Arequipa 
was  a poetic  tribute  to  the  wonderful  mountain  that  towers 
above  his  native  city.  Pedro  Paz  Soldan  y Unanue  was  a 
versatile  poet  who  subscribed  himself  “Juan  de  Arona.”  He 
seemed  equally  at  home  describing  Peruvian  birds  and  flowers 
in  Ruinas,  mocking  the  achievements  of  Admiral  Pinzon  in 
La  Pinzonada,  and  depicting  the  Peruvian  environment  in 
Cuadros  y cpisodios  peruanos.  In  Paginas  diplomaticas  del 
Peril  he  made  a useful  contribution  to  the  diplomatic  history 
of  his  native  land.  La  epopeya  del  Morro,  in  which  Jose 
Santos  Chocano  chanted  about  the  heroism  of  his  compatriots 
during  the  siege  of  Arica  by  Chilean  soldiers,  made  him  the 
poet  of  the  Peruvian  nation.  In  Alma  America:  Poemas 
Indo-Espaholes,  he  became  the  poet  of  Spanish  America.  A 
Peruvian  litterateur  has  aptly  characterized  Ricardo  Palma  as 
the  most  representative  writer  of  the  Peruvian  creoles.  From 
verse  he  passed  into  prose  in  1863  with  the  publication  of  the 
first  volumes  of  his  Tradiciones  Peruanos.  In  these  volumes 
Palma  ran  the  gamut  of  Peruvian  history  from  the  age  of  the 
Incas  to  his  own  time  in  a quest  for  anecdotes  which  he  clothed 
in  literary  form  and  enveloped  in  the  proper  atmosphere.  The 
best  work  of  fiction  written  by  a Peruvian  was  perhaps 
Florinda  Matto  de  Turner’s  Ares  sin  nido,  a novel  describing 
the  servile  life  of  the  Peruvian  Indians.  Among  historical 
writers  of  Peru  since  1821  two  deserve  the  highest  rank: 
General  Manuel  de  Mendiburu  and  Mariano  Felipe  Paz  Sol- 
dan.  In  his  voluminous  Diccionario  historico-biografico  del 
Peru  cn  la  epoca  de  la  dominacion  espanola  Mendiburu  pro- 
duced an  encyclopaedic  work  of  profound  learning.  A docu- 
mented work  of  a serious  type  was  Paz  Soldan’s  Historia  del 
Peru  independiente  and  also  his  Guerra  del  Chile  contra  el 
Peru  y Bolivia.  Two  illuminating  volumes  about  Peruvian 
literature  have  been  composed  by  Jose  de  la  Riva  Agiiero,  a 
descendant  of  Bolivar’s  rival. 

Peru  and  the  World  War. — Benavides  was  still  provi- 
sional president  when  the  World  War  began.  Early  in 
A»ugust,  1914,  the  Peruvian  government  declared  a moratorium 


356 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


for  thirty  days.  After  Jose  Pardo  had  again  become  president, 
international  complications  threatened  to  involve  Peru  in  the 
struggle.  The  announcement  of  an  unrestricted  submarine 
policy  by  Germany  reached  Lima  at  a critical  juncture.  A 
Peruvian  bark  named  the  “Lorton”  had  just  been  torpedoed  by 
a German  submarine  near  the  Spanish  coast.  On  February  io, 
1917,  Peru’s  secretary  of  foreign  relations  protested  against 
Germany’s  submarine  policy  and  declared  that  it  was  contrary 
to  international  law.  An  interchange  of  notes  took  place 
between  the  chanceries  of  Peru  and  Germany  in  which  the 
Imperial  government  ingenuously  offered  to  present  the  Peru- 
vian claim  for  an  indemnity  to  a German  prize  court.  Peru 
refused  to  submit  her  claim  to  such  a court:  she  asked  the 
German  Imperial  government  to  pay  an  indemnity  and  dam- 
ages. In  October,  1917,  the  Peruvian  government  decided  to 
terminate  the  fruitless  negotiations  concerning  the  “Lorton.” 
The  secretary  of  foreign  relations  accordingly  appeared  in 
Congress  and  proposed  that  it  should  sanction  the  rupture  of 
diplomatic  relations  with  Germany.  After  an  animated  debate, 
the  proposal  was  approved  on  October  5 by  a vote  of  105  to  6. 
Upon  the  following  day  the  German  minister  in  Lima  was 
given  his  passports.  In  a cablegram  to  the  government  at 
Washington  Secretary  Tudela  declared  that  his  nation  ear- 
nestlv  desired  “continental  solidarity”  in  regard  to  the  World 
War! 

Peru’s  New  Constitution:  Social  Guaranties. — Under 
Agusto  B.  Leguia,  who  became  president  again  in  August, 
1919,  a movement  for  constitutional  reform  triumphed.  A 
new  Peruvian  Constitution,  which  had  been  adopted  by  a 
National  Assembly  on  December  27,  1919,  was  put  into  force 
on  January  18,  1920.  This  Constitution  declared  that  only  the 
state  had  the  right  to  establish  monopolies,  that  disputes  be- 
tween capital  and  labor  must  be  arbitrated,  and  that  indem- 
nities must  be  paid  to  workmen  for  accidents  incurred  while 
engaged  in  their  respective  occupations.  It  provided  for  a 
graduated  income  tax.  It  prohibited  the  issue  of  irredeemable 
paper  money  except  when  the  nation  was  involved  in  a foreign 
war.  In  general,  with  regard  to  the  ownership  of  property, 
aliens  were  declared  to  have  the  same  rights  and  privileges  as 
Peruvians.  The  Constitution  of  1919  contained  many  pro- 


PERU 


3$7 


visions  concerning  social  welfare.  The  state  was  to  protect 
the  aborigines  and  to  promote  their  development.  Military 
service  was  declared  to  be  obligatory  upon  all  male  Peruvians. 
Primary  education  was  declared  to  be  compulsory  for  children 
over  six  years  of  age. 

Frame  of  Government. — Although  the  Peruvian  Consti- 
tution of  1919  allowed  the  administrative  subdivisions  that 
had  been  sanctioned  in  i860  to  persist,  yet  it  altered  the  frame 
of  government.  It  stipulated  that  congressmen,  as  well  as  the 
President,  should  be  elected  by  direct  popular  vote  and  should 
hold  office  for  five  years.  In  case  of  the  death,  incapacity,  or 
resignation  of  the  chief  executive,  Congress  should  elect  a new 
President.  The  Senate  should  be  composed  of  thirty-five 
members,  while  the  House  of  Deputies  should  be  composed  of 
one  hundred  and  ten  members.  If  a member  of  either  house 
should  accept  a post  in  the  President’s  cabinet,  his  privileges 
as  a congressman  should  be  suspended.  Still,  a cabinet  member 
might  participate  in  congressional  debates.  He  could  not  re- 
main in  office,  however,  after  either  house  of  Congress  had 
expressed  a lack  of  confidence  in  him.  Congress  was  granted 
the  right  to  sanction  annually  a budget  for  the  ensuing  year. 
The  Senate  was  given  the  right  to  confirm  the  appointment 
of  cabinet  members  and  diplomatic  officers.  As  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  i860,  the  President  was  given  the  right  to  initiate 
laws.  The  initiative  in  laws  concerning  the  judiciary  was 
accorded  to  the  supreme  court  which  was  given  supervision 
over  all  the  judicial  tribunals  of  the  nation. 

Regional  Legislatures. — A striking  innovation  was  the 
provision  that  there  should  be  three  regional  legislatures  to  be 
located  in  the  north,  the  center,  and  the  south  of  Peru.  Those 
legislatures,  which  were  to  be  composed  of  deputies  elected  by 
the  respective  provinces,  should  meet  annually  and  might  frame 
regulations  concerning  local  affairs.  Such  regulations  must, 
however,  be  transmitted  to  the  President:  if  he  considered 
them  contrary  to  national  laws  or  inimical  to  the  public  wel- 
fare, he  should  submit  them  to  Congress  for  adoption  or 
rejection,  as  in  the  case  of  a law  which  he  had  vetoed.  In 
reality,  therefore,  this  concession  to  sectionalism  accorded  to 
regional  legislatures  the  right  to  initiate  laws  for  the  nation. 


35« 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Summary. — Like  Chile,  Peru  set  out  upon  her  inde- 
pendent career  with  a social  organization  that  was  funda- 
mentally aristocratic.  An  aristocratic  tendency  has  been  dis- 
played in  her  political  and  social  life  from  that  time  until  the 
present  day.  This  tendency  has  not  been  discouraged  by  the 
fact  that  some  of  the  most  important  Peruvian  industries  have 
been  of  such  a character  as  to  foster  undemocratic  organiza- 
tion. The  existence  of  large  plantations,  of  extensive  guano 
deposits,  and  of  mines  of  copper  and  silver  which  have  been 
exploited  by  semi-servile  labor  has  promoted  a hierarchical 
arrangement  of  society.  Of  this  politicians  have  not  been  slow 
to  take  advantage.  Peruvian  constitutions  have  abounded  in 
abstract  conceptions  of  liberty  and  democracy  that  have  been 
entertained  but  not  always  practiced  by  the  makers  of  these 
constitutions.  In  Peru,  as  in  Bolivia,  the  hewers  of  wood  and 
the  carriers  of  water  have  been  the  aborigines  or  their 
descendants.  In  recent  decades  to  supplement  the  Indians  there 
have  come  to  Peru  immigrants  from  the  Orient  who  have 
mainly  settled  in  coastal  towns  and  cities.  The  chief  clue  to 
the  recent  political  and  international  history  of  Peru  is,  of 
course,  to  be  found  in  the  deliberate  and  sustained  attempt  that 
has  been  made  to  recuperate  from  the  losses  due  to  the  disas- 
trous War  of  the  Pacific.  It  appears  to  be  the  opinion  of  cer- 
tain Peruvians  that  their  government’s  diplomacy  has  been 
grievously  hampered  by  the  efforts  of  Chilean  publicists  inter- 
nationally to  isolate  Peru.  Possibly  the  most  promising  sign 
in  recent  Peruvian  politics  has  been  the  definite  appearance  of 
an  assertive  proletariat  that  is  profoundly  dissatisfied  with  its 
political  and  social  heritage. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 

The  First  Constitution  of  “Great  Colombia.” — The  na- 
tional history  of  New  Granada  or  Colombia,  as  that  state  is 
now  called,  springs  from  “Great  Colombia” — the  nation  that 
was  formed  by  the  union  of  the  former  viceroyalty  of  New 
Granada  with  the  former  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela  and 
the  former  presidency  of  Quito.  A Constitution  adopted  for 
“Great  Colombia”  by  the  Congress  of  Cucuta  in-  1821  pro- 
vided for  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  departments.  It 
vested  executive  authority  in  a President  who  in  a crisis  should 
have  absolute  power.  He  should  hold  his  office  for  four  years 
and  might  be  reelected  only  once  without  an  intermission.  In 
case  the  President  acted  as  commander  in  chief  of  the  army, 
his  civil  functions  should  devolve  upon  the  Vice-President. 
Supreme  judicial  authority  was  vested  in  a high  court  of 
justice.  The  Congress  of  Cucuta  also  enacted  some  reform- 
atory laws.  Bogota  was  made  the  capital  of  the  state.  The 
slave  trade  was  abolished;  children  born  of  slaves  were  de- 
clared to  be  free.  The  tribute  levied  upon  aborigines  was 
abolished;  and  they  were  declared  to  be  upon  the  same  status 
as  other  citizens  of  the  republic.  On  September  7,  1821,  Con- 
gress elected  Bolivar  president  of  Colombia:  he  accepted  upon 
condition  that  the  chief  civil  authority  should  be  exercised  by 
Vice-President  Francisco  de  Paula  Santander,  an  able  and 
aspiring  native  of  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada. 

Vice-President  Santander. — Accordingly  from  1822  to 
1826 — while  Bolivar  was  liberating  the  presidency  of  Quito 
and  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru — Vice-President  Santander  acted 
as  the  Colombian  president.  In  1823  Congress  authorized  the 
negotiation  of  a loan  of  thirty  thousand  pesos  in  Europe.  Dur- 
ing the  following  year  it  sanctioned  treaties  of  confederation 
which  Joaquin  Mosquera  had  negotiated  with  Peru  and  Chile. 


359 


360 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


It  divided  the  territory  of  the  republic  into  twelve  depart- 
ments that  were  subdivided  into  provinces  and  cantons.  In 
June,  1824,  it  enacted  a law  providing  that  the  department  of 
Cauca  should  be  separated  from  the  department  of  Ecuador  by 
the  Carchi  River.  A census  taken  in  1825  indicated  that  the 
republic  contained  2,583,799  inhabitants. 

Paez  in  Venezuela. — During  the  following  year  a seri- 
ous accusation  was  brought  before  Congress  against  General 
Paez,  commandant-general  of  two  Venezuelan  departments; 
namely,  that  he  had  ordered  soldiers  forcibly  to  conscript  men. 
Despite  the  advice  of  Santander,  who  urged  that  the  accused 
general  should  be  heard  in  his  own  defense,  Congress  sus- 
pended him  from  his  command.  As  a result  the  discontent 
which  had  been  provoked  in  Venezuela  by  the  choice  of  Bogota 
as  capital  of  the  republic  was  intensified.  Spurred  on  by  dis- 
satisfied Venezuelans,  in  May,  1826,  Paez  openly  rebelled 
against  the  government.  At  the  instance  of  the  municipal 
council  of  Valencia,  he  assumed  the  command  from  which  he 
had  been  suspended.  When  he  heard  of  Paez’s  rebellion, 
Bolivar  left  Peru  for  Colombia;  he  arrived  at  Bogota  on 
November  14,  1826,  whence  he  soon  departed  for  Venezuela. 
At  Puerto  Cabello  on  January  1,  1827,  Bolivar  published  a 
decree  of  amnesty  which  announced  that  General  Paez  was 
restored  to  his  command.  Paez  responded  by  acknowledging 
the  authority  of  Bolivar  and  by  revoking  an  invitation  which 
he  had  issued  for  the  convocation  of  an  assembly  of  Venezuelan 
delegates  at  Valencia. 

Civil  Dissensions. — Still,  the  republic  which  Bolivar  had 
founded  was  torn  by  factions.  Certain  Colombians  evidently 
thought  that  a solution  for  their  political  ills  would  be  to 
acclaim  the  Liberator  as  Emperor.  Although  Bolivar  did  not 
publicly  favor  that  project — which  was  suggested  to  him  sev- 
eral times — yet  he  was  not  loath  to  assume  dictatorial  author- 
ity. Upon  his  return  to  Bogota,  in  February,  1828,  he  issued 
decrees  announcing  that  he  was  invested  with  extraordinary 
authority  in  certain  portions  of  the  republic,  and  declaring 
that  he  would  retain  the  exercise  of  his  regular  powers. 
Bolivar  thus  deprived  Santander  of  the  functions  which  he  had 
for  some  time  exercised.  In  April,  1828,  delegates  who  had 
been  convoked  by  Congress  assembled  at  Ocana  in  order  to 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


361 


revise  the  Constitution.  At  the  Convention  of  Ocana  the  par- 
tisans of  Bolivar  could  make  no  adjustment  with  their  op- 
ponents, who  were  followers  of  his  rival,  Santander.  Even- 
tually some  delegates  even  walked  out  of  the  Convention, 
which  was  soon  dissolved.  On  the  night  of  September  25, 
1828,  an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  by  political  enemies  to 
assassinate  Bolivar,  who  was  almost  alone  in  the  national 
palace.  Suspicion  fell  upon  Santander,  whose  death  penalty 
was,  however,  commuted  into  exile.  Peruvian  soldiers  who 
invaded  the  southern  part  of  the  republic  were  repelled  at  Tar- 
qui.  In  November,  1829,  an  Assembly  at  Caracas  resolved 
that  Venezuela  should  separate  from  Colombia. 

Colombia’s  Constitution  of  1830. — A Constituent  Con- 
gress that  Bolivar  had  convoked  at  Bogota  tried  to  prevent  the 
disruption  of  the  republic.  In  April,  1830,  it  framed  a funda- 
mental law  that  was  designed  to  replace  the  Constitution  of 
Cucuta.  The  Constitution  of  1830  stated  that  the  territory  of 
Colombia  comprised  the  provinces  formerly  included  in  the 
captaincy  general  of  Venezuela  as  well  as  those  formerly  in- 
cluded in  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada.  While  retaining, 
in  general,  the  political  framework  provided  by  the  Constitu- 
tion of  1821,  yet  it  contained  some  innovations.  It  created  a 
council  of  state  which  was  to  serve  as  an  advisory  body  to  the 
President.  It  contained  clauses  that  defined  the  rights  and 
duties  of  Colombian  citizens.  It  declared  that  Roman  Cathol- 
icism was  the  religion  of  the  republic,  and  that  in  the  exercise 
of  the  patronage  the  government  should  protect  that  religion 
and  should  not  tolerate  the  public  worship  of  any  other  faith. 
Apparently  as  a concession  to  the  spirit  of  sectionalism,  the 
Constitution  granted  to  each  department  the  privilege  of  hold- 
ing an  assembly  that  could  enact  local  and  municipal  ordinances 
and  could  represent  the  department  in  matters  concerning  the 
general  interests  of  the  republic.  It  conceded  to  the  capitals 
of  provinces  the  right  to  organize  municipal  councils.  Yet  the 
administration  of  the  departments  was  left  to  prefects  who 
were  appointed  by  the  national  government.  After  adopting 
the  Constitution,  Congress  declared  that,  if  the  Venezuelans 
proposed  modifications  of  it,  another  Convention  would  be  con- 
voked in  order  to  consider  amendments;  that  if  the  Vene- 
zuelans should  reject  it  and  insist  upon  a separation  from  the 


362 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


people  living  in  the  former  viceroyalty  the  remaining  nucleus 
of  Colombia  would  not  make  war  upon  them  but  would  take 
steps  to  assemble  a new  Convention  to  frame  another  Constitu- 
tion. 

Disruption  of  “Great  Colombia.” — On  March  i,  1830, 
Bolivar  relinquished  his  position  as  president.  Weary  and 
disillusioned,  he  died  at  Santa  Marta  of  pulmonary  consump- 
tion on  December  17,  1830.  Even  before  the  Liberator  ex- 
pired, Colombia  had  broken  into  three  fragments.  In  January, 

1830,  General  Paez  had  invited  a convention  of  delegates  from 
the  former  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela  to  meet  in  April  at 
Valencia.  In  August  of  the  same  year  a movement  for  the 
secession  of  the  former  presidency  of  Quito  from  Colombia 
culminated  in  a Convention  of  delegates  from  its  provinces  at 
Riobamba : thus  the  state  of  Ecuador  began  to  emerge.  In 
November,  1831,  a Convention  at  Bogota  announced  that  the 
central  provinces  of  Colombia  constituted  a state  designated 
New  Granada  which  was  to  be  composed  of  the  territories  that 
had  formerly  been  part  of  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada. 
Further,  it  declared  that  the  central  Colombian  provinces  which 
had  been  reorganized  as  New  Granada  would  assume  their 
proportionate  share  of  the  debt  incurred  by  “Great  Colombia” 
during  the  wars  for  independence. 

The  First  Constitution  of  New  Granada. — In  December, 

1831,  this  Convention  decided  that,  for  the  time  being,  the 
state  of  New-  Granada  should  be  governed  by  Colombia’s  Con- 
stitution of  1830.  On  February  29,  1832,  it  adopted  a new 
fundamental  law.  The  first  “Constitution  of  the  State  of  New 
Granada”  vested  executive  authority  in  a President  who  was 
to  be  chosen  for  four  years  by  electoral  assemblies  and  who 
might  not  be  reelected  until  four  years  had  elapsed.  It  placed 
some  restrictions  on  the  President’s  power.  In  case  of  need 
the  Vice-President  should  act  as  the  chief  magistrate.  It  pro- 
vided that  the  President’s  cabinet  should  be  composed  of  three 
members.  A council  of  state,  composed  of  seven  members 
elected  by  Congress,  was  also  to  act  as  an  advisory  body  to  the 
President.  Congress  was  to  be  composed  of  a Senate  and  a 
House  of  Representatives.  Senators  should  hold  their  offices 
for  four  years,  while  Representatives  should  serve  for  two 
years.  Each  province  should  be  entitled  to  at  least  one  Senator. 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


363 


Judicial  authority  was  vested  in  a supreme  court  and  in  district 
tribunals.  The  territory  of  the  republic  was  carved  into  prov- 
inces which  were  to  be  composed  of  cantons.  Each  province 
was  to  be  administered  by  a governor  who  should  serve  as  an 
agent  of  the  national  administration.  Every  canton  was  to 
be  in  charge  of  a “political  chief”  who  should  be  an  agent  of 
the  respective  governor.  Many  clauses  attempted  to  define 
precisely  the  qualifications  of  magistrates  and  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  Granadan  citizens. 

President  Santander. — After  the  Constitution  had  been 
framed  the  Convention  elected  as  president  General  Santander, 
who  returned  from  exile  and  assumed  authority  on  October  7, 
1832.  Admiring  fellow  citizens  have  called  him  “the  man  of 
law.”  In  a proclamation  which  he  issued  to  his  fellow  country- 
men the  President  expressed  his  intention  to  govern  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  A conspiracy  against 
the  government  led  by  General  Sarda  was  ruthlessly  sup- 
pressed. On  December  23,  1834,  representatives  of  Venezuela 
and  New  Granada  signed  an  agreement  for  the  division  of  the 
debt  of  “Great  Colombia.”  It  provided  that  fifty  per  cent  of 
the  debt  should  be  paid  by  New  Granada,  twenty-eight  and  one- 
half  per  cent  by  Venezuela,  and  the  remainder  by  Ecuador. 
The  same  negotiators  signed  a treaty  of  amity,  alliance,  com- 
merce, navigation,  and  limits  which  provided  that  the  uti  possi- 
detis of  1810  should  be  the  determining  principle  in  respect  to 
the  boundaries  of  New  Granada  and  Venezuela.  The  Vene- 
zuelan Congress,  however,  refused  to  approve  the  treaty ; and 
a dispute  soon  arose  between  the  parties  about  their  limits.  In 
May,  1834,  the  Congress  of  New  Granada  passed  a law  which 
provided  that  in  official  documents  to  replace  the  name  “State 
of  New  Granada,”  there  should  be  used  the  title  “Republic  of 
New  Granada.”  At  the  same  time  Congress  adopted  a new 
coat  of  arms  and  a national  flag.  By  various  measures  San- 
tander promoted  public  education,  science,  and  art.  He  re- 
established the  National  Academy  which  aimed  to  increase  and 
to  diffuse  knowledge.  A learned  Granadan  named  Joaquin 
Acosta  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  astronomical  observatory 
at  Bogota. 

Political  Factions. — During  the  presidency  of  Santander 
political  factions  definitely  appeared  in  New  Granada.  A party 


364 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


composed  of  his  followers  maintained  that  the  country  needed 
a military  man  as  president.  On  the  other  hand,  a moderate 
group  of  the  Civil  Party  supported  as  a candidate  for  the  presi- 
dency, Jose  de  Marquez,  an  able  and  conciliatory  statesman. 
Another  party  was  composed  of  Bolivar’s  disciples  who  were 
sometimes  denominated  Bolivianos.  Aided  by  the  Bolivianos, 
the  Civilistas  elected  Marquez  as  president.  He  was  inau- 
gurated on  April  1,  1837.  In  the  same  year  Congress  enacted 
laws  that  granted  to  Spanish  commerce  the  same  privileges  in 
ports  of  New  Granada  as  were  enjoyed  by  the  commerce  of 
other  friendly  nations  with  which  she  did  not  have  treaties.  In 
1839  a decree  of  Congress  that  suppressed  certain  monasteries 
provoked  an  insurrection  in  the  province  of  Pasto,  which 
proved  to  be  the  beginning  of  a series  of  desolating  and  fratri- 
cidal civil  wars. 

Constitution  of  1843. — The  republic  was  not  pacified 
until  after  Pedro  A.  Herran,  who  was  leading  the  government 
forces  against  the  rebels,  was  elected  president  in  1842.  A 
significant  result  of  the  internecine  strife  was  a conviction  on 
the  part  of  some  statesmen  of  New  Granada  that  their  Consti- 
tution did  not  confer  sufficient  authority  upon  the  national 
government.  Prominent  among  such  thinkers  was  Jose  R. 
Mosquera,  who  presented  to  Congress  the  project  of  a new 
fundamental  law.  After  some  discussion,  Congress  adopted 
the  “Political  Constitution  of  the  Republic  of  New  Granada” 
which  was  promulgated  on  April  20,  1843.  As  contrasted  with 
the  previous  Constitution,  the  Constitution  of  1843  increased 
the  power  and  influence  of  the  President,  who  was  given  the 
right  to  appoint  and  remove  national  officers,  including  the 
governors  of  provinces.  A bill  vetoed  by  the  President  should 
remain  in  suspense  until  the  following  year  when  it  might  be 
passed  over  his  veto  by  a two-thirds  majority  in  both  houses 
of  Congress.  An  article  of  the  Constitution  declared  that  the 
chief  executive  should  be  responsible  for  his  official  conduct 
under  certain  circumstances.  A personage  designated  by  Con- 
gress was  to  act  as  chief  magistrate  in  case  of  the  death  or 
disability  of  both  President  and  Vice-President.  The  council 
of  state  was  virtually  replaced  by  a council  of  government 
made  up  of  the  Vice-President  and  the  secretaries  of  state. 
Those  secretaries  were  given  the  right  to  introduce  bills  into 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


365 


Congress  and  to  participate  in  its  discussions.  In  the  year 
following  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution  a law  was  sanc- 
tioned which  authorized  the  reestablishment  in  New  Granada 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Some  Jesuits  soon  returned  to 
Bogota. 

Progress  under  President  Mosquera. — In  1845  a mili- 
tary hero  named  Tomas  de  Mosquera  became  president.  Of 
him  it  has  been  said  that  he  first  came  to  power  because  of  the 
support  of  a party  which  desired  peace  and  progress.  From 

1845  to  1849  he  promoted  material  development  in  manifold 
ways.  He  initiated  negotiations  with  French  engineers  for  the 
construction  of  a railroad  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  In 

1846  he  negotiated  with  the  United  States  a commercial  treaty 
which  contained  significant  stipulations.  By  Article  XXXV 
of  the  Treaty  of  1846  New  Granada  guaranteed  to  the  United 
States  and  her  citizens  the  right  to  transit  across  the  Isthmus. 
In  return  the  United  States  guaranteed  to  New  Granada  “the 
perfect  neutrality”  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  and  her  “rights 
of  property  and  sovereignty”  over  it.  During  the  presidency 
of  Mosquera  steamers  began  to  navigate  the  Magdalena  River. 
He  vigorously  strove  to  improve  his  country’s  finances:  at  his 
instance  in  1846  and  1847  Congress  passed  laws  which  re- 
formed the  monetary  system.  Colonial  and  foreign  monies 
that  had  been  in  circulation  were  replaced  by  national  currency: 
a peso  of  ten  reales  took  the  place  of  the  macnquino  peso  of 
Peru  and  Mexico ; and  gold  coins  of  various  denominations 
were  soon  minted.  On  April  28,  1847,  a law  was  enacted 
which  prohibited  the  importation  of  slaves  into  the  republic 
and  which  declared  that  all  slaves  introduced  should  become 
free.  Partly  as  a result  of  these  measures  a democratic  clique 
came  into  existence  which  styled  itself  the  Liberal  party,  while 
Mosquera’s  supporters  were  ordinarily  called  Conservatives. 

The  Liberals  in  Power. — The  Presidency  of  General 
Jose  H.  Lopez,  another  warrior  of  the  Revolution  who  became 
chief  magistrate  in  1849,  was  a period  of  radical  reform.  In- 
cited by  the  Liberals,  on  May  21,  1850,  the  President  ordered 
that  the  Jesuits  should  be  expelled  from  the  republic.  In  the 
same  year  Lopez  made  a contract  with  the  Italian  geographer, 
Agostino  Codazzi,  for  a geographical  survey  of  New 
Granada.  As  a climax  to  a series  of  laws  that  had  aimed  to 


366 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


ameliorate  the  condition  of  negro  slaves,  on  May  21,  1851,  a 
law  was  enacted  which  stipulated  that  all  slaves  in  New 
Granada  should  be  free  after  January  1,  1852,  and  that  the 
owners  of  emancipated  slaves  were  to  be  compensated.  A law 
of  April,  1852,  announced  that  the  rivers  of  New  Granada 
should  be  open  to  navigation  by  merchant  vessels  of  foreign 
nations.  In  April,  1853,  General  Obando,  the  candidate  of  a 
Liberal  faction,  was  installed  as  president.  During  the  pre- 
vious month  the  way  had  been  prepared  for  constitutional  alter- 
ations by  a law  outlining  the  procedure  by  which  the  Constitu- 
tion might  be  changed  by  legislative  act.  On  May  20,  1853, 
Congress  adopted  a brief  but  significant  Constitution  which 
was  promulgated  upon  the  following  day.  It  embodied  some 
of  the  legal  and  political  doctrines  of  the  dominant  political 
party. 

The  Constitution  of  1853. — Probably  the  most  liberal 
Constitution  which  had  been  adopted  in  Latin  America,  its  pre- 
amble explicitly  invoked  the  name  of  the  people,  as  well  as  the 
name  of  God.  The  Constitution  of  1853  stated  that  all  per- 
sons born  on  the  soil  of  New  Granada  were  citizens  of  that 
country,  as  were  also  their  children.  It  declared  that,  except 
in  times  of  war,  private  property  should  not  be  taken  for  public 
use  without  compensation.  It  promised  to  all  citizens  the  free 
exercise  of  any  religion  they  might  profess,  provided  that  they 
did  not  disturb  the  public  peace,  offend  morals,  or  interfere 
with  the  religious  practices  of  others.  It  guaranteed  the  free 
expression  of  thought  and  the  absolute  liberty  of  the  press. 
Jury  trial  was  guaranteed  in  certain  criminal  cases.  Slavery 
was  prohibited.  The  right  to  vote  was  conceded  to  every 
citizen.  No  qualifications  for  office,  except  for  President  or 
Vice-President,  were  required  beyond  citizenship.  With  re- 
gard to  the  administration  of  the  republic,  this  Constitution 
stipulated  that  municipal  authority  in  its  entire  extent  should 
be  reserved  to  the  provinces.  The  authority  of  the  national 
government  was  also  reduced  by  a provision  that  among  im- 
portant officials  who  should  be  elected  by  popular  vote  were  the 
provincial  governors.  Further,  each  province  was  granted  the 
power  to  make  arrangements  for  its  own  organization  and  ad- 
ministration. Article  XXVII  made  possible  the  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  by  the  action  of  two  successive  congresses. 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


367 


Obando  Succeeded  by  Mallarino. — In  June,  1853,  Con- 
gress enacted  laws  which  stipulated  that  Church  and  State 
should  be  completely  separated.  Dissensions  between  political 
parties  became  so  bitter  that  in  April,  1854,  Congress  was  dis- 
solved by  revolutionists,  and  President  Obando  was  impris- 
oned. That  Oedipus  of  Granadan  history  was  soon  accused 
of  treason  and  deprived  of  his  magistracy.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Vice-President  Manuel  Mallarino,  whose  administration 
opened  auspiciously.  On  January  28,  1855,  the  first  railroad 
train  crossed  the  Isthmus  of  Panama. 

The  “Granadan  Confederation.” — During  the  same  year 
Congress  adopted  a constitutional  amendment  which  purported 
to  introduce  the  federal  system  into  New  Granada.  The 
amendment  provided  that  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  should  be  a 
federal  state  and  declared  that  any  other  province  of  New 
Granada  might  be  similarly  transformed.  In  1856  and  1857 
laws  were  enacted  which  created  other  federal  states.  Under 
President  Mariano  Ospina,  who  was  inaugurated  on  April  1, 
1857,  Congress  reorganized  the  governmental  system  by  the 
adoption  of  a new  Constitution  for  the  republic  which  was  now 
styled  the  “Granadan  Confederation.”  That  Constitution  was 
promulgated  on  May  22,  1858;  it  transformed  a unitary- 
federal  nation  composed  of  eight  states  into  a Confederation. 
Executive  power  was  given  to  a President  who  should  be 
elected  by  popular  vote  for  four  years.  Legislative  authority 
was  vested  in  a Congress  composed  of  a Senate  and  a House 
of  Representatives.  Judicial  power  was  granted  to  the  Senate 
and  also  to  the  supreme  court  and  other  tribunals.  The 
national  government  and  the  state  governments  were  prohibited 
from  performing  certain  acts.  The  states  were  to  be  organ- 
ized under  a representative  system.  They  were  declared  to 
have  all  powers  which  by  the  Constitution  were  not  delegated 
to  the  confederate  government.  Strange  though  it  may  seem, 
the  powers  of  that  government  were  not  defined. 

The  Revolt  of  Mosquera. — Shortly  after  this  Constitu- 
tion went  into  operation,  a law  providing  for  the  scrutiny  of 
election  returns  by  national  officers  provoked  intense  opposi- 
tion. In  i860  Congress  enacted  a law  which  declared  that 
under  certain  circumstances  state  officials  were  responsible  to 
the  national  judiciary  for  the  disturbance  of  public  tranquillity. 


368 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Soon  afterwards  General  Mosquera,  who  had  become  a Liberal 
and  was  governor  of  the  state  of  Cauca,  declared  his  opposition 
to  the  law,  and  issued  a decree  announcing  that  his  state  had 
assumed  her  sovereign  powers.  Similar  steps  were  taken  in 
other  states.  After  several  conflicts  between  revolutionary 
soldiers  and  the  army  of  the  Confederation,  on  July  18,  1861, 
Mosquera  captured  Bogota.  The  conquering  general  assumed 
the  title  of  Provisional  President  of  the  United  States  of  New 
Granada. 

His  Kulturkampf. — As  the  climax  of  a stirring  career 
the  years  from  1861  to  1867  have  occasionally  been  designated 
“the  Age  of  Mosquera.”  At  once  the  Provisional  President 
instituted  radical  politico-religious  reforms.  He  announced 
that  no  priest  might  exercise  his  functions  without  the  consent 
of  the  State.  He  declared  that  the  Jesuits — who  had  again 
been  recalled  to  New  Granada — were  to  be  expelled  and  con- 
fiscated their  property.  He  ordered  that  the  archbishop  of 
Bogota  should  be  imprisoned  because  of  non-compliance  with 
decrees  concerning  the  clergy.  Property  held  in  the  dead  hands 
of  religious  corporations  or  communities  was  to  revert  to  the 
nation.  All  convents,  monasteries,  and  religious  houses  were 
to  be  suppressed. 

The  United  States  of  Colombia. — A so-called  Congress 
of  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  states  that  the  President  convoked 
in  September,  1861,  promulgated  a Pacto  de  Union  which 
declared  that  seven  sovereign  and  independent  states  were  con- 
federated into  a nation  denominated  the  “United  States  of 
Colombia.”  Mosquera  also  convoked  a Convention  to  reform 
the  Constitution.  When  a civil  war  had  terminated,  that  Con- 
vention— which  was  composed  of  victorious  Liberals — assem- 
bled in  the  city  of  Rionegro  (Antioquia),  and  on  May  8,  1863, 
it  adopted  a new  Constitution.  In  the  preamble  the  name  of 
the  people  was  invoked,  while  God  was  not  mentioned.  The 
“Political  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  Colombia,”  as 
it  was  styled,  guaranteed  freedom  of  religion.  This  Constitu- 
tion announced  that  the  sovereign  states  had  confederated 
themselves  into  a free,  sovereign,  and  independent  nation.  It 
declared  that,  with  certain  limitations,  the  states  should  control 
their  respective  local  governments.  All  powers  which  were 
not  expressly  delegated  to  the  general  government  should  be 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


369 


reserved  to  the  states.  The  President,  who  should  hold  his 
office  for  two  years,  was  to  be  elected  by  the  states,  one  vote 
being  cast  by  each  state.  Congress  should  be  composed  of  a 
Senate  and  a House  of  Representatives.  Judges  of  the  federal 
supreme  court  should  be  selected  by  Congress  from  lists  of 
nominees  made  by  the  legislatures  of  the  states.  The  Constitu- 
tion could  only  be  amended  by  the  unanimous  ratification  of 
the  Senate,  when  each  state  was  to  have  one  vote.  It  prohibited 
the  national  government  from  levying  war  against  the  states 
without  the  express  authorization  of  Congress  and  without 
having  exhausted  all  possible  means  of  conciliation.  In  a com- 
mentary upon  the  Constitution  of  Rionegro  a Colombian  law- 
yer sagely  declared  that  the  powers  of  the  national  govern- 
ment were  so  organized  in  it  that  they  seemed  like  guests  who 
were  scarcely  tolerated  in  the  constitutional  mansion. 

Opposition  of  the  Conservatives. — In  accordance  with 
a provisional  act  of  the  Convention,  Mosquera  was  elected 
president  of  the  republic  until  April,  1864.  The  states  soon 
framed  their  respective  constitutions  under  the  new  regime. 
At  this  juncture  the  Colombian  Congress  adopted  civil  and 
commercial  codes.  Mosquera,  who  was  reelected  president  in 
1866,  was  soon  accused  of  malfeasance  in  office,  cast  into 
prison,  and  exiled  in  1867.  A most  significant  tendency  of  the 
following  years  was  the  development  of  violent  opposition  by 
the  Conservatives  to  the  policy  of  the  Liberals.  The  Con- 
servatives clung  to  tradition  and  became  a clerical  party,  while 
the  Liberals  constituted  a party  of  reform  which  was  opposed 
to  the  influence  of  the  Church  in  politics.  In  1876,  shortly 
after  a Liberal  named  Aquileo  Parra,  whose  candidacy  was 
supported  by  the  government,  had  been  made  president,  cer- 
tain Conservatives  took  up  arms  in  behalf  of  their  politico- 
religious  tenets.  Organized  opposition  to  the  national  govern- 
ment developed  in  the  state  of  Cauca;  and,  encouraged  by 
certain  provisions  of  the  national  Constitution,  similar  move- 
ments soon  took  place  in  other  states.  To  paraphrase  a Liberal 
writer,  many  melancholy  pages  were  thus  added  to  the  san- 
guinary history  of  Colombia’s  party  struggles. 

Problems  Confronting  President  Nunez. — In  1880  the 
Liberals  decided  to  support  the  candidacy  for  president  of  a 
versatile  and  influential  politician  named  Rafael  Nunez,  who 


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THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


was  apparently  a Liberal.  A journalist  and  publicist  who  was 
an  original  thinker,  as  president  of  the  Senate  in  1878,  Nunez 
had  publicly  declared  that  Colombia  was  confronted  by  a 
dilemma:  either  she  would  have  to  undertake  a fundamental 
political  reorganization  or  she  would  suffer  a catastrophe. 
Fiscal  embarrassments,  the  legacy  of  former  presidents,  were 
partly  responsible  for  the  dissatisfaction  of  some  Liberals  with 
his  first  administration.  Nunez  cut  down  the  size  of  the  army 
and  took  other  measures  to  reduce  expenses.  Protracted  nego- 
tiations between  Colombia  and  Costa  Rica  for  the  settlement 
of  a boundary  dispute  culminated  on  December  25,  1880,  in 
the  negotiation  of  a treaty  which  stipulated  that  the  contro- 
versy should  be  submitted  to  arbitration.  On  September  14, 
1881,  diplomats  of  Colombia  and  Venezuela  signed  a conven- 
tion by  which  those  nations  agreed  to  submit  their  dispute  about 
boundaries  to  the  arbitration  of  the  Spanish  king,  whose  gov- 
ernment had  just  recognized  Colombia’s  independence. 

Nunez  and  Political  Reform. — After  making  way  for  his 
successor,  Dr.  F.  J.  Zaldua,  in  1882,  Nunez  published  a series 
of  articles  in  El  Porvcnir — a journal  of  Cartagena — in  which 
he  advocated  the  creation  of  a political  party  that  would  dedi- 
cate itself  to  the  task  of  political  reconstruction.  Reelected 
president  of  the  republic  in  1884,  he  became  the  leader  of  a 
new  party  which  was  composed  of  Independents  who  had  sep- 
arated from  the  radical  Liberals  and  joined  the  Conservatives 
to  form  the  so-called  Nationalists.  It  soon  became  clear  that 
Nunez  had  become  a clerical  leader.  Armed  strife  which  broke 
out  between  the  Nationalists  and  the  extreme  Liberals  he  sup- 
pressed by  defeating  the  radicals.  Taking  his  cue  from  the 
political  antecedents  of  the  Constitution  of  Rionegro,  on  Sep- 
tember 10,  1885,  President  Nunez  issued  a decree  which  invited 
the  governors  of  the  states  to  send  delegates  to  Bogota  to 
deliberate  in  a “National  Council”  about  the  reform  of  the 
Constitution. 

The  “National  Council.”— This  Convention,  which  was 
composed  of  Independents  and  Nationalists,  assembled  at 
Bogota  on  November  11,  1885.  To  it  the  President  made  a 
trenchant  address  about  political  reform.  He  declared  that 
the  political  achievements  of  the  Colombians  for  the  preceding 
quarter  of  a century  had  all  been  destructive.  He  said  that  the 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


37i 


proposed  constitution  should  be  in  sharp  contrast  with  the 
charter  of  1863:  that  legislation  and  administration  should  be 
nationalistic;  that  the  main  object  of  the  educational  system 
should  be  the  inculcation  of  Christian  doctrine;  and  that  an- 
archy should  be  succeeded  by  order.  On  November  30  the 
Council  promulgated  an  act  that  suggested  the  bases  of  the 
contemplated  reforms.  The  act  declared  that  the  nation  should 
be  designated  the  “Republic  of  Colombia’’  and  announced  that 
the  National  Council  would  proceed  to  act  as  a Constituent 
Assembly  whose  constitutional  project,  when  approved  by  the 
President,  would  become  the  fundamental  law.  This  act  was 
approved  by  the  municipalities  of  the  republic.  On  August  4, 
1886,  the  Council  adopted  a Constitution  which  was  sanctioned 
by  the  chief  executive  upon  the  following  day.  It  was  the 
fruit  of  many  compromises  and  concessions. 

Constitution  of  1886. — The  preamble  of  Colombia’s 
Constitution  of  1886  proclaimed  that  God  was  the  supreme 
fountain  of  all  authority.  Its  first  article  announced  that 
Colombia  was  a centralistic  republic.  The  states  which  had 
composed  the  union  were  now  designated  departments.  Roman 
Catholicism  was  declared  to  be  the  religion  of  the  nation; 
public  magistrates  were  charged  to  give  it  protection  and  to 
cause  it  to  be  respected  as  an  essential  factor  in  the  social  order. 
Religious  buildings  should  be  exempt  from  taxation.  Public 
education  should  be  managed  in  accordance  with  the  Catholic 
religion.  The  President — elected  like  the  Vice-President  for 
six  years  by  direct  vote — was  given  the  right  to  issue  decrees 
having  the  force  of  laws.  Between  him  and  Congress  the 
members  of  his  cabinet  should  be  the  organs  of  communica- 
tion: they  might  introduce  bills  into  Congress,  and  take  part  in 
its  debates.  In  case  of  need,  a Dcsignado — a personage 
selected  by  Congress — should  serve  as  the  President’s  substi- 
tute. Congress  should  be  composed  of  a Senate  and  a House 
of  Representatives.  The  Senate  was  given  the  right  to  accept 
or  reject  the  President’s  resignation.  Judicial  authority  was 
vested  in  a supreme  court,  district  courts,  and  inferior  courts. 
In  each  department  the  chief  executive,  who  was  designated 
governor,  should  act  as  the  agent  of  the  national  government. 

Its  Significance. — Colombia’s  Constitution  of  1886  illus- 
trates tendencies  that  were  significant.  It  symbolized  the  tri- 


372 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


umph  of  the  Clerical  or  Conservative  party.  It  unmistakably 
recognized  the  primacy  of  the  Catholic  Church,  strengthened 
the  hands  of  the  central  government,  and  reestablished  the 
unity  of  the  nation.  In  December,  1885,  the  National  Council 
had  proclaimed  Nunez  as  the  first  president  under  the  projected 
constitution.  In  April,  1887,  he  promulgated  a new  civil  code 
which  soon  went  into  effect. 

Nunez  Negotiates  a Concordat. — As  President  Nunez 
was  at  times  absent  from  Bogota — presumably  because  of  bad 
health — his  post  was  occasionally  filled  by  a substitute.  In 
June,  1887,  he  assumed  the  presidency  for  a short  period.  At 
that  juncture  he  authorized  the  negotiation  of  an  agreement 
with  the  Papacy,  which  was  signed  on  December  31,  1887, 
and  sanctioned  by  Congress  in  1888.  The  Concordat  stipulated 
that  the  Catholic  Church  in  Colombia  should  be  independent  of 
the  civil  power;  that,  as  a juridical  personage,  the  Church 
should  have  the  right  to  acquire,  to  possess,  and  to  manage 
property ; that  the  Church  should  have  the  privilege  to  establish 
in  Colombia  religious  orders  of  either  sex  that  could  be  gov- 
erned by  their  respective  constitutions;  that  the  President  of 
Colombia  should  have  the  right  to  nominate  personages  for 
appointment  by  the  Holy  See  to  vacant  bishoprics;  that  mar- 
riages canonically  performed  by  Catholic  priests  should  be 
recognized  by  the  civil  law ; that  cemeteries  should  be  under 
the  administration  of  ecclesiastical  authorities;  that  the  State 
should  compensate  the  Church  for  properties  that  it  had  lost 
by  confiscation;  and  that  education  in  Colombia’s  schools, 
academies,  and  universities  should  be  conducted  in  accordance 
with  Catholic  dogmas. 

Politico-Religious  Wars. — The  Anti-Clericals  or  Lib- 
erals continued  to  struggle  against  the  readjustment  of  political 
and  religious  forces  for  several  years.  Nunez  was  reelected  in 
1892,  but  he  was  merely  the  titular  president:  Miguel  A.  Caro, 
a litterateur  who  had  been  chosen  vice-president,  acted  as  presi- 
dent. Upon  the  death  of  Nunez  in  September,  1894,  Caro 
became  president,  and  in  the  following  year  he  suppressed  an 
insurrection  of  the  Liberals.  Four  years  later  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Manuel  A.  Sanclemente,  an  aged  lawyer  and  publi- 
cist who  was  a member  of  the  so-called  National  party.  Dur- 
ing the  following  year  the  government  suppressed  another 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


373 


Liberal  revolt.  In  the  night  of  July  31,  1900,  Vice-President 
Jose  M.  Marroquin,  who  was  a Conservative,  boldly  assumed 
the  President’s  power,  and  prominent  Conservatives  quickly 
imprisoned  Sanclemente  in  his  own  house  at  some  distance 
from  Bogota.  Those  measures  added  fuel  to  a fierce  civil  war 
that  was  already  raging.  Still,  Marroquin  retained  the  Presi- 
dent’s authority;  and  the  war  ended  in  June,  1903,  in  another 
defeat  for  the  Liberals. 

The  Loss  of  Panama. — To  a Congress  which  assembled 
while  the  passions  that  had  been  stirred  by  this  conflict  still 
ran  high,  the  government  submitted  a treaty  with  the  LTnited 
States  about  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  Known  from  its  nego- 
tiators as  the  Hay-Herran  Treaty,  it  conceded  to  the  United 
States  the  right  to  use  a narrow  strip  of  land  across  the  Isth- 
mus for  a canal  in  return  for  a cash  payment  of  ten  million 
dollars  and  an  annuity  of  a quarter  of  a million.  Although 
ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate,  it  was  rejected  by  the 
Colombian  Senate.  On  November  3,  1903,  an  insurrection 
broke  out  in  Panama  City.  Its  leaders  promptly  declared  that 
the  Isthmus  was  independent  of  Colombia.  Under  color  of  a 
clause  in  the  Treaty  of  1846  with  New  Granada  the  President 
of  the  United  States  sent  orders  to  his  war  vessels  to  prevent 
Colombian  soldiers  from  landing  upon  the  Isthmus.  A few 
days  later  President  Roosevelt  acknowledged  the  independence 
of  the  republic  of  Panama.  Despite  the  protests  of  Colombia, 
that  based  her  claims  upon  the  Treaty  of  1846,  the  United 
States  government  refused  to  submit  the  dispute  about  its  pro- 
ceedings in  the  Panama  affair  to  arbitration.  It  made  a treaty 
with  the  new  republic  by  which  it  secured,  in  return  for  a 
money  payment,  the  title  to  a zone  of  land  for  the  construction 
of  a canal. 

Attempt  to  Settle  the  Resulting  Dispute. — Colombia 
sent  an  able  publicist  named  General  Rafael  Reyes  to  Washing- 
ton to  secure  redress  for  the  loss  of  Panama.  His  negotiations 
were  vain.  Secretary  Hay  assumed  the  view  that  the  United 
States  now  had  obligations  to  Panama  by  the  Treaty  of  1846 
instead  of  to  Colombia.  He  refused  to  submit  the  political 
questions  that  had  arisen  between  the  United  States  and  Co- 
lombia to  The  Hague  for  arbitration. 


374 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


President  Reyes  Assumes  Dictatorial  Powers. — Shortly 
after  his  return  to  Bogota  from  Washington,  General  Reyes 
was  elected  president.  He  was  inaugurated  on  August  7,  1904. 
A domineering  personality,  some  acquaintance  with  the  rule 
of  Porfirio  Diaz  in  Mexico  had  convinced  him  that  his  deso- 
lated and  demoralized  country  could  be  transformed  by  a 
similar  regime.  He  soon  took  steps  to  reorganize  the  finances, 
to  promote  industry,  and  to  encourage  the  construction  of  rail- 
roads. Attempts  of  political  antagonists  to  use  Vice-President 
Gonzalez  Valencia  against  Reyes  precipitated  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent’s resignation.  The  President  placed  serious  restrictions 
upon  the  liberty  of  the  press.  As  he  felt  Congress  to  be  an 
incubus  upon  his  efforts,  Reyes  arbitrarily  dissolved  that  body. 
On  February  1,  1905,  he  issued  a decree  convoking  a “National 
Assembly”  that  was  to  be  composed  of  delegates  selected  by 
departmental  juntas  under  the  direction  of  the  respective  gov- 
ernors. Evidently  at  his  instance  this  extra-legal  Assembly 
usurped  the  functions  of  Congress.  By  a series  of  acts,  in 
March  and  April,  1905,  it  made  alterations  in  the  Constitution. 
Among  other  amendments  it  declared  that  the  Assembly  itself 
should  continue  to  exercise  legislative  functions  until  February 
1,  1908;  that  the  offices  of  Vice-President  and  Dcsignado 
should  be  abolished ; that  the  council  of  state  should  be  swept 
away;  that  the  Constitution  could  be  amended  by  a National 
Assembly  convoked  for  this  purpose;  and  that  the  term  of 
office  of  President  Reyes  should  be  extended  until  December 
31,  1914.  By  a decree  of  the  National  Assembly  in  April, 
1907,  the  further  announcement  was  made  that  Congress 
would  not  meet  until  February  1,  1910. 

He  Attempts  to  Adjust  the  Panama  Affair. — In  1909 
through  an  agent  named  Enrique  Cortes,  who  was  dispatched 
to  Washington,  Reyes  made  another  attempt  to  settle  the 
troublesome  dispute  with  the  United  States  about  Panama.  A 
convention  was  negotiated  between  Cortes  and  Secretary  of 
State  Elihu  Root.  Treaties  were  also  arranged  between  the 
United  States  and  Panama  and  between  Panama  and  Co- 
lombia. In  connection  with  those  treaties  the  Cortes-Root 
Convention  provided  that  Colombia  should  recognize  the  in- 
dependence of  Panama,  that  the  Treaty  of  1846  between 
Colombia  and  the  United  States  should  be  abrogated,  and  that 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


375 


Colombia  should  declare  Panama  to  be  free  of  all  indebtedness 
incurred  upon  her  behalf  before  November,  1903.  This  con- 
vention also  stipulated  that  Panama  should  pay  to  Colombia 
two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  annually  from  the 
cash  payments  that  would  be  made  according  to  treaty  stipu- 
lations by  the  United  States  to  Panama. 

His  Enforced  Resignation. — Public  opinion  in  Bogota, 
however,  disapproved  of  this  adjustment  which  legalized  the 
loss  of  Colombia's  most  precious  possession  by  a monetary 
recompense  that  was  deemed  inadequate.  Caviling  critics 
asserted  that  the  convention  with  the  United  States  veiled  a 
covert  menace  to  their  nation’s  territorial  integrity.  In  the 
cloisters  of  the  national  university  and  in  legislative  halls  the 
most  determined  opposition  was  displayed.  Intense  dissatis- 
faction with  the  proposed  adjustment  furnished  an  occasion 
for  fierce  denunciations  of  the  policies  of  Reyes.  Hence,  in 
May,  1909,  the  President  reluctantly  decided  to  withdraw  the 
conventions  from  consideration  by  the  Assembly ; and  he  issued 
a manifesto  announcing  that  he  had  postponed  their  discussion 
until  the  regular  session  of  Congress  in  February,  1910.  So 
threatening  were  the  demonstrations  against  the  autocrat,  how- 
ever, that  at  last  Reyes  definitively  resigned  the  presidency  and 
departed  from  his  native  land. 

Constitutional  Reforms  in  1910. — In  August,  1909,  the 
National  Assembly  elected  General  Ramon  Gonzalez  Valencia 
provisional  president.  In  his  message  to  that  Assembly  in 
May,  1910,  President  Gonzalez  Valencia  pointed  out  the  im- 
perative necessity  of  modifying  the  fundamental  law.  Soon 
afterwards  a number  of  important  amendments  were  made  by 
that  Assembly  to  the  Colombian  Constitution.  Capital  pun- 
ishment was  prohibited.  Only  those  citizens  able  to  read  and 
write  who  owned  real  estate  or  who  possessed  an  income 
should  be  permitted  to  vote  in  presidential  or  congressional 
elections.  The  President’s  term  was  again  limited  to  four 
years.  Congress  was  annually  to  elect  two  personages  called 
the  Primero  Designado  and  the  Segundo  Designado  who 
should — in  case  the  President  was  unable  to  serve  because  of 
death,  resignation,  or  demotion  by  judicial  sentence — exercise 
the  executive  authority  in  the  designated  order.  Senators 
were  to  be  chosen  by  electoral  councils  that  should  be  elected 


376 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


by  the  respective  departmental  assemblies.  The  Senate  was  to 
determine  when  the  President  was  physically  incapacitated  to 
perform  his  functions.  The  supreme  court  was  conceded  the 
right  to  decide  whether  or  not  a law  should  be  enforced  that 
either  the  national  government  or  any  citizen  had  stigmatized 
as  unconstitutional. 

The  Jesuits  and  Higher  Education. — An  important  con- 
tract concerning  higher  education  was  signed  on  January  19, 
1910,  between  the  superior  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  and  the 
minister  of  public  instruction  of  Colombia.  This  contract  pro- 
vided that  the  Jesuits  should  be  left  in  control  of  the  buildings 
and  the  incomes  of  the  Colcgio  dc  San  Bartolome  for  eighteen 
years.  During  that  period  the  national  government  promised 
not  to  occupy  these  buildings,  even  for  purposes  of  war.  The 
padres  of  the  society  were  to  continue  to  offer  the  courses  of 
study,  which  according  to  a decree  of  October,  1886,  consti- 
tuted the  College  of  Philosophy  and  Letters  of  Colombia. 
Such  courses  were  to  be  considered  university  courses : the 
College  of  San  Bartolome  was  accordingly  authorized  to  con- 
fer the  degree  of  bachelor  in  philosophy  and  letters.  Other 
Jesuit  colleges  within  the  republic  that  had  the  same  plan  of 
studies  were  granted  the  same  authorization.  Jesuit  fathers 
were  given  the  power  to  fix  the  conditions  of  entrance,  to  out- 
line the  courses  of  study,  and  even  to  select  the  text  books  to 
be  used.  Although  the  government  was  to  furnish  the  equip- 
ment for  such  instruction,  yet  it  was  not  to  interfere  in  the 
teaching  or  the  management  of  such  colleges.  The  Jesuit 
fathers  were  to  enjoy  “complete  independence.”  Many  Lib- 
erals resented  this  agreement  which  conceded  to  the  Jesuits 
control  over  important  branches  of  higher  education. 

President  Restrepo. — Carlos  E.  Restrepo,  a journalist 
and  publicist  of  the  progressive  city  of  Medellin,  was  elected 
president  of  Colombia  in  July,  1910.  Inaugurated  in  the  fol- 
lowing month,  he  declared  that  he  was  neither  the  chief  of  any 
political  party  nor  the  pontiff  of  any  sect  and  that  he  had  the 
welfare  of  the  entire  nation  at  heart.  By  decrees  of  October 
14  and  18,  1910,  he  created  the  office  of  inspector-general  of 
public  instruction,  and  aimed  to  bring  all  grades  of  public  in- 
struction within  the  republic  under  the  supervision  of  the 
national  government.  By  decrees  of  October  24  he  directed 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


377 


that  instruction  in  Colombian  geography  and  history  should 
everywhere  be  given  by  Colombian  teachers  and  ordered  that 
the  council  which  had  been  charged  with  organizing  the  cur<- 
ricula  of  colleges  and  universities,  should  be  reestablished.  He 
signed  laws  that  provided  for  the  reestablishment  of  the  depart- 
mental assemblies,  which  had  fallen  into  disuse  in  the  dictator- 
ship of  Reyes.  Restrepo  took  measures  to  rehabilitate  Colom- 
bia’s finances.  At  the  end  of  his  term  he  set  a good  example 
by  his  refusal  to  stand  for  reelection. 

President  Concha. — In  February,  1914,  a Conservative 
named  Jose  V.  Concha  was  elected  president.  In  selecting  the 
members  of  his  cabinet  President  Concha  gave  representation 
to  the  Liberals.  During  his  administration  Congress  reestab- 
lished the  council  of  state.  Like  Restrepo,  Concha  had  to  deal 
with  the  reorganization  of  the  nation’s  finances. 

The  Thompson-Urrutia  Treaty. — President  Concha  also 
made  a well-considered  attempt  to  settle  the  dispute  with  the 
United  States  about  Panama.  On  April  6,  1914,  Francisco  J. 
Urrutia,  Colombia’s  secretary  of  foreign  relations,  and  Thad- 
deus  A.  Thompson,  minister  of  the  United  States,  signed  a 
treaty  of  reconciliation.  The  Thompson-Urrutia  Treaty  con- 
tained expressions  of  regret  by  the  United  States  government 
for  the  differences  which  had  risen  between  itself  and  the 
Colombian  government  because  of  Panama.  The  treaty 
accorded  to  Colombia  exceptional  privileges  in  the  use  of  the 
Panama  Canal  or  the  Panama  Railroad  as  a commercial  high- 
way between  her  Atlantic  and  Pacific  seaboards.  Colombia 
was  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  Panama  and  to  nego- 
tiate with  her  a treaty  of  peace  and  friendship.  Not  of  least 
importance  to  Colombians,  the  treaty  provided  that  the  United 
States  should  pay  to  Colombia  twenty-five  million  dollars  as 
an  indemnity  for  injuries  caused  by  Panama’s  independence. 
After  some  discussion  by  a law  dated  June  9,  1914,  the  Colom- 
bian Congress  solemnly  sanctioned  the  Thompson-Urrutia 
Treaty.  Upon  more  than  one  occasion  President  Wilson  urged 
the  United  States  Senate  to  ratify  this  treaty;  but  that  body 
did  not  accede  to  his  wishes  largely  because  of  the  apologetic 
phrases,  which  certain  Republicans  considered  as  a reflection 
upon  Roosevelt. 


378 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Conditions  on  Eve  of  World  War:  Boundary  Disputes. 

— The  opening  of  the  present  century  did  not  see  all  the 
boundary  disputes  of  Colombia  adjusted.  Disputes  with  her 
sisters,  Ecuador  and  Venezuela,  will  be  considered  in  connec- 
tion with  the  history  of  those  nations.  On  September  n,  1900, 
President  Loubet  of  France,  after  carefully  considering  the 
evidence  and  the  arguments  that  had  been  submitted  to  him, 
pronounced  his  arbitral  award  in  the  boundary  controversy 
between  Colombia  and  Costa  Rica.  In  his  decision  the  French 
President  sketched  a boundary  line  between  those  two  nations 
which  assigned  to  Costa  Rica  some  territory  on  the  Atlantic 
and  the  Pacific  oceans  that  had  been  claimed  by  Colombia. 
Negotiations  were  in  progress  definitely  to  demarcate  that  line 
when  Panama  rebelled  and  established  an  independent  govern- 
ment. An  important  step  was  taken  toward  an  adjustment  of 
the  limits  between  Colombia  and  Brazil — which  had  been  under 
consideration  by  both  governments  since  1826 — by  the  negotia- 
tion of  a treaty  between  them  in  April,  1907,  that  sketched  a 
boundary  between  their  coterminous  territories  and  provided 
for  the  appointment  of  a mixed  commission  which  was  to  sur- 
vey the  line  exactly.  By  this  treaty  Colombia  relinquished  to 
Brazil  territories  which  she  had  claimed  around  the  mouth  of 
the  river  Caqueta  and  near  the  headwaters  of  the  Rio  Negro. 
The  long-standing  boundary  dispute  between  Colombia  and 
Peru  harks  back  to  colonial  days,  when  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment vaguely  indicated  the  bounds  between  the  viceroyalties 
of  New  Granada  and  Peru.  After  the  defeat  of  the  Peruvian 
invaders  at  the  battle  of  Tarqui  the  governments  of  Colombia 
and  Peru  signed  a treaty  at  Guayaquil  by  which  they  agreed  to 
recognize  as  the  boundaries  of  their  respective  territories  the 
line  that  had  separated  the  former  viceroyalties  of  Peru  and 
New  Granada.  Upon  the  southwest  that  line  was  marked  by 
the  Tumbes  River.  Provision  was  made  for  the  choice  of  a 
joint  commission  which  was  to  demarcate  the  boundary  exactly 
but — partly  because  of  the  disruption  of  “Great  Colombia” — 
it  was  never  surveyed.  This  boundary  problem  was  inherited 
by  Ecuador.  Many  fruitless  negotiations  have  since  taken 
place  between  Peru  and  Colombia  about  valuable  territory  near 
the  Putumayo  River  which  is  claimed  by  both  nations. 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


379 


Population. — Although  congresses  of  New  Granada 
and  Colombia  passed  laws  which  aimed  to  encourage  immigra- 
tion, yet  few  immigrants  settled  in  that  region.  According  to 
the  census  of  1912  Colombia  had  a population  of  5,072,604. 
The  two  main  elements  in  the  population  remain  the  same  as  in 
viceregal  days:  that  is  to  say,  the  aborigines  and  Spaniards. 
Many  inhabitants  are  of  mixed  descent.  In  coastal  regions  a 
trace  of  negro  blood  may  be  found.  The  language  of  the  cul- 
tured, as  well  as  of  the  official,  classes  is  Spanish.  Citizens  of 
Bogota  speak  the  language  of  Cervantes  with  a musical  intona- 
tion that  is  all  their  own. 

Army  and  Navy. — The  President  is  the  commander  in 
chief  of  the  army  of  Colombia  and  may  even  direct  it  in  per- 
son. In  1914  the  Colombian  army  was  composed  of  some 
fourteen  thousand  men  who  were  assigned  to  posts  in  the  three 
military  zones  into  which  the  country  was  divided.  According 
to  law  every  Colombian  citizen  between  twenty-one  and  forty 
years  of  age,  with  certain  exceptions,  might  be  compelled  to 
serve  in  the  regular  army  or  the  reserves.  Colombia  had  a 
military  school  that  was  under  the  direction  of  the  secretary  of 
war.  She  had  a navy  of  nine  vessels  with  a personnel  of  some 
eight  hundred  men. 

Economic  Condition. — The  main  occupations  are  agri- 
culture, mining,  manufacturing,  and  commerce.  Statistics  of 
exportation  will  suggest  Colombia’s  economic  condition.  In 
1915,  according  to  the  report  of  her  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
Colombia  exported  products  which  amounted  to  28,643,322 
pesos.  To  omit  from  consideration  money  exported  and  cer- 
tain miscellaneous  articles,  the  chief  exports  were  classified  as 
follows:  vegetable  products,  17,584,547  pesos;  mineral  prod- 
ucts, 6,336,742  pesos;  animal  products,  2,990,601  pesos;  manu- 
factured products,  1,110,709  pesos;  and  live  animals,  83,599 
pesos.  The  important  items  in  Colombia’s  export  trade  were : 
coffee,  gold,  hides,  bananas,  straw  hats,  tobacco,  and  rubber. 
Colombia  had  passed  from  the  regime  of  irredeemable  paper 
currency  to  a gold  standard.  Her  monetary  unit  was  the  gold 
peso,  which  was  worth  one-fifth  of  an  English  pound.  She 
only  had  about  six  hundred  miles  of  railroad  lines  that  were  of 
different  gauges  and  did  not  even  furnish  the  links  for  a rail- 
road system.  Before  the  outbreak  of  the  World  War,  several 


380 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


lines  of  steamships  connected  Cartagena  and  Santa  Marta  with 
Europe  and  the  United  States.  The  main  artery  for  interior 
traffic  was  the  Magdalena  River. 

Education. — The  census  of  1912  indicated  that  about 
fifty  per  cent  of  the  population  of  the  republic  was  illiterate. 
Education  has  been  under  the  control  of  the  secretary  of  public 
instruction,  who  was  assisted  by  an  inspector  in  each  depart- 
ment. Those  officials  supervised  the  public  schools  as  well  as 
the  private  and  the  ecclesiastical  schools  that  received  financial 
aid  from  the  national  government.  Primary  education  was 
directly  in  charge  of  the  respective  departments  and  municipal- 
ities. In  important  towns  the  clergy  maintained  parochial 
schools;  and  in  frontier  districts  they  supported  missionaries 
who  were  employed  in  converting  and  teaching  the  Indians. 
There  were  schools  of  arts  and  trades  in  Bogota  and  also  a 
school  of  commerce.  Academies  were  found  in  the  largest 
towns.  Normal  schools  were  located  in  the  capitals  of  depart- 
ments. After  much  fluctuation  a college  of  medicine  and 
natural  science,  a college  of  mathematics  and  civil  engineering, 
and  a college  of  law  and  political  science  had  been  established 
at  Bogota  which  were  directly  under  the  control  of  the  national 
government.  The  Colombian  college  of  philosophy  and  letters, 
however,  remained  in  clerical  hands. 

Literature. — Colombia  has  produced  a literature  notable 
in  Latin  America.  Its  history  to  1820  may  be  followed  in  the 
book  by  V ergara  y Vergara  entitled  Historia  de  la  literatura  en 
Nueva  Granada.  Historical  writers  have  flourished  in  Colom- 
bia. Among  those,  Jose  M.  Restrepo  holds  a prominent  place 
because  of  his  classic  Historia  de  la  revolucion  de  Colombia. 
General  Joaquin  Acosta  wrote  a Compcndio  historico  del 
descubrirniento  y colonizacion  de  la  Nueva  Granada,  which  has 
been  very  useful  to  students  of  the  Spanish  conquest.  In  his 
Historia  eclesiastica  y civil  de  Nueva  Granada,  Jose  Manuel 
Groot  told  the  history  of  New  Granada  to  the  opening  of  the 
struggle  for  independence.  That  work  was  supplemented  by 
the  Memorias  para  la  historia  de  la  Nueva  Granada  by  Jose 
Antonio  de  Plaza.  Early  in  the  present  century  the  National 
Academy  of  History,  under  the  auspices  of  the  government, 
began  to  publish  the  Biblioteca  de  historia  nacional,  a series  of 
volumes  edited  or  written  by  well-known  authors  like  Pedro  M. 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


38i 


Ibanez,  which  form  a collection  that  is  indispensable  to  every 
serious  student  of  Colombian  history.  Among  the  writings  of 
the  publicist  Salvador  Camacho  Roldan  should  be  mentioned 
his  Notas  de  viaje.  Jorge  Isaacs,  the  son  of  a Jamaican  Jew 
who  settled  in  the  Cauca  Valley,  is  reckoned  the  prince  of 
Colombian  novelists;  his  masterpiece  was  Maria,  a romantic 
story  of  plantation  life.  Among  Colombia’s  poets  Jose  E.  Caro 
was  best  known  through  his  poem  La  bandcra  colombiana  and 
his  apostrophe  to  the  picturesque  falls  of  Tequendama.  A 
poet  as  well  as  a soldier,  Julio  Arboleda — who  was  assassinated 
during  the  revolution  of  i860 — left  fragments  of  a national 
epic  entitled  Gonzalo  de  Oyon  which  sang  of  the  Spanish  con- 
quest. A versatile  native  of  Bogota  named  Rafael  Pombo 
wrote  El  Bambuco  and  translated  poems  from  English  into 
Spanish.  Rufino  Jose  Cuervo  wrote  scholarly  grammatical 
and  philological  treatises. 

Fine  Arts. — The  term  “New  Athens”  which  certain 
writers  have  given  to  Bogota  because  of  the  number  and  merit 
of  her  literary  productions  could  not  rightly  be  conferred  be- 
cause of  her  achievements  in  the  fine  arts.  An  academy  of 
music  was  founded  at  Bogota  about  1882.  Four  years  later  a 
school  of  fine  arts  was  opened  in  that  city.  In  parks  of  the 
capital  are  a number  of  handsome  statues  of  revolutionary 
heroes,  some  of  which  are  by  Colombian  artists.  More  than 
one  national  artist  has  attempted  to  portray  the  quiet  beauty  of 
the  adjacent  sabana.  Among  paintings  of  religious  subjects 
by  Colombians  may  be  mentioned  Ricardo  Acebedo  Bernal’s 
Mater  Dolorosa  and  his  picture  of  San  Marcos,  which  adorns 
the  cupola  of  the  cathedral.  A painting  of  historical  interest 
is  J.  M.  Zamorra’s  Campaha  libcrtadora  de  1819,  which  depicts 
Bolivar  and  his  officers  fording  the  river  Apure.  Some  artistic 
productions  of  Colombians  are  kept  in  a modest  gallery  of  fine 
arts  in  the  capital  city. 

Political  Tendencies. — Political  parties  in  Colombia 
have  remained  as  aligned  in  the  struggles  that  culminated  in  the 
existing  Constitution  and  the  Concordat.  As  in  the  days  of 
Mosquera’s  dictatorship,  the  struggle  is  a species  of  Kultar- 
kampf,  with  the  difference  that  the  Conservative  or  Clerical 
party  now  holds  the  reins  of  power.  A significant  constitu- 
tional tendency  has  been  the  use  by  Colombian  presidents  of  a 


382 


. THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


custom  established  by  President  Nunez;  namely,  the  convoca- 
tion of  national  assemblies  whose  members  have  been  appointed 
by  departmental  authorities.  When  he  summoned  such  an 
assembly  in  1905,  the  President  stated  that  the  justification  for 
his  act  was  found  not  in  the  Constitution  but  in  the  supreme  law 
of  necessity.  This  practice  has  stimulated  a tendency  toward 
centralization  in  Colombia.  The  departments  have  declined  in 
constitutional  importance — especially  as  their  revenues  have 
been  pitifully  small — while  the  national  government  has  be- 
come well-nigh  dominant. 

Colombia’s  Attitude  Toward  the  World  War. — During 
the  administration  of  President  Concha  the  World  War  and 
its  issues  affected  the  politics  and  the  life  of  Colombia.  On 
August  13,  1914,  Marco  Fidel  Suarez,  her  able  secretary  of 
foreign  relations,  addressed  instructions  to  the  governors  of 
the  littoral  departments  directing  them  to  observe  certain  rules 
concerning  vessels  of  the  belligerent  nations  in  order  that 
Colombia’s  neutrality  might  be  ensured.  Three  months  later 
that  secretary  sent  a circular  to  Colombian  editors  advising 
them  to  be  strictly  neutral.  Upon  being  officially  informed  of 
Germany’s  intention  to  renew  an  unrestricted  submarine  cam- 
paign, he  informed  Germany’s  envoy  at  Bogota  that  his  gov- 
ernment reserved  the  right  to  protest  against  the  destruction  of 
neutral  property  and  innocent  lives  and  also  to  demand  justice. 
On  June  2,  1917,  he  issued  an  announcement  that  his  govern- 
ment intended  to  remain  neutral  in  the  war  between  the  United 
States  and  Germany.  Although  some  persons  have  attributed 
Colombia’s  attitude  in  the  World  War  to  pique  at  the  delay  of 
the  United  States  to  ratify  the  Thompson-Urrutia  Treaty,  yet 
it  was  her  remoteness  from  the  titanic  struggle,  as  well  as  the 
fact  that  her  merchant  vessels  were  not  affected  by  the  German 
submarine  campaign,  that  kept  Colombia  aloof  from  the 
struggle  and  enabled  her  to  pursue  a policy  of  neutrality. 

President  Marco  Fidel  Suarez. — In  October,  1917, 
Marco  Fidel  Suarez — whom  the  Conservatives  had  nominated 
for  the  presidency — resigned  from  Concha’s  cabinet.  The  ex- 
secretary was  elected  president  in  February,  1918,  and  in- 
augurated on  August  7.  On  April  20,  1921,  omitting  the 
apologetic  clauses  and  with  other  modifications,  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  approved  the  Thompson-Urrutia  Treaty. 


NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 


333 


By  it  Colombia  was  still  pledged  to  recognize  Panama.  The 
modified  treaty  accorded  to  Colombia  fewer  commercial 
privileges  in  the  use  of  the  Panama  Canal  or  the  Panama  Rail- 
road than  did  the  original  treaty.  The  modified  treaty  also 
provided  that  of  the  twenty-five  million  dollars  indemnity,  five 
million  should  be  paid  by  the  United  States  to  Colombia  within 
six  months  after  the  ratifications  of  that  treaty  were  ex- 
changed, and  the  remainder  should  be  paid  in  four  equal  annual 
installments.  In  the  Colombian  Congress  opposition  was  made 
to  the  modifications  in  the  Thompson-Urrutia  Treaty.  As 
modified,  however,  the  treaty  was  favored  by  President  Fidel 
Suarez.  Evidently  it  seemed  to  him  that  attacks  were  being 
made  upon  his  administration  because  of  political  motives,  and 
as  he  did  not  wish  to  prejudice  the  fate  of  this  important  treaty, 
he  resigned  the  presidency.  On  November  11  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  General  Jorge  Holguin,  the  Primer 0 Designado,  a 
publicist  of  wide  political  experience  and  prestige.  On  Decem- 
ber 22,  1921,  the  Colombian  Congress  ratified  the  Thompson- 
Urrutia  Treaty  as  modified  by  the  United  States.  Two  days 
later  it  was  ratified  by  the  Acting  President.  In  recommend- 
ing that  treaty  of  reconciliation  to  the  Colombian  Senate  for 
approval  the  committee  on  foreign  relations  of  the  Colombian 
Senate  expressed  the  hope  that  its  ratification  would  “restore 
the  cordial  amity  which  had  previously  marked  the  relations 
between  the  United  States  and  Colombia.” 

Summary. — A most  promising  feature  of  recent  Co- 
lombian politics  has  been  the  decline  of  party  dissensions. 
Colombia’s  citizens  seem  to  have  become  aroused  to  the  damage 
wrought  their  country  by  fierce  civil  wars  and  to  have  settled 
down  to  an  era  of  regular,  constitutional  government.  Still,  as 
the  Constitution  of  1886  recognized  ecclesiastical  privileges  and 
prerogatives,  it  has  furnished  the  material  for  anti-clerical 
propaganda.  In  Colombia  the  Church  still  plays  a most  influ- 
ential role  in  politics:  it  favors  the  conservation  of  the  estab- 
lished order  and  opposes  innovations,  especially  those  of  a 
politico-religious  type.  The  economic  development  of  Colom- 
bia has  been  much  retarded,  partly  because  of  her  physiog- 
raphy, partly  because  of  revolutionary  disturbances,  and 
partly  because  of  the  lack  of  good  communications.  The  Mag- 
dalena River  is  still  the  main  artery  of  Colombia’s  commercial 


384 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


life;  as  yet  no  railroad  connects  the  Caribbean  coast  with  the 
plateau  of  Bogota:  with  the  exception  of  Sucre,  Bogota  is  the 
most  inaccessible  capital  in  Latin  America.  During  a large 
part  of  her  history  Colombia  has  lacked  the  capital  necessary 
for  industrial  development.  In  a large  measure  she  remains  an 
agricultural,  pastoral,  and  mining  country,  rich  in  material 
resources  but  undeveloped.  Her  political  life  is  dominated  by 
a capable  aristocracy,  seated  for  the  most  part  in  the  capital 
city — an  aristocracy  whose  culture  reposes  upon  the  industrial 
activities  of  the  aboriginal  and  the  mixed  classes.  Educated 
Colombians  are  resourceful,  courteous,  and  watchful  of  their 
economic  interests.  By  virtue  of  their  habitat  they  are  des- 
tined to  be  brought  into  closer  and  closer  relations  with  the 
United  States. 


CHAPTER  XV 


ECUADOR 

Origin  of  Ecuador. — Ecuador  took  the  place  upon  the 
map  of  South  America  which  had  been  occupied  by  the  presi- 
dency of  Quito.  This  presidency — composed  of  provinces 
near  the  equator — was  liberated  from  Spanish  rule  in  1822 
through  the  victory  of  General  Sucre  at  Pichincha.  As  the 
fundamental  law  of  the  Congress  of  Angostura  had  provided 
that  the  presidency  of  Quito  should  be  a department  of  the 
new  state,  Bolivar  instructed  Sucre  that  it  should  be  incor- 
porated in  the  Colombian  republic.  At  the  instance  of  Sucre, 
on  May  29,  1822 — five  days  after  the  battle  of  Pichincha — 
an  extraordinary  cabildo  at  the  capital  city  of  the  presidency 
announced  that  the  provinces  of  the  ancient  Kingdom  of 
Quito  had  been  reunited  with  Colombia.  Shortly  afterwards 
many  of  its  inhabitants  swore  to  support  the  Colombian  Con- 
stitution. 

Dissent  in  Guayaquil. — In  Guayaquil  some  citizens  fa- 
vored annexation  to  Peru.  On  July  13,  1822,  Bolivar  issued 
an  address  to  the  people  of  that  city  expressing  his  ardent 
desire  to  place  the  presidency  of  Quito  under  Colombia’s  pro- 
tection. Even  before  the  arrival  of  San  Martin  at  Guayaquil 
for  an  interview  with  Bolivar,  the  latter  had  declared  that 
the  former  presidency  was  Colombian  soil.  In  August,  1822, 
the  Liberator  issued  a decree  announcing  that  the  province 
of  Guayaquil  should  be  organized  as  a department  of  Colom- 
bia. General  Salom  was  soon  appointed  intendant  of  that 
department.  As  has  been  indicated,  in  1828  soldiers  under 
the  leadership  of  Sucre  repulsed  Peruvian  invaders  of  south- 
ern Colombia. 

Ecuador’s  First  Constitutional  Convention. — Even  be- 
fore the  death  of  Bolivar,  a movement  had  begun  in  the  city 
of  Quito  for  separation  from  Colombia.  In  May,  1830,  a 
junta  in  that  city  appointed  as  provisional  executive  General 

385 


386 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Juan  Jose  Flores,  a comrade  and  compatriot  of  Bolivar  who 
had  distinguished  himself  in  the  revolutionary  service.  He 
soon  convoked  a Constituent  Congress  of  delegates  from  the 
three  departments  of  Colombia  near  the  equator.  The  Con- 
gress, which  assembled  at  Riobamba  on  August  14,  1830, 
framed  a Constitution  that  was  promulgated  by  the  President 
on  September  23,  1830. 

The  Constitution  of  1830. — The  first  Ecuadorian  Con- 
stitution declared  that  the  departments  of  Azuay,  Guayas, 
and  Quito  formed  an  independent  entity  named  the  “State 
of  Ecuador.”  Yet  it  declared  that  this  state  would  unite  with 
other  states  of  northern  South  America  to  form  the  “Republic 
of  Colombia.”  Ecuador  was  to  include  the  territories  be- 
longing to  the  three  departments  that  had  been  carved  out 
of  the  Kingdom  of  Quito.  The  religion  of  the  new  state  was 
to  be  Roman  Catholicism  to  the  exclusion  of  any  other. 
Natives  of  other  portions  of  the  former  Colombian  "nation 
who  were  domiciled  in  Ecuador  should  be  considered  citizens 
of  that  state.  Large  executive  authority  was  vested  in  a Presi- 
dent elected  for  four  years,  who  should  be  aided  by  a council 
of  state.  With  the  approval  of  that  council  the  President 
could  appoint  bishops,  judges,  and  prefects.  Legislative  power 
was  granted  to  a unicameral  legislature  which  was  to  be  com- 
posed of  ten  members  elected  from  each  of  the  departments. 
Every  member  of  the  Congress  of  Deputies  must  either  be 
a land  owner  or  enjoy  an  income.  Judicial  authority  was 
given  to  a high  court,  appellate  courts,  and  other  tribunals. 
The  administrative  divisions  of  the  new  state  were  to  be  the 
departments,  provinces,  and  cantons.  At  the  head  of  each 
department  should  be  placed  a prefect  who  was  to  act  as  the 
agent  of  the  President.  A transitory  clause  provided  that 
the  civil  and  organic  laws  which  were  in  force  within  the 
boundaries  of  Ecuador  should  be  observed  so  far  as  they 
harmonized  with  her  Constitution.  Another  clause  provided 
that  the  first  magistrates  of  the  state  which  was  being  carved 
out  of  the  side  of  Colombia  should  be  selected  by  the  Con- 
stituent Congress. 

General  Flores  Becomes  President. — Upon  the  same 
day  Congress  elected  General  Flores  president  of  Ecuador. 
General  Urdaneta  promptly  proclaimed  himself  in  Guayaquil 


ECUADOR 


387 


as  in  favor  of  Colombian  unity  and  of  the  rule  of  General 
Bolivar.  When  news  of  Bolivar’s  death  reached  Urdaneta’s 
soldiers,  however,  their  opposition  to  independence  vanished, 
and  Guayaquil  accepted  the  Ecuadorian  Constitution.  Up- 
risings that  took  place  against  the  new  government  in  1832 
were  remorselessly  suppressed.  A territorial  dispute  soon 
arose  between  Ecuador  and  New  Granada;  for  inhabitants 
of  the  department  of  Cauca  proclaimed  their  adhesion  to 
Ecuador.  In  December,  1832,  a treaty  was  signed  in  the  city 
of  Pasto  by  commissioners  of  the  two  nations  which  pro- 
vided that  Cauca  should  belong  to  New  Granada.  The  river 
Carchi  was  made  the  boundary  between  the  sister  republics. 
Meantime  Jose  de  Villamil  took  possession  of  the  Galapagos 
Islands  for  Ecuador. 

Liberal  Opposition  under  Rocafuerte. — In  1832  oppo- 
sition appeared  to  the  rule  of  Flores  who  had  become  the 
Conservative  leader.  In  May,  1833,  a Liberal  society  called 
El  Quiteilo  Libre,  which  was  organized  in  the  capital  city,  began 
to  publish  a periodical  of  propaganda.  Vicente  Rocafuerte, 
a Liberal  leader  who  had  just  returned  to  his  native  land  from 
the  United  States,  England,  and  Mexico,  was  elected  to  the 
Congress  of  1833.  He  protested  against  the  exercise  of  extra- 
ordinary power  by  Flores  who  undertook  to  exile  Liberal 
leaders.  Rocafuerte  was  expelled  from  Congress  and  banished 
from  Quito.  But  insurrectionists  at  Guayaquil  soon  pro- 
claimed him  supreme  chief.  After  conflicts  between  followers 
of  rival  chieftains,  Rocafuerte  was  captured  by  the  Presi- 
dent’s soldiers  and  cast  into  a dungeon.  In  July,  1834,  the 
Liberal  leader  made  a pact  with  Flores.  This  adjustment  pn> 
vided  that  there  should  be  peace  and  harmony  among  Ecua- 
dorians: Rocafuerte  was  made  “superior  chief”  of  the  de- 

partment of  Guayas.  When  the  President’s  term  ended, 
Rocafuerte  was  proclaimed  supreme  chief  of  Ecuador,  while 
Flores  became  commander  in  chief  of  the  army. 

The  Constitution  of  1835. — After  uprisings  in  various 
sections  had  been  checked,  a Convention  that  Rocafuerte  had 
summoned  to  meet  at  Ambato  adopted  a new  Constitution  for 
“the  Republic  of  Ecuador,”  which  was  promulgated  on  August 
13,  t835-  This  Constitution  provided  for  a bicameral  legis- 
lature composed  of  a Senate  and  a House  of  Representatives. 


388 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


It  stated  that  the  republic  should  be  organized  into  seven 
provinces,  besides  the  Galapagos  Archipelago.  In  charge  of 
each  province  should  be  placed  a governor  who  was  to  be 
the  agent  of  the  President.  The  Convention  elected  Roca- 
fuerte  president. 

Reforms  of  President  Rocafuerte. — The  presidency  of 
Rocafuerte  was  signalized  by  significant  reforms.  He  issued 
decrees  that  aimed  to  protect  the  aborigines  against  fiscal 
exactions  by  corrcgidores  and  by  priests.  He  appointed  a 
commission  to  formulate  civil  and  penal  codes.  In  1837  he 
signed  a generous  decree  of  amnesty,  which  was  followed  by 
the  return  of  certain  emigres.  He  promoted  elementary  and 
higher  education  in  various  ways:  he  founded  a short-lived 
schools  for  girls  at  Quito;  and  in  1838  he  established  there 
a military  institute.  He  reconstructed  the  pyramids  built  by 
French  scientists  to  determine  the  equinoctial  line.  A critic 
of  Roman  Catholicism  and  the  clergy,  he  tried  to  secularize 
public  education.  He  even  seems  to  have  dreamed  of  intro- 
ducing Protestantism  into  Ecuador.  In  a message  to  Con- 
gress the  President  expressed  his  desire  for  freedom  of  con- 
science and  for  the  encouragement  of  immigration. 

Flores  again  President. — Early  in  1839  Flores  succeeded 
Rocafuerte,  who  resumed  his  post  at  Guayaquil.  During  the 
second  presidency  of  Flores  he  issued  a decree  which  opened 
Ecuador’s  ports  to  Spanish  commerce.  On  February  16,  1840, 
the  Ecuadorian  minister  at  Madrid  signed  a treaty  with  the 
Spanish  secretary  of  state  acknowledging  Ecuador’s  inde- 
pendence. A treaty  was  negotiated  with  England  providing 
for  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade.  In  1841  fruitless  negotia- 
tions were  initiated  in  Quito  between  the  minister  of  Peru 
and  the  Ecuadorian  chancery  for  a treaty  which  would  fix 
the  limits  of  their  territories.  To  a Convention  which  met 
at  Quito  the  President  sent  a message  urging  the  need  of  con- 
stitutional reform.  That  Convention  adopted  a new  Constitu- 
tion which  was  promulgated  on  April  1,  1843.  It  extended 
the  President’s  term  to  eight  years.  It  declared  that  no  other 
religious  faith  than  Roman  Catholicism  might  be  practiced 
publicly.  Meantime,  despite  the  protests  of  Rocafuerte — who 
went  into  exile — Flores  was  reelected  president.  Liberals  now 
suspected  that  he  aspired  to  become  dictator  for  life.  His 


ECUADOR 


389 


third  presidency  was  tempestuous.  In  March,  1845,  a revolu- 
tion broke  out  against  him.  In  June  he  was  forced  to  sign 
agreements  with,  liberal  leaders  by  which  he  recognized  their 
provisional  government,  was  granted  a pension,  and  agreed 
to  leave  Ecuador. 

Civil  War  and  International  Complications. — In  De- 
cember, 1845,  a Convention  at  Cuenca  formed  a new  Consti- 
tution which  provided  that  the  President  should  be  elected 
for  four  years  by  a majority  of  the  members  of  Congress. 
Vicente  Roca  was  elected  president.  The  period  from  1846 
to  i860  was  perhaps  the  most  tumultuous  age  in  Ecuadorian 
history.  Because  of  the  failure  of  Ecuador  to  refuse  an 
asylum  to  General  Obando — as  requested  by  New  Granada — 
grave  differences  arose  between  the  two  republics.  - Soldiers 
of  New  Granada  were  stationed  along  the  Ecuadorian  fron- 
tiers, while  her  President  was  authorized  to  make  war  on 
Ecuador.  Yet  on  May  29,  1846,  an  agreement  was  signed 
by  the  contending  nations  at  Santa  Rosa  del  Carchi  which 
provided  foY  the  negotiation  of  a treaty  that  would  determine 
their  limits.  In  March,  1851,  Diego  Noboa,  who  became 
president  after  a struggle  with  aspiring  rivals,,  sanctioned  a 
law  permitting  the  Jesuits  to  return  to  Ecuador.  But  he  was 
expelled  from  the  republic  as  the  result  of  a revolution  that 
began  in  Guayaquil.  A new  Constitution  had  scarcely  been 
put  into  force,  when  in  July,  1851,  General  Urbina  became 
dictator.  He  established  his  capital  at  Guayaquil.  With  one 
cannon  Ecuadorian  soldiers  under  Ulingsworth  and  Villamil 
repulsed  a squadron  which  General  Flores  led  against  that 
city  from  Peru.  A Convention  which  met  on  July  17,  1852, 
at  Guayaquil  adopted  a new  Constitution  that  was  promul- 
gated on  September  6.  In  important  particulars  it  followed 
the  Constitution  of  1845.  It  provided,  however,  that  ordi- 
narily the  President  and  Vice-President  should  be  chosen  by 
electoral  assemblies.  The  Convention  decreed  the  expulsion 
of  the  Jesuits,  and  provided  for  the  emancipation  of  negro 
slaves.  In  accordance  with  a transitory  clause  of  the  Consti- 
tution, it  elected  General  Jose  Urbina  president.  Under  Gen- 
eral Robles,  who  became  president  in  October,  1856,  Congress 
issued  a decree  of  amnesty  to  all  political  offenders  except  those 
who  had  been  engaged  in  the  expeditions  of  Flores.  In  1857, 


39° 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


with  some  modifications,  Congress  adopted  the  Chilean  civil 
code. 

Relations  with  Peru. — While  Ecuador  was  being  torn 
by  internal  dissensions  and  civil  war,  Peruvian  warships 
blockaded  Guayaquil.  To  the  disgust  of  many  Ecuadorians, 
in  January,  i860,  General  Franco,  who  had  been  proclaimed 
dictator  by  revolutionists  in  that  city,  agreed  to  a treaty  with 
President  Castilla  which  tentatively  recognized  as  the  bound- 
ary between  Peru  and  Ecuador  the  limits  of  the  viceroyalties 
of  Peru  and  New  Granada  according  to  the  royal  order  of 
1802.  The  Peruvian  fleet  then  withdrew.  Franco  and  other 
Ecuadorian  generals  were  soon  driven  out  of  Guayaquil,  how- 
ever, by  General  Flores  and  Garcia  Moreno,  who  captured 
that  port  on  September  24,  i860.  The  period  from  1861  to 
1875  may  be  designated  the  “Age  of  Garcia  Moreno.” 

Rise  of  Garcia  Moreno. — In  January,  1861,  a Conven- 
tion which  had  been  convoked  at  Quito  elected  Gabriel  Garcia 
Moreno  president  of  Ecuador.  A brave,  energetic,  and  well- 
educated  man,  he  had  studied  in  Quito,  London,  and  Paris. 
During  Urbina’s  dictatorship  Garcia  Moreno  had  founded  an 
opposition  journal  called  La  Nation:  its  chief  theme  was  that 
the  enslaved  Ecuadorian  nation  should  rattle  her  chains  and 
protest  against  her  oppressors.  Unwilling  to  desist,  although 
warned  by  the  Dictator,  Garcia  Moreno  was  deported  shortly 
after  the  second  number  of  his  journal  was  published.  From 
1854  to  1856  he  was  in  Paris  where  he  became  obsessed  with 
the  idea  that  the  Catholic  Church  should  be  above  all  earthly 
powers. 

Constitution  of  1861. — On  March  10,  1861,  the  Ecua- 
dorian Convention  adopted  a new  Constitution  which  Garcia 
Moreno  promulgated  a month  later.  It  vested  extensive 
powers  in  a President  who  should  be  chosen  by  direct  and 
secret  vote  of  qualified  citizens  for  four  years  and  who  could 
not  be  reelected  until  one  term  had  intervened.  He  was  not 
to  interfere  in  judicial  proceedings  or  with  the  liberty  of  the 
press.  He  was  to  be  aided  by  a cabinet  of  three  members. 
Each  house  of  the  bicameral  legislature  was  granted  special 
functions  and  also  powers  that  might  only  be  exercised  in 
conjunction  with  the  other  house.  The  religion  of  the  republic 
should  be  Roman  Catholic  to  the  exclusion  of  every  other. 


ECUADOR 


39i 


Arbitrary  arrests  were  prohibited.  Trials  might  only  be  held 
by  the  proper  courts.  Political  offenders  might  not  be  con- 
demned to  death. 

Presidential  Policies  of  Garcia  Moreno. — The  Constitu- 
tional Convention  elected  Garcia  Moreno  president.  Garcia 
Moreno’s  internal  policy  was  one  of  reform  and  economy. 
His  own  salary  he  donated  to  the  state  and  to  charity.  He 
made  a study  of  Ecuador’s  finances.  He  planned  good  roads 
that  should  stretch  from  the  coast  beyond  the  foothills  of  the 
Andes.  He  established  a new  port  at  Pailon,  and  at  Quito  a 
mint  and  a hospital.  He  issued  decrees  against  immorality, 
brigandage,  and  militarism,  disciplined  and  reorganized  the 
army,  and  directed  that  a prominent  revolutionary  leader  who 
had  become  a bandit  chief  should  be  shot.  The  President 
forced  a venturesome  Ecuadorian  who  tried  to  publish  an 
opposition  journal  in  the  capital  city  to  flee  incontinently  to 
New  Granada.  He  banished  congressmen  that  opposed  his 
rule ; he  arbitrarily  imprisoned  and  executed  unfortunate  indi- 
viduals that  were  suspected  of  disaffection. 

The  Concordat. — With  respect  to  the  relations  between 
Church  and  State  President  Garcia  Moreno  authorized  a sig- 
nificant agreement.  On  September  26,  1862,  a prelate  whom 
he  had  dispatched  as  minister  plenipotentiary  to  Rome  signed 
a Concordat  with  the  Papal  secretary  of  state.  Article  I of 
that  agreement  ran,  in  part,  as  follows:  “The  Roman  Cath- 

olic Apostolic  Religion  shall  continue  to  be  the  sole  religion 
of  the  Republic  of  Ecuador,  and  shall  be  maintained  there 
with  all  the  rights  and  prerogatives  which  it  ought  to  enjoy 
in  accordance  with  the  law  of  God  and  the  canonical  provi- 
sions.” No  religion  or  society  condemned  by  the  Catholic 
Church  was  ever  to  be  allowed  in  Ecuador.  The  President 
was  conceded  a limited  participation  in  ecclesiastical  appoint- 
ments. Upon  the  other  hand,  the  Concordat  provided  that  an 
ecclesiastical  seminary  was  to  be  established  in  each  diocese. 
The  government  of  Ecuador  was  to  furnish  facilities  for  the 
planting  of  missions.  Public  and  private  education  were 
everywhere  to  be  conducted  “entirely  according  to  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Christian  religion.”  Bishops  were  to  have  the 
right  to  supervise  primary  schools,  academies,  and  universi- 
ties, as  well  as  the  right  to  prohibit  the  use  of  books  which 


392 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


were  “opposed  to  religion  and  good  morals.”  Ecuadorian 
ecclesiastics  and  communicants  were  to  have  the  right  freely 
to  communicate  with  the  Pope.  Papal  bulls  or  rescripts 
should  be  admitted  into  Ecuador  without  being  scrutinized  by 
the  civil  authorities.  Bishops  should  be  allowed  complete 
liberty  in  the  administration  of  their  dioceses;  they  might 
freely  convoke  provincial  and  diocesian  synods.  The  Church 
was  assured  the  right  to  possess  and  administer  property. 
Ecclesiastical  suits  were  to  be  brought  “before  ecclesi- 
astical tribunals  only”;  no  cases  involving  ecclesiastics 
should  be  heard  by  civil  courts,  while  appeals  from  ecclesi- 
astical tribunals  to  civil  courts  were  cut  off.  Ecuador  thus 
relinquished  to  the  Holy  See  certain  rights  and  privileges 
which  the  State  had  assumed  upon  the  separation  of  the  presi- 
dency of  Quito  from  Spain.  Assured  the  exercise  of  extra- 
ordinary privileges,  the  Ecuadorian  Church  was  encouraged 
to  exert  its  powerful  influence  in  support  of  a theocratic  State. 

Other  Foreign  Relations. — This  Concordat  created  con- 
siderable dissatisfaction  among  the  Ecuadorians.  Congress 
soon  attempted  to  modify  it  by  law.  The  discontent  was  in- 
creased by  reports  that  Garcia  Moreno  wished  a European 
dynasty  to  establish  a protectorate  over  the  republic.  Rumors 
were  even  circulated  that  the  President  desired  to  make  Ecua- 
dor an  appanage  of  Spain.  Julio  Arboleda,  a revolutionist 
who  was  driven  out  of  New  Granada,  crossed  the  frontier 
into  Ecuador  and  defeated  Garcia  Moreno’s  soldiers.  Presi- 
dent Mosquera  of  New  Granada  invited  Ecuadorians  to  over- 
throw their  President  and  to  reestablish  “Great  Colombia.” 
As  a retort  General  Flores  arrogantly  led  an  Ecuadorian  army 
into  New  Granada  only  to  be  defeated  by  Mosquera’s  soldiers 
at  Cuaspud  on  December  6,  1863.  Still,  New  Granada  nego- 
tiated a generous  treaty  of  peace  and  amity  with  Ecuador 
which  restored  the  status  quo.  Upon  the  death  of  the  aged 
Flores,  the  President  relinquished  his  civil  authority  to  the 
Vice-President,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  armed 
forces,  and  ruthlessly  suppressed  Ecuadorian  insurrectionists 
who  were  using  Peruvian  territory  as  a base  of  operations. 

Garcia  Moreno  Returns  to  Power. — In  the  election  of 
1865  Garcia  Moreno’s  candidate,  Jeronimo  Carrion,  was 
chosen  president.  The  ex-President  apparently  planned  to 


ECUADOR 


393 


use  Carrion  as  his  pliant  tool.  It  was  during  Carrion’s  ad- 
ministration that  Ecuador  ultimately  joined  other  republics 
on  the  Pacific  against  Spain  because  of  her  war  upon  Peru. 
After  Carrion  had  experienced  grave  difficulties  with  Garcia 
Moreno  and  with  Congress,  he  relinquished  his  post  and  was 
succeeded  by  Javier  Espinosa,  one  of  Garcia  Moreno’s  fol- 
lowers. As  the  result  of  a barrack  insurrection  in  the  capital 
city,  Garcia  Moreno  became  president  ad  interim  on  January 
1 7,  1869.  In  the  following  month  he  promulgated  a law  which 
defined  benefit  of  clergy.  This  law  aimed  to  guarantee  the 
right  of  ecclesiastics  to  be  tried  in  church  courts  in  all  civil 
cases,  except  those  of  a financial  or  political  character.  In 
civil  cases  ecclesiastical  judges  were  to  be  guided  by  the 
civil  law.  In  June,  1869,  Garcia  Moreno  was  reelected  presi- 
dent of  the  republic  by  a Convention  which  had  just  framed 
a new  Constitution  that  assured  extravagant  privileges  to  the 
Church  and  granted  wide  powers  to  the  President.  This 
Constitution  extended  the  President’s  term  to  six  years  and 
provided  that  he  might  be  reelected  at  once.  During  what  has 
been  designated  his  third  administration,  Garcia  Moreno  be- 
came more  and  more  imbued  with  Catholicism.  A Peruvian 
litterateur  has  not  inaptly  said  that  his  governmental  pro- 
gramme read  like  a bishop’s  sermon.  The  Ecuadorian  Presi- 
dent decreed  that  any  one  who  belonged  to  a sect  which  was 
condemned  by  the  Church  should  lose  his  civil  rights.  He 
protested  to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  against  the  confiscation  of 
the  papal  territories.  At  his  instance,  Congress  made  gifts  of 
money  to  the  Pope  from  Ecuador’s  treasury.  In  October, 
1873,  the  President  promulgated  a law  consecrating  the  re- 
public to  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Jesus. 

Significance  of  his  Rule. — Garcia  Moreno  was  again 
elected  president  and  would  have  continued  in  power;  but  on 
August  6,  1875,  conspirators  finally  accomplished  their  pur- 
pose. Assassins  fell  upon  him  near  the  steps  of  the  capitol 
and  clove  his  skull  with  a machete.  During  his  rule  there  took 
place  in  Ecuador  a great  increase  of  clerical  influence  and 
fanaticism.  On  the  other  side,  his  rule  was  marked  by  sig- 
nificant material  improvements.  It  has  been  said  that  the 
road  built  during  his  age  which  replaced  an  Indian  trail  be- 
tween Guayaquil  and  Quito  was  enough  to  immortalize  ten 


394 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


presidents  of  republics.  In  his  last  message  to  Congress  the 
theocrat  compared  Ecuador  to  Lazarus  arisen  from  his  sep- 
ulcher. For  good  or  ill,  the  impress  of  Garcia  Moreno’s  po- 
litico-religious despotism  long  remained  upon  the  “Republic 
of  the  Sacred  Heart.” 

Struggles  between  Clericals  and  Liberals. — Upon  the 
death  of  the  Dictator,  Francisco  Xavier  Leon,  who  was  sec- 
retary of  the  interior,  assumed  executive  power.  In  Decem- 
ber, 1875,  Antonio  Borrero,  who  had  been  elected  president, 
assumed  the  reins  that  Garcia  Moreno  had  dropped.  Borrero’s 
refusal  to  convoke  a constitutional  convention  at  once  pro- 
voked violent  opposition.  In  Guayaquil  the  Anti-Clericals  or 
Liberals  organized  a revolution  under  General  Ignacio  de 
Veintemilla;  the  government  forces  were  defeated;  and  Bor- 
rero was  forced  into  exile.  Clericals  and  priests — who  were 
now  deprived  of  power  and  privilege — stimulated  opposition 
to  the  new  regime.  A Convention  which  met  at  Ambato  in 
1878  framed  a new  Constitution  which  vested  executive  power 
in  a President  whose  term  should  be  four  years.  Dictator 
Veintemilla  it  made  President.  Well-grounded  suspicions  that 
he  aspired  to  retain  his  power  beyond  the  constitutional  term 
promoted  a spirit  of  discontent.  Insurrections  against  his 
authority  next  took  place.  Driven  out  of  Quito,  the  Dictator 
was  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  Guayaquil. 

Constitution  of  1884. — Revolutionary  governments  that 
were  seated  in  various  sections  of  Ecuador  issued  pronuncia- 
mientos  advocating  constitutional  reform.  Hence  the  “Na- 
tional Assembly  of  Ecuador”  met  at  Quito  in  1883,  framed 
a new  Constitution,  and  elected  Jose  Caamano  president.  He 
promulgated  the  Constitution  on  February  13,  1884.  Certain 
provisions  of  that  fundamental  law — which  was  slightly 
amended  in  1887 — are  worthy  of  mention,  as  they  indicate 
tendencies  and  ideals  of  Ecuadorian  politics.  The  religion 
of  Ecuador  was  again  declared  to  be  Catholic,  Roman,  and 
Apostolic,  to  the  exclusion  of  any  other  faith.  The  public 
authorities  were  to  respect  it  and  to  protect  its  rights  and 
liberties.  Among  the  political  guaranties  was  a peculiar  ar- 
ticle which  stated  that,  with  the  exception  of  such  persons  as 
might  arm  and  organize  as  regular  military  forces,  there 
should  be  no  capital  punishment  for  political  offenders.  The 


ECUADOR 


395 


term  of  President  and  Vice-President  was  strictly  limited  to 
four  years.  They  might  not  be  reelected  until. eight  years 
had  elapsed. 

Overthrow  of  President  Cordero  by  General  Alfaro. — 

The  term  of  President  Caamano  was  marked  by  much  turmoil 
and  civil  strife.  Notable  among  uprisings  against  the  legal 
order  was  that  which  occurred  in  1884  under  the  leadership 
of  a Liberal  named  General  Eloy  Alfaro.  Antonio  Flores, 
who  became  president  in  1888,  gave  Ecuador  a rule  of  com- 
parative tranquillity.  A law  passed  by  Congress  during  his 
administration  that  aimed  to  exempt  the  government  from 
claims  of  foreigners  for  damages  caused  by  riots,  civil  wars, 
and  revolts  provoked  a protest  from  the  United  States  govern- 
ment. It  declared  that  the  act  was  “subversive  of  all  the  prin- 
ciples of  international  law.”  The  President,  who  had  op- 
posed this  law,  then  resigned,  but  Congress  would  not  accept 
his  resignation.  Flores  strove  to  accomplish  certain  reforms, 
especially  the  rehabilitation  of  Ecuador’s  embarrassed  finances. 
In  1892  Luis  Cordero  was  elected  president.  Aid  which  he 
furnished  Chile  in  a transaction  involving  the  transfer  of  the 
Chilean  cruiser  “Esmeralda”  to  Japan  during  the  Chinese- 
Japanese  War  aroused  the  fierce  indignation  of  the  Ecua- 
dorian people,  and  provoked  an  insurrection  against  his  rule. 
In  June,  1895,  a proclamation  was  published  at  Guayaquil 
announcing  that  General  Alfaro  was  the  ruler  of  Ecuador. 
Upon  returning  from  exile,  Alfaro  organized  a revolutionary 
army,  and  defeated  the  soldiers  of  the  government.  On 
September  1,  1895,  he  entered  Quito.  General  Alfaro  thus 
became  the  “Supreme  Chief  of  the  Republic.”  Shortly  after- 
wards the  United  States  recognized  the  regime  established  by 
the  revolution  as  the  de  facto  government  of  Ecuador. 

Constitution  of  1897. — The  Liberals  soon  undertook  to 
purge  Ecuador  of  clericalism.  At  the  instance  of  Alfaro,  a 
Convention  which  assembled  at  Guayaquil  framed  a Constitu- 
tion that  was  promulgated  on  January  12,  1897.  More  toler- 
ant than  previous  fundamental  laws,  this  Constitution  pro- 
vided that  Roman  Catholicism  should  be  the  state  religion  to 
the  exclusion  of  all  other  forms  of  religious  worship  that 
might  be  contrary  to  morals.  Compulsory  conscription  and 
confiscation  of  private  property  were  alike  prohibited.  Slavery 


396 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


was  not  to  exist  within  Ecuadorian  territory.  Executive 
authority  was  vested  in  a President,  a cabinet,  and  a council 
of  state.  Legislative  authority  was  given  to  a bicameral  Con- 
gress. Judicial  authority  was  conferred  upon  a supreme  court, 
superior  courts,  and  minor  courts.  The  main  administrative 
divisions  were  the  provinces  which  were  to  be  managed  by 
governors  appointed  by  the  President.  He  was  also  to  ap- 
point the  chief  administrative  officers  of  smaller  subdivisions 
that  were  designated  cantons  and  parishes. 

Alfaro  Becomes  President. — After  the  Constitutional 
Convention  had  transferred  its  seat  to  Quito,  it  elected  Gen- 
eral Alfaro  president.  Scarcely  had  it  terminated  its  labors 
when  an  insurrection  began  against  the  government.  As  that 
movement  was  evidently  due  to  the  influence  of  the  Conserva- 
tive party,  Alfaro  promoted  measures  which  were  designed 
to  decrease  the  privileges  of  the  clergy.  On  September  27, 
1899,  he  promulgated  a law  which  abrogated  certain  provi- 
sions of  the  Concordat.  This  law  provided  that  Papal  legates 
could  not  exercise  jurisdiction  in  the  republic  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  council  of  state.  Bulls  or  rescripts  could  not  be 
circulated  without  the  sanction  of  the  President.  Revenues 
for  the  support  of  the  Church  should  be  raised  by  the  State 
alone.  The  right  to  appoint  bishops  should  only  be  exercised 
by  the  national  government.  During  Alfaro’s  presidency  a 
significant  contract  was  signed  between  the  government  of 
Ecuador  and  a citizen  of  the  United  States  for  the  construc- 
tion of  a railroad  between  Guayaquil  and  Quito.  The  Ecua- 
dorian government  agreed  to  issue  bonds  to  pay  the  cost  of 
construction,  as  well  as  to  meet  any  deficit  which  might  occur 
in  the  operation  of  the  railroad  for  six  years  after  it  reached 
the  capital  city. 

Politico-Religious  Reform  under  President  Plaza  Gu- 
tierrez.— In  1901  General  Leonidas  Plaza  Gutierrez  be- 
came president.  During  his  administration  Ecuador  enjoyed 
a large  measure  of  peace  and  liberty.  His  programme  of 
reform  included  various  measures  designed  to  lessen  the  au- 
thority and  privileges  of  the  Catholic  Church.  In  a message 
to  Congress  on  August  10,  1902,  he  urged  that  the  control  of 
education  should  be  taken  from  ecclesiastics  and  given  to  lay- 
men. He  soon  signed  laws  that  legalized  civil  marriage  and 


ECUADOR 


397 


made  divorce  possible.  On  October  13,  1904,  he  sanctioned 
a law  providing  that  any  faith  which  was  not  contrary  to 
morality  or  to  the  laws  of  Ecuador  should  be  tolerated. 
This  law  also  stipulated  that  the  ministers  of  religions  which 
were  tolerated  should  be  protected.  Further,  it  prohibited 
the  establishment  of  new  convents  and  monasteries.  Possibly 
partly  because  of  bitter  clerical  opposition  to  those  measures, 
in  1905  a law  was  enacted  which  declared  that  rural  property 
held  by  the  dead  hand  of  the  Church  in  Ecuador  belonged  to 
the  State. 

Alfaro  again  Becomes  Supreme  Chief. — In  1905  Lizardo 
Garcia,  who  was  the  candidate  of  Plaza  Gutierrez,  was  elected 
president.  A few  months  of  power  were  all  that  he  enjoyed; 
for  early  in  the  following  year  a revolt  began  that  was  sup- 
ported by  ex-President  Alfaro.  This  triumphed  in  Guayaquil; 
and  on  January  17  Alfaro  occupied  Quito.  Thus  Alfaro 
again  became  the  ruler  of  Ecuador. 

Ecuadorian  Constitution  of  1906. — He  soon  convoked  a 
Constitutional  Assembly  that  met  in  Quito  and  framed  the 
twelfth  Constitution  of  Ecuador,  which  was  promulgated  on 
December  23,  1906.  This  Constitution  declared  that  a con- 
dition of  Ecuadorian  citizenship  was  the  ability  to  read  and 
write.  Public  education  was  to  be  under  the  control  of  lay- 
men. Freedom  of  conscience  was  to  be  enjoyed  whenever  it 
was  not  contrary  to  morals  or  to  public  order.  There  should 
be  no  arbitrary  arrests:  liberty  of  suffrage,  of  speech,  and  of 
the  press  were  to  be  enjoyed.  Fueros  and  mayorazgos  were 
not  to  be  recognized.  Confiscation  of  property,  torture,  or 
infamous  punishments  were  to  be  prohibited.  In  general,  for- 
eigners were  to  enjoy  the  same  civil  rights  as  Ecuadorians. 
Every  contract  made  by  a foreigner  with  the  government 
of  Ecuador,  however,  was  to  imply  his  renunciation  of  all 
recourse  to  diplomacy. 

Frame  of  Government. — The  Ecuadorian  Constitution 
of  1906  furnished  the  basis  for  a centralistic  republic.  It 
stipulated  that  the  President  was  to  select  the  governors  of 
the  provinces.  It  provided  that  he  should  be  elected  by  di- 
rect, popular  vote  for  four  years,  and  should  not  be  reelected 
without  an  intermission  of  eight  years.  In  case  of  the  death 
or  disability  of  the  chief  executive,  his  functions  should  pass 


39§ 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


to  the  president  of  the  Senate  and  then,  if  need  arose,  to  the 
president  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  The  President  was 
to  be  advised  by  a cabinet  of  five  members  appointed  by  him- 
self, and  upon  important  matters  by  a council  of  state.  This 
council  was  to  act  for  Congress  when  that  body  was  not  in 
session.  It  was  to  be  composed  of  the  cabinet,  the  president 
of  the  supreme  court,  the  president  of  the  court  of  accounts, 
and  seven  other  members  selected  by  Congress.  The  Senate 
was  to  be  made  up  of  two  members  for  each  province.  The 
Chamber  of  Deputies  was  to  be  composed  of  members  chosen 
for  two  years  by  direct  vote  from  districts.  Members  of  the 
cabinet  might  participate  in  congressional  debates.  Congress 
should  meet  annually  at  Quito  on  August  io,  but  the  Presi- 
dent might  convoke  it  in  extraordinary  session  whenever  he 
judged  necessary.  The  supreme  court  should  be  composed 
of  five  judges  elected  by  Congress  in  joint  session  for  six 
years.  Judges  of  the  superior  courts  were  to  be  chosen  in  the 
same  manner.  Among  the  transitory  articles  of  the  Consti- 
tution was  a provision  that  the  chief  officials  for  the  ensuing 
administration  should  be  chosen  by  the  Constitutional 
Assembly. 

Alfaro’s  Last  Administration. — The  Convention  of  1906 
elected  the  revolutionary  chieftain  president.  Alfaro  was 
inaugurated  on  January  1,  1907.  Still  conspiracies  against 
the  government  did  not  cease;  and  the  expense  of  supporting 
an  army  was  partly  responsible  for  a deficit  in  1907.  An 
outstanding  event  of  Alfaro’s  last  administration  was  the 
completion  of  the  railroad  from  Quito  to  Guayaquil.  On 
June  1 7,  1908,  America  Alfaro — the  President’s  daughter — 
drove  a golden  spike  in  the  last  tie  of  that  road.  This  won- 
derful railway  connects  the  miasmic  coast  with  the  Andean 
plateau.  The  expense  entailed  upon  the  government  by  its 
construction  and  operation,  however,  has  promoted  the  de- 
moralization of  Ecuador’s  finances.  In  I9°9  an  exposition 
was  held  in  Quito  to  celebrate  the  centenary  of  the  beginnings 
of  the  movement  for  independence  from  Spain. 

End  of  his  Domination. — Shortly  before  his  term  ex- 
pired, Alfaro  resigned  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent. Alfaro  soon  emerged,  however,  as  the  leader  of  a re- 
bellion. A barbarous  struggle  ensued  between  his  partisans 


ECUADOR 


399 


and  the  government’s  forces.  The  insurrectionary  soldiers 
were  badly  defeated  at  Huigra;  their  leaders  were  captured; 
and  their  aged  chieftain  was  incarcerated  in  the  penitentiary 
of  the  capital  city.  In  January,  1912,  the  ex-President  was 
dragged  out  of  his  dungeon  by  the  enraged  populace  and 
murdered. 

President  Plaza  Gutierrez  Attempts  Reforms. — After 
the  death  of  Emilio  Estrado — who  had  succeeded  to  Alfaro’s 
power — in  December,  1911,  the  chief  magistracy  of  Ecuador 
was  exercised  during  an  interregnum  either  by  the  president 
of  the  Senate  or  by  the  president  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
On  August  31,  1912,  General  Leonidas  Plaza  Gutierrez  was 
again  inaugurated  president.  Uprisings  soon  took  place 
against  the  government,  but  after  the  defeat  and  capture  of 
the  chief  insurrectionary  leader,  General  Carlos  Concha 
Torres,  the  rebels  gradually  dispersed.  Not  only  did  Presi- 
dent Plaza  Gutierrez  strive  to  exterminate  the  bandits  who 
were  often  responsible  for  revolutionary  disturbances,  but  he 
also  attempted  to  initiate  certain  political  reforms.  In  a mes- 
sage to  Congress  in  1914  the  President  proposed  that  the 
Constitution  of  the  republic  should  be  again  altered.  As  con- 
ferences with  congressmen  produced  no  tangible  results,  he 
brought  the  matter  to  the  attention  of  Congress  by  a special 
message.  Plaza  Gutierrez  deplored  the  failure  of  “presiden- 
tial government”  in  Ecuador  and  proposed  a reorganization 
through  the  introduction  of  a parliamentary  system  resting 
upon  “complete  electoral  liberty.”  Yet  Congress  could  not 
endorse  his  projected  constitutional  amendments  which  would 
have  made  it  possible  for  a Senator  or  a Deputy  to  accept  a 
seat  in  the  President’s  cabinet  without  relinquishing  his  seat 
in  Congress. 

Conditions  on  Eve  of  World  War;  Boundary  Disputes. 

— The  boundaries  of  Ecuador  have  not  all  been  satisfactorily 
settled.  In  1904  a treaty  was  signed  in  Rio  de  Janeiro  by 
diplomats  of  Ecuador  and  Brazil  by  which  Ecuador  relin- 
quished to  Brazil  her  claim  to  territory  lying  between  the 
river  Caqueta  and  the  river  Amazon  east  of  a line  drawn 
from  the  mouth  of  San  Antonio  River  to  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Apoporis.  In  1856  a treaty  had  been  negotiated  which 
provided  that  the  boundary  between  Ecuador  and  New 


400 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Granada  should  be  the  line  sketched  by  the  Congress  of 
Colombia  in  1824  between  the  departments  of  Ecuador  and 
Cauca.  Subsequently,  however,  troublesome  questions  arose 
about  the  limits.  At  Bogota  on  July  15,  1916,  a treaty  was 
accordingly  signed  which  sketched  a boundary  line  between 
Ecuador  and  Colombia,  and  which  provided  that  a mixed 
commission  should  be  selected  with  power  to  set  posts  along 
this  boundary  and  to  adjust  such  reciprocal  compensations  as 
might  be  necessary  to  determine  the  line  clearly.  A year 
later  the  commission  began  the  survey,  which  it  completed 
by  July  9,  1919.  The  boundary  dispute  of  Ecuador  with 
Peru,  however,  proved  more  difficult  to  adjust.  In  1887  the 
two  nations  signed  a treaty  which  provided  that  they  would 
submit  their  dispute  about  limits  to  the  arbitration  of  the 
Spanish  King.  In  1894  a Tripartite  Treaty  was  arranged  be- 
tween Ecuador,  Colombia,  and  Peru  stipulating  that  Colombia 
and  Ecuador  should  submit  their  boundary  disputes  with  Peru 
to  the  arbitration  of  the  King  of  Spain.  This  compact  was 
ratified  by  the  congresses  of  Peru  and  Colombia  but  was  re- 
jected by  the  Ecuadorian  Congress.  On  February  19,  1904, 
a protocol  was  signed  by  diplomats  of  Peru  and  Ecuador  by 
which  their  governments  agreed  to  submit  their  acrimonious 
controversy  to  the  arbitration  of  the  Spanish  King.  Subse- 
quently, a commissioner  of  that  monarch  visited  Quito  and 
Lima  but — apparently  dreading  that  the  announcement  of  the 
decision  which  he  had  drafted  might  provoke  a war  between 
Peru  and  Ecuador — the  King  of  Spain  withheld  his  award. 
A portion  of  the  territory  in  dispute  has  since  been  occupied 
by  Peruvians. 

Social  Condition. — As  a large  part  of  the  territory  of 
Ecuador  is  in  dispute,  and  as  a considerable  proportion  of 
the  inhabitants  are  Indians  who  are  more  or  less  barbarous, 
only  rough  estimates  of  her  population  may  be  given.  It  is 
possible  that  in  1914  the  total  population  of  Ecuador 
amounted  to  one  and  one-half  million  souls.  Possibly  three- 
fourths  of  these  were  Indians;  about  one-fifth  were  half- 
breeds;  and  only  a small  fraction  were  whites.  Few  immi- 
grants have  entered  Ecuador,  even  from  other  Spanish-Amer- 
ican  countries.  This  has  been  partly  due  to  the  fact  that 
during  a considerable  portion  of  the  year  Ecuador’s  chief 


ECUADOR 


401 


port,  Guayaquil,  has  been  almost  or  entirely  shut  off  from 
the  outside  world  because  of  the  prevalence  there  of  yellow 
fever  or  the  bubonic  plague.  The  upper  classes  in  Ecuador 
speak  Spanish,  while  the  lower  classes  ordinarily  use  an 
Indian  dialect.  On  the  eve  of  the  World  War  the  Ecuadorian 
army  numbered  about  seven  thousand  men,  while  the  navy 
was  composed  of  a few  small  war  vessels. 

Economic  Condition. — The  chief  industry  of  Ecuador 
was  agriculture.  More  cacao  was  produced  there  than  in  any 
other  American  country.  In  various  sections  coffee  was  a 
profitable  crop.  On  the  lowlands  near  the  coast  numerous 
sugar  and  tobacco  plantations  were  located.  Ivory  nuts  and 
crude  rubber  were  gathered  in  the  forests.  The  ordinary 
cereals  were  raised  for  home  consumption,  as  well  as  cattle 
and  sheep.  Here  and  there  some  mining  was  done;  and  a 
small  amount  of  gold  was  exported.  Among  Ecuador’s 
manufactures  were  the  following:  crude  chocolate,  ponchos, 
stuffed  humming  birds,  and  Panama  hats.  At  Guayaquil 
many  inhabitants  were  engaged  in  commercial  pursuits. 
Transportation  in  Ecuador  was  extremely  backward.  Her 
eastern  territory,  which  Peru  claims,  was  served  by  small 
steamers  that  plied  the  branches  of  the  Amazon.  Her  sea- 
ports had  rather  indifferent  steamship  service;  her  chief  port 
was  generally  under  a quarantine.  Ecuador’s  smaller  ports 
were  reached  by  coasting  vessels.  Internal  arteries  of  com- 
merce in  Ecuador  were  the  Guayas  River,  the  upper  tributa- 
ries of  the  Amazon,  and  the  Guayaquil  and  Quito  Railway. 
In  1914  the  debt  of  Ecuador,  which  was  largely  composed 
of  obligations  inherited  from  Colombia  and  of  loans  incurred 
to  promote  her  chief  railway,  perhaps  aggregated  in  United 
States  currency  some  twenty  million  dollars.  The  unit  of 
monetary  value  in  Ecuador  is  the  gold  sucre,  which  is  worth 
in  United  States  currency  about  forty-eight  cents. 

Education. — Education  in  Ecuador  was  very  backward. 
Although  primary  education  was  free  and  obligatory,  yet  the 
attendance  at  elementary  schools  was  small.  Secondary  edu- 
cation was  mainly  carried  on  in  colegios  that  were  often 
managed  by  religious  orders.  Higher  education  was  pursued 
in  the  universities  of  Cuenca,  Guayaquil,  and  Quito.  The 
University  of  Quito  offered  courses  in  philosophy,  letters. 


402 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


law,  medicine,  physical  and  natural  science,  mathematics,  and 
agriculture.  In  spite  of  the  Liberal  reforms  of  the  present 
century,  the  Church  still  exercised  much  influence  upon  many 
Ecuadorian  citizens. 

Literature. — The  literature  of  Ecuador  began  with  the 
poet  Olmedo,  who  sang  about  the  triumph  of  Bolivar’s  arms 
at  Junin.  Her  most  distinguished  journalist  was  Garcia 
Moreno  who  wrote  a lengthy  defense  of  the  Jesuits,  besides 
numerous  state  papers.  Juan  Montalvo  included  in  Siete 
Tratados  literary  essays  upon  diverse  topics.  His  best  known 
production  was  the  Capitidos  que  se  olvidaron  d Cervantes — 
a volume  which  was  published  posthumously.  Among  Ecua- 
dorian poets  Numa  Pompilio  Llona  holds  high  rank:  his  best 
known  poem  being  La  odisea  del  alma.  The  most  versatile 
writer  of  Ecuador  was  Juan  Leon  Mera,  the  author  of  novels, 
verses,  and  a history  of  Ecuadorian  poetry.  His  poem  La 
virgen  del  sol  was  based  upon  a legend  of  the  Spanish  con- 
quest; his  novel  Cumanda  was  described  in  its  subtitle  as  a 
drama  among  savages.  A diplomat  named  Carlos  R.  Tobar 
is  not  only  the  author  of  sketches  of  society  in  Quito,  but 
also  the  formulator  of  a doctrine  which  is  allied  to  the 
Monroe  Doctrine. 

Ecuador  and  the  World  War. — The  World  War  af- 
fected Ecuador  in  various  ways.  At  once  the  volume  of  her 
imports  declined  and,  in  consequence,  her  revenues  decreased. 
On  August  17,  1914,  the  government  announced  that  it  would 
observe  a strict  neutrality  during  the  war  in  accordance  with 
the  general  principles  of  international  law  and  the  Hague 
Conventions.  In  November,  1914 — in  response  to  complaints 
of  England  and  France  that  Ecuador  had  permitted  violations 
of  neutrality  within  her  jurisdiction — Secretary  R.  H.  Eli- 
zalde  addressed  a circular  to  American  chancellories  justify- 
ing the  neutral  policy  of  his  government.  Subsequently 
Ecuador  addressed  communications  to  American  republics 
advocating  an  organization  of  those  governments  for  the 
defense  of  their  rights  and  the  protection  of  their  interests. 
This  policy  was  continued  under  the  Liberal,  Alfredo  Baque- 
rizo  Moreno,  who  became  president  on  August  31,  1916. 
Ecuador’s  argument  for  American  solidarity  lost  something 
of  its  force,  however,  when  certain  sister  republics  declared 


ECUADOR 


4°3 


themselves  against  the  war  policy  of  Germany.  It  does  not 
appear,  however,  that  the  Ecuadorian  government  was  ever 
officially  informed  by  the  German  government  concerning  its 
ruthless  submarine  policy.  Still,  when  the  ex-minister  of 
Germany  to  Peru  expressed  his  intention  to  proceed  from 
Lima  to  Quito — having  been  accredited  to  Ecuador  as  well 
as  to  Peru — he  was  promptly  informed  by  the  Ecuadorian 
minister  at  Lima  that  his  reception  at  Quito  would  be  in- 
compatible with  the  principles  of  American  solidarity.  This 
step — which  was  virtually  a decision  to  suspend  diplomatic 
relations  with  Germany — was  promptly  made  known  by  the 
Ecuadorian  chancellory  to  other  nations,  October  17,  1917. 

The  Sanitation  of  Guayaquil. — Not  until  after  the  close 
of  the  Great  War  did  efforts  for  the  sanitation  of  Guayaquil 
— which  had  long  been  an  endemic  center  for  the  bubonic 
plague  and  yellow  fever — terminate  in  a satisfactory  manner. 
In  1916  a commission  of  the  Rockefeller  Foundation  made 
an  investigation  of  the  conditions  prevailing  in  that  city.  A 
scientific  fight  against  yellow  fever  was  undertaken  two  years 
later  under  the  direction  of  the  American  sanitary  expert, 
Colonel  Gorgas.  By  May,  1920,  that  scourge  had  been  eradi- 
cated from  Guayaquil  and  also  from  adjacent  districts.  The 
chief  seaport  of  Ecuador  was  thus  relieved  from  the  commer- 
cial excommunication  which  had  for  many  long  years  ob- 
structed her  relations  with  the  nations  of  the  world. 

President  Tamayo’s  Programme. — In  the  campaign  of 
1920  Dr.  Jose  L.  Tamayo  was  elected  president  of  Ecuador. 
He  took  oath  to  observe  the  Constitution  on  August  31,  1920. 
In  an  address  to  Congress  upon  that  occasion  the  President 
directed  attention  to  the  grave  economic  crisis  due  to  the 
delay  in  the  sale  of  Ecuadorian  cacao  and  to  the  impending 
cessation  of  the  current  of  foreign  capital  which  had  been 
flowing  into  Ecuador.  He  outlined  a legislative  programme 
that  was  designed  to  suppress  brigandage  and  to  promote  the 
economic  and  social  welfare  of  the  Ecuadorian  people. 

Summary. — Ecuador  has  been  particularly  backward  in 
her  development.  Because  of  her  inaccessibility — due  in  no 
small  measure  to  the  pestiferous  conditions  that  long  prevailed 
at  her  chief  port — the  Ecuadorian  republic  has,  in  many  es- 
sentials, lagged  behind  her  northern  neighbor.  Politicians  of 


404 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Guayaquil  struggling  against  the  domination  of  politicians  of 
Quito  and  vice  versa,  an  aggressive  Clerical  party  anxious  to 
retain  as  many  as  possible  of  the  privileges  gained  during  the 
age  of  Garcia  Moreno,  barrack  insurrections  of  aboriginal 
soldiers  that  have  been  occasionally  disgraced  by  acts  of  sav- 
age cruelty — these  appear  to  be  some  of  the  outstanding  traits 
of  Ecuadorian  insurrections  and  counter-insurrections.  Ecua- 
dor’s constitutional  changes  often  do  not  appear  to  have  sig- 
nalized the  triumph  of  any  political  principles.  The  phrase 
which  Bolivar  used  in  despair  in  speaking  of  the  constitutions 
of  Spanish  America  seems  to  be  particularly  applicable  to 
Ecuador:  her  constitutions  are  paper!  This  has  been  so 
largely  because  of  the  aboriginal  element  in  the  population  of 
Ecuador,  an  element  that  at  times  breaks  suddenly  through 
the  dykes  which  have  been  raised  with  care  by  the  civilized 
leaders.  At  many  points  the  Liberals  have  made  gains  against 
the  Clericals  during  the  present  century.  The  economic  de- 
velopment of  Ecuador  has  been  stunted  because  of  the 
unprogressive  character  of  large  classes  in  her  population, 
because  of  the  long  lack  of  good  communications,  and  because 
of  the  absence  of  contact  with  the  outer  world.  Her  inter- 
national relations  are  complicated  because  of  the  unsettled 
boundary  dispute  with  Peru  which  still  seriously  threatens 
her  territorial  integrity.  The  recent  sanitation  of  Guayaquil, 
however,  is  a page  in  Ecuador’s  history  that  casts  a radiance 
into  the  future.  In  view  of  the  great  improvement  thus  made 
possible  in  the  relations  of  the  Ecuadorian  republic  with  the 
rest  of  the  world,  and  in  view  of  the  expected  influx  of  for- 
eign capital  and  enterprise,  there  seems  to  be  no  reason  why 
there  should  not  arise  in  time  a New  Ecuador  that  will  shame 
the  old. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


VENEZUELA 

Venezuela’s  Constitution  of  1830. — The  Convention 
which,  at  the  instance  of  General  Paez,  assembled  at 
Valencia  in  May,  1830,  re-created  the  state  of  Venezuela. 
In  September,  1830,  it  published  a Constitution  for  that 
state.  According  to  this  Constitution,  the  Venezuelan 
republic  was  to  include  all  the  territory  which  had  been 
designated  the  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela  before  the 
Revolution  of  1810,  that  is  to  say,  the  same  regions  which 
had  been  erected  into  a state  in  1810-1811.  This  Consti- 
tution was  in  some  respects  a compromise  between  the 
federal  and  the  centralistic  types  of  government.  Execu- 
tive authority  was  to  be  vested  in  a President  and  a Vice- 
President  chosen  by  electoral  colleges.  The  President 
should  be  elected  for  four  years  and  the  Vice-President  for 
two  years.  Congress  should  be  composed  of  two  houses, 
a Senate  and  a House  of  Representatives.  The  highest 
judicial  authority  was  vested  in  a supreme  court  of  justice. 
The  unit  of  local  government  was  to  be  the  autonomous 
province.  Each  province  was  to  have  a legislature  com- 
posed of  members  selected  by  electoral  colleges.  The  gov- 
ernor of  each  province  should  be  selected  by  the  President 
from  a list  of  nominees  presented  by  the  respective  legis- 
lature. Provinces  were  divided  into  cantons,  which  were 
composed  of  municipalities.  The  Convention  also  under- 
took to  modify  certain  laws  of  Colombia  so  as  to  suit 
Venezuela. 

Progress  under  President  Paez. — As  their  chief  magis- 
trate the  Venezuelans  selected  that  dashing,  inconsistent, 
and  refractory  lieutenant  of  Bolivar  who  had  been  the 
chief  leader  of  the  secessionist  movement.  General  Paez 
was  installed  as  president  early  in  1831.  Congress  passed 
a law  in  May  which  provided  that  the  capital  of  Venezuela 
should  be  transferred  from  Valencia  to  Caracas.  After 


405 


406 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


leading  the  army  against  opponents  of  the  new  regime, 
Paez  issued  a decree  of  amnesty  to  those  Venezuelans  who 
had  attempted  by  force  of  arms  to  reestablish  Colombia. 
Aleasures  were  taken  by  the  President  and  by  Congress 
to  reform  the  fiscal  administration.  A law  of  April,  1833, 
abolished  the  tithes  and  provided  that  the  expenses  of  the 
Church  in  Venezuela  should  be  paid  from  the  national 
treasury.  The  secretary  of  the  treasury  was  dispatched 
to  Bogota  where  he  arranged  a division  of  the  indebted- 
ness of  Colombia.  France  recognized  Venezuela’s  inde- 
pendence. Early  in  1834  the  President  signed  a law  which 
stipulated  that  there  should  be  no  prohibition  upon  re- 
ligious liberty  in  Venezuela.  Laws  were  enacted  which 
regulated  the  customhouses  and  reformed  the  tariff.  The 
first  administration  of  Paez  was  distinguished  by  peace, 
prosperity,  and  progress. 

President  Vargas. — As  no  candidate  secured  the  re- 
quired majority  of  electoral  votes  in  the  next  presidential 
election,  early  in  1835,  as  provided  by  the  Constitution, 
Congress  proceeded  to  choose  a President.  To  the  cha- 
grin of  military  men  the  choice  fell  upon  Jose  M.  Vargas, 
the  learned  rector  of  the  University  of  Caracas.  Vargas 
took  up  the  duties  of  chief  magistrate  with  reluctance,  and, 
when  Congress  passed  a bill  over  his  veto,  he  resigned  the 
presidency.  Yet  Congress  declined  to  accept  his  resigna- 
tion. In  July,  1835,  an  insurrection  led  by  General  Marino 
• — who  was  designated  the  chief  of  the  revolution  of  re- 
form— deposed  Vargas  and  sent  him  into  exile.  Tradition 
records  that  when  a revolutionist  peremptorily  asked 
Vargas  to  renounce  the  presidency,  exclaiming  that  the 
world  was  for  the  valiant  man,  that  Vargas  responded 
that  the  world  was  for  the  just  and  honorable.  Upon  the 
eve  of  his  departure  Vargas  appointed  as  commander  of 
the  government’s  forces  General  Paez,  who  took  the  field 
against  the  so-called  reformers.  Paez  soon  occupied  Valencia 
and  Caracas;  and  he  captured  Puerto  Cabello  on  March  1, 
1836.  Soon  afterwards,  President  Vargas,  who  had  returned 
from  exile,  again  resigned  his  office. 

President  Soublette. — Congress  accepted  his  resigna- 
tion, and  Vice-President  Narvarte,  who  succeeded  Vargas, 


VENEZUELA 


407 


soon  gave  way  to  Carlos  Soublette,  a conciliatory  hero  of  the 
wars  for  independence.  During  this  troubled  period  the 
United  States  acknowledged  the  independence  of  Venezuela. 
In  January,  1836,  a treaty  of  friendship  and  commerce  was 
negotiated  between  those  nations.  By  a law  of  February, 
1837,  the  announcement  was  made  that  laws  of  Great  Colom- 
bia which  had  suppressed  certain  monasteries  should  be  in 
force  in  Venezuela.  On  March  30,  1837,  President  Soublette 
sanctioned  a law  providing  that  Spanish  merchant  vessels 
would  be  admitted  into  Venezuela’s  ports.  On  April  19,  1838, 
on  behalf  of  Congress,  Soublette  presented  a sword  to  Gen- 
eral Paez  in  testimony  of  his  services  in  defense  of  the  Con- 
stitution and  laws  of  Venezuela  against  revolutionary  re- 
formers. 

Paez  Again  President. — In  1838  Paez  was  reelected 
president.  The  years  from  1839  to  1843  constituted  another 
period  of  peace  and  progress  for  Venezuela.  Her  army  was 
reduced  to  about  one  thousand  men.  The  President  soon 
persuaded  Congress  to  adopt  the  policy  of  building  roads  be- 
tween seaports  and  important  cities  of  the  republic.  In  April, 
1839,  Congress  enacted  a law  granting  more  freedom  to  the 
press  and  providing  for  the  punishment  of  such  persons  as 
might  abuse  that  liberty.  Another  important  law  was  passed 
that  aimed  to  encourage  immigration  to  Venezuela.  A group 
of  German  immigrants  was  granted  lands  in  the  beautiful 
valley  of  Aragua.  Paez  issued  a decree  that  made  provision 
for  the  funding  of  the  national  debt.  In  May,  1841,  he  signed 
a law  which  provided  for  the  establishment  of  a national  bank 
with  a capital  of  two  and  one-half  million  pesos.  In  accord- 
ance with  a law  directing  the  President  to  take  measures  to 
civilize  the  aborigines,  he  issued  an  ordinance  for  the  regula- 
tion of  missions  that  were  to  be  established  by  friars  in  the 
province  of  Guiana.  At  the  instance  of  Paez,  in  1842  the 
remains  of  Simon  Bolivar  were  transferred  from  a church  in 
Santa  Marta  to  the  cathedral  of  Caracas.  A treaty  of  com- 
merce and  navigation  was  negotiated  between  Venezuela  and 
the  King  of  Sweden  and  Norway.  With  Great  Britain  a treaty 
was  arranged  containing  provisions  that  aimed  to  abolish  the 
slave  trade.  During  the  decade  from  1831  to  1841,  Vene- 
zuela’s imports  and  exports  more  than  trebled  in  value. 


408 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Soublette  Continues  the  Policies  of  Paez. — In  1843  Gen- 
eral Carlos  Soublette  became  president.  In  many  particulars 
Soublette  continued  the  policies  of  Paez.  In  June,  1843,  an 
elaborate  law  was  enacted  containing  regulations  about  Vene- 
zuelan universities.  Another  law  made  provisions  concern- 
ing naval  schools  that  had  been  established  at  Maracaibo  and 
upon  the  island  of  Margarita.  An  appropriation  was  made 
to  promote  the  construction  of  a highway  between  La  Guaira 
and  Caracas.  A commercial  code  was  enacted.  An  index 
of  the  prosperity  of  Venezuela  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  from 
1830  to  1845  her  debt  bad  been  reduced  from  some  nine 
million  pesos  to  two  million.  By  a treaty  signed  at  Madrid 
on  March  30,  1845,  Spain  acknowledged  Venezuela’s  inde- 
pendence. 

Political  Parties. — The  oligarchy  which  had  ruled  Vene- 
zuela under  an  electoral  system  restricting  suffrage  to  owners 
of  property — a party  that  aimed  to  maintain  existing  condi- 
tions— became  known  as  the  Conservative  or  Godo  party. 
Members  of  that  party,  in  the  main,  believed  in  the  conserva- 
tion of  property  and  order,  if  necessary  by  military  force. 
To  oppose  the  Conservatives  a party  designated  the  Liberals 
had  appeared.  That  anti-oligarchical  party  founded  in  1840 
a journal  called  El  Venezolano.  In  the  first  number  of  this 
journal  a Liberal  named  Antonio  Leocadio  Guzman  spoke  of 
his  followers  as  the  “new  men.”  His  attacks  upon  the  political 
domination  of  Paez  and  Soublette  stimulated  the  opposition 
of  the  lower  classes  to  the  oligarchy.  Antonio  L.  Guzman 
was  an  unsuccessful  candidate  for  the  presidency  in  1846  in 
opposition  to  General  Jose  Tadeo  Monagas,  who  was  sup- 
ported by  Paez. 

Jose  Tadeo  Monagas. — One  of  the  first  acts  of  President 
Monagas  was  magnanimously  to  commute  the  punishment  of 
Guzman,  who  had  been  condemned  to  death  because  of  the 
propaganda  which  he  had  directed  in  El  Venezolano  against 
the  existing  regime.  That  penalty  the  President  commuted 
into  perpetual  exile.  In  truth  Monagas  was  somewhat  affected 
by  liberal  principles:  his  presidency  was  a period  of  transition 
in  politics.  In  May,  1847,  h*  accordance  with  a law  of  Colom- 
bia of  1824  which  had  declared  that  that  republic  had  the 
right  of  patronage,  he  sanctioned  a law  providing  for  the 


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409 


establishment  of  two  new  bishoprics.  Bitter  strife,  however, 
soon  took  place  between  the  President  and  Congress;  for 
Monagas  replaced  a conservative  cabinet  with  a liberal  cabinet, 
and  his  policies  were  attacked  by  the  conservative  press.  The 
oligarchy  was  contemplating  the  impeachment  of  the  Presi- 
dent, when  on  January  24,  1848,  he  dissolved  Congress  by 
force  of  arms.  Against  that  coup  d’etat  Paez  protested,  but 
the  conservative  oligarchy  deserted  him:  the  insurrectionary 
soldiers  whom  he  led  were  defeated;  and  in  1850  he  was 
forced  into  exile.  Meantime  Guzman,  who  was  elected  vice- 
president  in  1848,  had  returned  to  his  native  land. 

Jose  Gregorio  Monagas. — Jose  Tadeo  Monagas — the 
founder  of  the  so-called  dynasty  of  the  Monagas — was  suc- 
ceeded in  1851  by  his  brother,  General  Jose  Gregorio.  Another 
liberal  oligarch,  he  was  viewed  askance  by  the  followers  of 
Guzman  and  Paez  alike.  Two  revolts  against  the  younger 
Monagas  were  sternly  repressed. 

Slavery  Abolished. — During  his  administration  anti- 
slavery propaganda  steadily  increased.  An  animated  discus- 
sion about  negro  slavery  took  place  in  Congress.  On  March 
10,  1854,  the  President  sent  a message  to  Congress  in  which 
he  cited  Bolivar’s  statement  that  slavery  was  contrary  to  all 
laws  and  an  infringement  upon  human  dignity.  He  argued 
that  Venezuela  should  no  longer  appear  to  the  eyes  of  the 
world  with  the  horrible  stain  of  slavery.  In  the  name  of 
Venezuela  and  of  her  Constitution,  he  asked  the  congressmen 
— “with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  his  republican  heart” — to 
abolish  that  institution.  Congress  approved  these  sentiments; 
and  on  March  24,  1854,  Monagas  signed  a law  which  provided 
that  slavery  should  be  forever  abolished  in  Venezuela.  The 
law  declared  that  freedmen  should  be  exempt  from  any  obliga- 
tion for  service  and  that  they  should  enjoy  the  same  liberty  as 
born  freemen.  It  provided  that  the  owners  of  emancipated 
slaves  should  be  paid  indemnities  out  of  the  proceeds  of  cer- 
tain taxes.  It  prohibited  the  importation  of  slaves  into  the 
republic,  bondsmen  who  might  be  introduced  should  immedi- 
ately enjoy  their  liberty. 

Constitutional  Changes  under  the  Older  Monagas. — In 

1:855  Jose  Tadeo  Monagas  became  president  for  the  second 
time.  In  April,  1856,  Congress  enacted  a law  which  pro- 


4io 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


vided  that  there  were  to  be  twenty  provinces  in  the  republic. 
That  law  gave  to  the  President  the  right  to  appoint  provisional 
governors  for  all  the  provinces.  The  electoral  colleges  of  the 
respective  provinces  should  at  once  proceed  to  elect  Senators 
and  Representatives.  To  the  new  Congress  the  President 
sent  a message  in  January,  1857,  which  urged  that  the  Con- 
stitution should  be  amended.  This  Congress  framed  an 
ephemeral  fundamental  law  which  was  promulgated  on  April 
10,  1857.  That  Constitution  did  not  prohibit  the  immediate 
reelection  of  the  President  whose  term  was  made  six  years. 
It  conceded  to  him  the  exclusive  power  to  appoint  governors 
of  provinces,  while  it  granted  certain  autonomous  rights  to 
the  cities.  Still,  a reactionary  movement  against  the  Constitu- 
tion of  1857  was  led  by  General  Julian  Castro,  Monagas  soon 
renounced  the  presidency,  and  a Convention  was  soon  con- 
voked to  frame  another  fundamental  law. 

Paez  and  the  Constitution  of  1858. — The  Convention 
assembled  at  Valencia,  invited  Paez  to  return  from  exile,  and, 
after  some  discussion  adopted  a new  Constitution.  Some- 
what more  federalistic  than  the  Constitution  of  1830,  the 
charter  of  1858  provided  that  the  governors  of  provinces 
should  be  elected  by  the  voters  and  should  act  as  agents  of 
the  national  government.  The  President  of  the  republic 
should  be  elected  by  universal  suffrage.  The  adoption  of  this 
Constitution  was  followed  by  a protracted  civil  war  between 
the  Conservatives,  who  generally  supported  it,  and  the 
Liberals,  who  mostly  wished  a federal  type  of  government. 
In  March,  1861,  General  Paez  returned  to  Venezuela.  He 
gathered  all  the  power  into  his  own  hands,  abrogated  the 
Constitution  in  September,  1861,  and  capped  his  picturesque 
career  by  becoming  dictator.  In  1862  he  promulgated  a civil 
code  for  Venezuela.  As  a consequence  of  some  bloody  con- 
flicts, federalist  leaders  gained  the  ascendancy,  however,  and 
on  May  22,  1863,  agents  of  the  contending  factions  signed 
an  agreement  which  stipulated  that  hostilities  should  cease. 
This  agreement  provided  that  a National  Assembly  should 
be  convoked  to  be  composed  of  members  selected  in  equal 
numbers  by  “the  supreme  chief  of  the  republic,”  General  Paez, 
and  by  General  Juan  Falcon,  who  was  styled  “the  provisional 
president  of  the  Federation.”  Paez  faithfully  promised  to 


VENEZUELA 


411 

transfer  his  power  to  the  Assembly  which  was  to  establish 
a new  government,  pending  the  political  reorganization  of 
Venezuela.  Paez  and  Falcon  promised  to  use  their  influence 
to  soothe  the  stormy  passions  which  had  been  provoked  by 
civil  dissensions  and  to  promote  the  establishment  of  a regime 
that  would  enable  the  republic  to  heal  the  wounds  caused  by 
internecine  war.  The  “Founder  of  Venezuela” — as  Paez  has 
not  inappropriately  been  called  by  admiring  fellow  country- 
men— spent  his  last  years  in  the  United  States. 

Formation  of  the  Venezuelan  Confederation. — The  Na- 
tional Assembly  soon  elected  General  Falcon  president  of  the 
republic.  His  magnanimous  spirit  was  displayed  in  a decree 
dated  August  18,  1863,  which  guaranteed  civil  and  political 
rights  to  all  Venezuelan  citizens  in  the  most  ample  fashion. 
On  March  28,  1864,  the  Assembly  adopted  a Constitution 
for  “the  United  States  of  Venezuela.”  This  Constitution 
declared  the  Venezuelan  provinces  to  be  autonomous  states 
which  retained  all  sovereign  power  that  was  not  expressly 
delegated  to  the  national  government.  Executive  power  was 
vested  in  a President  who  should  be  aided  by  secretaries. 
Legislative  power  was  entrusted  to  a bicameral  Congress. 
Supreme  judicial  authority  was  given  to  a high  federal  court 
which,  among  other  powers,  was  granted  jurisdiction  over 
disputes  between  magistrates  of  different  states.  Falcon  was 
soon  elected  president  of  the  Confederation  for  four  years. 

Falcon  Relinquishes  the  Presidency. — In  May,  1867,  the 
first  President  of  the  Venezuelan  Confederation  promulgated 
a new  civil  code  for  his  country  which  was  to  go  into  force 
on  October  28,  1867.  He  was  much  troubled  by  uprisings 
against  his  authority  in  various  sections.  Hence,  upon  more 
than  one  occasion,  he  temporarily  transferred  executive 
authority  to  a substitute  and  led  his  soldiers  against  rebels. 
His  partisans  pestered  him  with  pleas  for  lucrative  offices. 
In  Congress  unrelenting  opposition  to  his  policies  reached  a 
climax  a few  months  before  his  term  expired.  At  times  the 
President  fell  into  a mood  that  seemed  weak  or  vacillating. 
To  intimate  friends  Falcon  ultimately  made  known  his  high 
resolution  not  to  use  military  force  against  Congress.  He 
declared  that  his  native  land  could  only  be  saved  from  disas- 
trous strife  by  a miracle.  Evidently  believing  that  the  oppo- 


412 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


sition  was  directed  against  his  personality,  on  May  2,  1868, 
he  published  an  address  to  his  fellow  citizens  informing  them 
that  he  had  transferred  executive  authority  to  his  secretaries. 
He  denounced  the  rebellion  against  his  government  as  anti- 
patriotic,  decried  the  fact  that  a cordial  and  sincere  union 
of  parties  had  not  been  effected,  and  ascribed  his  country’s 
bitter  misfortunes  to  a rebellious  spirit.  General  Jose  T. 
Monagas,  who  had  become  the  leader  of  the  party  of  opposi- 
tion that  was  designated  the  Azides,  soon  led  his  victorious 
soldiers  into  the  capital  city.  An  exile  from  his  patria,  there 
expired  in  the  island  of  Martinique  the  “Great  Citizen” — as 
Congress  had  styled  Falcon  in  the  days  of  his  glory. 

Antonio  Guzman  Blanco. — A leader  soon  emerged  who 
put  on  the  mantle  that  had  fallen  from  the  shoulders  of  Paez. 
In  November,  1868,  the  Liberals  left  the  new  party,  and  under 
General  Antonio  Guzman  Blanco  they  rose  in  arms  against 
Monagas.  On  April  27,  1870,  the  Jaunes — as  the  Liberals 
were  designated — entered  Caracas  in  triumph  in  the  train  of 
Guzman  Blanco,  who  was  soon  made  provisional  president. 
Armed  opposition  to  the  new  regime  was  not  thoroughly  sup- 
pressed, however,  until  May,  1872,  when  Matias  Salazar,  a 
renegade  associate  of  Guzman  Blanco,  was  defeated  and 
executed.  Magnetic,  eloquent,  and  energetic,  Guzman  Blanco, 
the  eldest  son  of  Antonio  Guzman,  was  an  extraordinary 
personage.  With  extensive  experience  as  a civil  and  a mili- 
tary administrator,  either  as  Dictator  or  as  President  or 
through  a substitute,  he  dominated  Venezuelan  politics  for 
almost  two  decades. 

His  Reforms. — During  that  period  he  promoted  certain 
reforms  which  had  been  initiated  under  previous  presidents. 
On  June  27,  1870,  he  issued  a decree  providing  that  public 
education  should  be  gratuitous  and  obligatory  and  establish- 
ing a new  tax  for  the  support  of  elementary  education.  Soon 
afterwards  he  took  steps  to  reorganize  the  national  debt  and 
to  restore  the  public  credit.  In  May,  1871,  he  issued  a decree 
that  regulated  the  coinage.  He  promoted  the  building  of  a 
railroad  between  Caracas  and  La  Guaira.  He  provided  for 
the  construction  of  roads,  bridges,  customhouses,  boulevards, 
and  parks.  His  commissions  prepared  codes  of  civil  and  com- 
mercial law  and  of  military  and  penal  procedure.  On  January 


VENEZUELA 


413 


1,  1873,  he  issued  a decree  which  made  civil  marriage  legal; 
and  he  also  provided  for  the  registration  of  vital  statistics. 
Convents  and  monasteries  were  suppressed  throughout  Vene- 
zuela: their  properties  were  sequestrated  by  the  State.  A 
famous  church  in  the  capital  city  was  transformed  into  a 
national  pantheon. 

Adulation  of  Guzman  Blanco. — A grand  master  of  the 
masonic  order,  Guzman  Blanco  even  dreamed  of  establishing 
a national  Church  that  would  be  independent  of  the  Papacy. 
Some  of  his  fellow  countrymen  displayed  a strong  tendency 
to  adulate  him.  Statues  were  erected  in  his  honor.  A boule- 
vard which  encircled  a hill  overlooking  the  capital  city  was 
given  his  name.  Congress  proclaimed  him  president  for  four 
years  and  bestowed  upon  him  the  title  of  “Illustrious  Amer- 
erican,  Regenerator,  Pacificator.” 

He  Promotes  Constitutional  and  Fiscal  Changes. — Dis- 
gusted Liberals  and  former  Conservatives  who  rose  against 
the  Illustrious  American  were  forced  to  lay  down  their  arms. 
It  was  due  to  his  influence  that  in  1874  an  Assembly  framed 
another  Constitution  that  provided  for  voting  by  ballot,  that 
limited  the  President’s  term  to  two  years,  and  that  prohibited 
his  reelection.  Three  years  later  the  President  quietly  gave  up 
his  power  and  left  ostensibly  on  a mission  to  seven  European 
courts.  Upon  the  death  of  his  successor  President  Alcantara, 
Guzman  Blanco  returned  from  Paris,  and  was  proclaimed 
Supreme  Director  by  a revolutionary  party.  As  chief  magis- 
trate of  Venezuela,  on  March  31,  1879,  he  issued  a decree 
which  provided  that  a coin  called  a bolivar  should  be  the 
monetary  unit.  Soon  afterwards  he  left  the  executive 
authority  in  the  hands  of  Diego  Urbaneja  and  made  another 
visit  to  Paris. 

Guzman  Blanco  Elected  Constitutional  President. — In 

1880  Guzman  Blanco  was  elected  “Constitutional  President” 
for  two  years.  At  his  suggestion  in  1881  a new  Constitution 
was  adopted  which  resembled  the  Constitution  of  Switzerland. 
This  Constitution  stipulated  that  there  should  be  nine  states 
in  the  Venezuelan  Republic.  It  provided  that  the  President 
and  his  substitute  should  be  elected  for  two  years  by  a federal 
council  composed  of  Senators  and  Deputies.  It  established 
a tribunal  of  respresentatives  of  the  states  which  was  desig- 


414 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


nated  the  court  of  cassation.  In  1882  the  federal  council 
elected  Guzman  Blanco  president.  The  following  year — 
which  was  the  centenary  of  Bolivar’s  birth — was  made  memo- 
rable in  Venezuela.  An  academy,  that  was  a correspondent 
of  the  Royal  Spanish  Academy,  was  inaugurated  at  Caracas. 
The  railroad  between  Caracas  and  La  Guaira  was  opened 
to  traffic.  At  Venezuela’s  expense  there  were  published  the 
memoirs  of  General  O’Leary,  an  aide-de-camp  of  Bolivar. 
Meantime  one  young  Venezuelan  journalist  after  another  took 
up  the  pen  against  the  Dictator  who  was  not  always  benev- 
olent. 

President  Crespo. — In  1884,  after  substitutes  had  exer- 
cised presidential  authority  in  place  of  Guzman  Blanco,  who 
had  again  proceeded  to  Europe  as  envoy  extraordinary, 
Joaquin  Crespo  was  elected  president.  Crespo  was  a lieutenant 
of  the  Illustrious  American  who  had  worthily  occupied  impor- 
tant civil  and  military  offices.  President  Crespo  promoted 
internal  improvements  and  public  instruction.  He  strove  to 
preserve  the  autonomy  of  the  states  and  to  protect  the 
aborigines.  His  nation’s  credit  he  upheld  despite  the  economic 
stress  due  to  a plague  of  locusts.  After  suppressing  revolts 
in  the  eastern  part  of  the  republic,  he  treated  their  leaders 
with  magnanimity.  Upon  being  accused  of  forsaking  the 
political  views  of  Guzman  Blanco,  he  published  a defense 
of  his  absent  chief.  When  he  relinquished  his  authority  to 
make  way  for  that  personage  who  was  elected  president  in 
April,  1886,  Congress  appropriately  bestowed  upon  him  the 
title  of  the  “Hero  of  Duty.” 

Guzman  Blanco  Retires. — In  a short  time  Guzman 
Blanco  transmitted  his  authority  as  president  to  a member 
of  his  council;  and  in  July,  1887,  he  again  proceeded  to 
Europe  on  a diplomatic  mission.  In  1888  Dr.  Juan  Rojas 
Paul,  whose  candidacy  had  been  supported  by  Guzman  Blanco, 
became  president.  In  October,  1888,  a violent  reaction  took 
place  against  the  illustrious  but  absent  Dictator — the  people  of 
the  capital  city  cast  his  statues  to  the  earth.  A Venezuelan 
historian  states  that  a group  of  young  men  offered  to  Crespo 
the  head  from  a statue  of  his  discredited  leader  but  that 
Crespo  refused  to  accept  it,  saying  that  that  glory  belonged 
not  to  him  but  to  the  President.  After  this  incident  the  absent 


VENEZUELA 


4i5 


Dictator  relinquished  any  hope  he  may  have  entertained  of 
longer  dominating  Venezuelan  politics.  Proposals  to  reform 
the  Constitution  so  as  to  extend  the  chief  magistrate’s  term 
of  office  encouraged  the  following  President,  Raimundo 
Andueza  Palacio,  to  lay  plans  to  retain  his  power  beyond 
the  term  fixed  by  the  Constitution.  A group  of  congressmen 
and  other  officials  vigorously  opposed  that  projected  change 
in  the  legal  order. 

La  Revolucion  Legalista. — Those  publicists  invited  Gen- 
eral Joaquin  Crespo  to  lead  a small  band  which  opposed  the 
threatened  usurpation.  Crespo  accordingly  became  the  chief 
of  La  Revolucion  Legalista.  After  bloody  encounters  with 
the  well-equipped  soldiers  of  the  government,  and  after  thwart- 
ing the  attempts  of  other  aspiring  leaders  to  acquire  the 
supreme  power,  on  October  6,  1892,  that  revolutionary  leader 
entered  Caracas.  Upon  October  7 Crespo  issued  a decree 
announcing  that  he  had  assumed  the  executive  power  and 
appointing  his  secretaries.  He  published  a broadside  declar- 
ing that  the  Venezuelans  had  recovered  their  sovereignty, 
that  he  would  guarantee  to  them  their  civil  and  political  rights, 
and  that  all  the  decrees  and  laws  of  the  republic  which  were 
not  antagonistic  to  the  legitimist  revolution  would  be  in  force. 
He  convoked  a National  Convention  which  adopted  a new 
Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  Venezuela  that  was 
promulgated  on  July  5,  1893.  This  Constitution  provided 
that  the  President  should  be  elected  by  secret,  popular  vote 
for  four  years.  It  contained  some  suggestive  provisions  about 
the  respective  rights  of  Venezuelans  and  of  aliens.  Foreigners 
in  Venezuela  were  to  enjoy  all  the  civil  rights  which  her 
citizens  enjoyed;  and  in  case  of  necessity,  might  have  recourse 
to  the  same  legal  proceedings  as  Venezuelans.  The  right  of 
property  was  expressly  guaranteed  to  citizens:  their  posses- 
sions might  be  taken  from  them  only  by  legislative  act  or 
judicial  decree.  Without  due  process  of  law  no  Venezuelan 
might  be  deprived  of  his  liberty  for  political  reasons.  Every 
public  contract  was  to  contain  a clause  providing  that  con- 
troversies arising  under  it  were  to  be  decided  by  tribunals 
of  Venezuela  and  according  to  her  laws. 

Crespo’s  Second  Presidency:  Boundary  Dispute  with 
England. — The  National  Assembly  formally  approved  all 


416 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


acts  which  Crespo  had  performed  either  as  revolutionary 
leader  or  as  chief  executive.  After  being  duly  elected  Presi- 
dent, he  was  inaugurated  on  March  14,  1894.  During  his 
second  presidency  a dispute  with  England  about  the  boundary 
of  British  Guiana  assumed  a menacing  aspect.  The  dispute 
originated  from  conflicting  claims  to  portions  of  the  territory 
ordinarily  designated  Guiana.  Expanding  from  the  colony 
definitively  acquired  by  England  from  Holland  in  1814, 
English  traders  and  settlers  slowly  but  surely  penetrated  into 
a region  to  which  Venezuela  claimed  title  because  of  decrees 
of  the  Spanish  King.  Various  attempts  to  settle  the  con- 
troversy were  vain : meantime  the  English  pushed  farther  and 
farther  into  the  debatable  land.  As  England  refused  to  sub- 
mit the  dispute  to  arbitration,  Venezuela  eventually  broke  off 
diplomatic  relations  with  her,  and  appealed  to  the  United 
States  for  aid  or  redress.  In  1895  Secretary  Olney  sent 
a trenchant  dispatch  to  the  United  States  minister  in 
London  which  gave  a most  liberal  interpretation  to  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  and  which  declared  that  the  Anglo-Vene- 
zuelan  boundary  dispute  came  within  the  purview  of  the  Doc- 
trine. President  Cleveland  took  the  same  view  in  a vigorous 
message  to  Congress.  Partly  because  of  the  belligerent  atti- 
tude which  was  assumed  by  Cleveland,  England  decided  to 
submit  the  dispute  to  arbitration  but  upon  the  express  con- 
dition that  the  possession  of  land  during  fifty  years  should  be 
judged  to  constitute  a good  title.  In  view  of  that  principle 
the  arbitral  board  awarded  the  major  portion  of  the  territory 
in  dispute  to  England,  while  Venezuela  was  conceded  a clear 
title  to  valuable  territory  at  the  Orinoco’s  mouth. 

Revolution  Led  by  the  “Lion  of  the  Andes.” — Before 
the  Anglo- Venezuelan  boundary  controversy  was  adjusted, 
Crespo  was  succeeded  by  General  Ignacio  Andrade,  who  had 
been  serving  as  Venezuela’s  minister  at  Washington.  An 
insurrection  against  President  Andrade  was  suppressed  by 
forces  under  the  command  of  General  Crespo  who  was  unfor- 
tunately killed.  Crespo  left  behind  him  a deserved  reputation 
for  probity  and  patriotism  inferior  to  that  of  no  other  Vene- 
zuelan since  the  age  of  Bolivar.  In  the  night  of  May  23, 
1899,  from  the  banks  of  the  river  Tachira,  General  Cipriano 
Castro,  “the  lion  of  the  Andes,”  with  a few  supporters 


VENEZUELA 


4i7 


launched  an  insurrection.  Upon  the  following  day  General 
Castro  issued  a manifesto  denouncing  the  policy  of  Congress 
which  had  virtually  authorized  a dictatorship,  asserting  that 
the  President  had  infringed  the  Constitution,  and  announc- 
ing that  he  opposed  farces  and  tyranny.  The  tree  of  liberty, 
exclaimed  Castro,  had  to  be  fertilized  by  more  Venezuelan 
blood ! 

Castro  Becomes  President. — Andrade  soon  fled  from 
the  capital  city,  and  the  supreme  chief  of  the  revolution  for 
the  restoration  of  liberalism — as  Castro  described  himself — 
entered  Caracas  in  October,  1899.  At  the  request  of  Con- 
gress, the  “Supreme  Chief  of  the  Republic” — as  he  now 
styled  himself — became  Provisional  President  in  February, 
1901.  In  July,  1902,  shortly  after  being  chosen  “Constitu- 
tional President,”  he  temporarily  transferred  his  civil  author- 
ity to  Vice-President  Gomez  and  left  the  capital  in  order  to 
quell  revolts. 

Blockade  by  European  War  Ships. — Foreign  complica- 
tions soon  arose  to  trouble  President  Castro  because  of  Vene- 
zuela’s reluctance  to  pay  claims  of  European  citizens.  Largely 
through  frequent  revolts  and  civil  wars  foreigners  residing 
in  Venezuela  had  suffered  injuries  for  which  they  demanded 
indemnities.  Because  of  such  disturbances  Venezuela  had 
been  unable  to  pay  the  interest  upon  indebtedness  incurred 
for  the  construction  of  railways.  Citizens  of  England,  Ger- 
many, and  Italy  consequently  appealed  to  their  governments 
for  indemnities  through  diplomatic  channels.  As  those  gov- 
ernments failed  to  secure  such  redress,  they  decided  to 
blockade  Venezuelan  ports.  Accordingly  in  1902  English, 
German,  and  Italian  warships  undertook  a pacific  blockade 
of  La  Guaira  and  Puerto  Cabello.  When  this  developed  into 
a warlike  blockade,  Castro  published  an  indignant  protest. 
President  Roosevelt  threatened  to  send  the  United  States  fleet 
against  the  blockading  squadron,  and  an  arrangement  was  then 
reached  between  Venezuela  and  the  creditor  nations  by  which 
the  claims  were  submitted  to  mixed  commissions  for  arbitra- 
tion. Those  commissions  adjudged  that  Venezuela  should 
pay  her  creditors  sums  which  fell  far  below  the  exorbitant 
demands  that  had  originally  been  made. 


418 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Venezuela  under  the  Constitution  of  1904. — On  April 

27,  1904,  a Congress  that  had  been  convoked  by  Castro 
adopted  another  Constitution.  That  Constitution  provided 
a framework  of  government  which  was  federal  in  type. 
Executive  authority  was  vested  in  a President  and  two  Vice- 
Presidents.  Legislative  authority  was  given  to  a Congress 
composed  of  a Senate  and  a House  of  Deputies.  Judicial 
authority  was  conferred  upon  a supreme  court  which  was 
granted  jurisdiction  over  cases  arising  between  states  and  the 
federal  government.  The  thirteen  states  that  composed  the 
Venezuelan  Union  were  declared  to  be  autonomous  and  equal. 
Article  XV  denied  the  right  of  either  citizens  or  foreigners 
to  urge  claims  for  damages  caused  by  revolutionists.  In  June, 
1905,  the  electoral  college  unanimously  elected  Castro  presi- 
dent for  six  years.  During  the  period  of  his  rule  he  sedulously 
promoted  public  improvements  in  the  capital  city  and  through- 
out the  states.  Widely  separated  sections  of  the  republic  he 
linked  together  by  telegraph  lines.  He  provided  for  the  con- 
struction of  good  roads  between  important  towns  and  cities, 
as  between  San  Felipe  and  Puerto  Cabello.  He  embellished 
Caracas  with  parks,  statues,  and  substantial  public  buildings 
which — like  the  treasury  building — still  attest  the  beneficent 
effects  of  his  regime.  Upon  the  other  side,  many  persons, 
whether  citizens  or  foreigners,  who  were  suspected  of  being 
disaffected  toward  the  government,  were  arbitrarily  incar- 
cerated by  Castro.  His  rule,  in  fact,  became  a thinly-veiled 
dictatorship. 

Castro  Succeeded  by  Vice-President  Gomez. — Upon  the 
plea  of  ill  health,  in  April,  1906,  Castro  retired  from  the 
presidency  and  transferred  his  authority  to  Vice-President 
Gomez.  But  differences  in  regard  to  the  management  of  gov- 
ernmental affairs  soon  arose  between  Gomez  and  the  ex- 
President;  and  on  July  5,  1906,  Castro  reassumed  the  powers 
of  president.  His  refusal  to  redress  the  injuries  that  had  been 
suffered  by  United  States  citizens  or  to  submit  their  claims 
to  arbitration  caused  that  government  to  suspend  diplomatic 
relations  with  Venezuela.  When,  in  the  end  of  1908,  he 
decided  upon  a trip  to  Europe — apparently  to  undergo  a 
surgical  operation — his  hour  came.  Scarcely  had  his  ship 
sailed,  when  dissatisfaction  with  his  domination  became  so 


VENEZUELA 


419 


strong  that  Congress  suspended  him  from  the  presidency, 
started  an  inquest  into  his  administration,  and  made  Vice- 
President  Juan  V.  Gomez,  a prominent  landowner  and  mili- 
tary officer,  the  chief  magistrate.  In  response  to  a protest 
from  Castro,  Congress  accused  him  of  malfeasance  in  office 
and  expressed  its  confidence  in  Gomez.  On  November  23, 
1908,  Gomez  made  known  his  intention  to  retain  the  exist- 
ing cabinet.  In  May  following  he  promulgated  a decree  which 
announced  that  he  was  exercising  the  powers  of  the  Vene- 
zuelan President.  He  effectively  suppressed  opposition  to  his 
rule  in  certain  sections. 

Gomez  Becomes  Provisional  President. — On  December 
19,  1909,  Gomez  was  loudly  acclaimed  as  provisional  presi- 
dent. He  expressed  his  desire  to  observe  constitutional 
guaranties,  to  preserve  liberty  and  order,  to  respect  the 
sovereignty  of  the  states,  to  promote  industry,  to  seek  a 
decorous  solution  for  disputes  with  other  nations,  to  preserve 
peace  and  harmony,  and  to  maintain  the  sovereignty  of  the 
law.  When  Gomez  made  known  to  the  government  at  Wash- 
ington his  desire  to  settle  satisfactorily  the  pending  dispute 
about  claims  of  United  States  citizens,  that  government  took 
steps  to  resume  diplomatic  relations  with  Venezuela.  Success 
attended  the  measures  which  he  took  to  adjust  the  claims  of 
French  citizens  against  Venezuela  for  injuries  suffered  in 
that  country  during  Castro’s  regime. 

The  Constitution  of  1909. — In  August,  1909,  a new  Con- 
stitution was  promulgated.  That  Constitution  vested  execu- 
tive authority  in  a President  who  should  hold  office  for  four 
years  and  should  not  be  eligible  for  reelection  for  the  ensuing 
term.  He  should  be  aided  by  a council  of  government  and  by 
a cabinet.  A bicameral  legislature,  a court  of  cassation,  and 
other  courts  were  provided.  Twenty  political  entities,  as 
etablished  by  law  in  1856,  were  acknowledged  as  states.  Those 
“autonomous”  states  were  to  frame  their  own  constitutions. 

Gomez  Elected  President. — On  August  27,  1910,  Gen- 
eral Gomez  was  elected  president.  He  called  to  his  council 
table  some  of  the  most  inveterate  revolutioners  and  able 
publicists  of  his  country.  Profiting  doubtless  by  their  advice, 
President  Gomez  initiated  reforms  in  various  branches  of 
public  administration.  The  tariff  laws  were  revised  and  de- 


420 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


liberate  attempts  were  made  to  encourage  foreign  commerce. 
So  much  did  the  financial  condition  of  Venezuela  improve 
that  a number  of  foreign  claims  were  paid.  By  a decree  of 
July,  1911,  the  revolutionary  debt  of  Venezuela  and  other 
national  debts  were  converted  into  the  national  internal  debt. 
The  diplomatic  and  consular  service  was  improved:  consuls 
were  appointed  to  posts  where  there  had  not  been  any  since 
the  age  of  Guzman  Blanco;  and  provision  was  made  for  six 
foreign  legations  of  the  first  class.  By  a decree  of  May  18, 
1912,  the  decimal  system  was  adopted  for  use  by  state  and 
national  governments.  A special  feature  of  this  administra- 
tion was  the  attention  paid  to  the  construction  and  improve- 
ment of  important  roads.  As  ex-President  Castro  tried  to 
to  regain  his  power,  early  in  August,  1913,  President  Gomez 
entrusted  his  civil  authority  to  Jose  Gil  Fortoul,  president  of 
the  council  of  government,  and  left  the  capital  to  wage  a 
campaign  for  the  restoration  of  order  and  tranquillity.  The 
partisans  of  Castro  were  suppressed,  and  early  in  January, 
1914,  General  Gomez  entered  Caracas  at  the  head  of  his 
victorious  soldiers.  At  once  he  reassumed  the  President’s 
functions.  Among  admiring  Venezuelans,  his  regime  is  known 
as  the  government  of  “national  rehabilitation.” 

Constitution  of  1914. — Shortly  afterwards,  a Congress 
of  Deputies  was  convoked,  and  in  June,  1914,  a new  funda- 
mental law  was  adopted  for  the  United  States  of  Venezuela. 
The  Constitution  of  1914  vested  executive  authority  in  a 
President  who  should  be  chosen  for  seven  years  by  Congress 
in  secret  election.  His  substitute  should  be  a cabinet  minister 
to  be  selected  by  the  President  himself.  Among  the  extensive 
powers  which  were  conferred  upon  the  President  was  the 
right  to  arrest,  to  expel,  or  to  exclude  pernicious  foreigners, 
and  the  privilege  to  change  the  seat  of  the  national  govern- 
ment. The  Senate  should  be  made  up  of  two  Senators  se- 
lected by  the  legislature  of  each  state  who  were  to  hold  office 
for  three  years.  The  House  of  Deputies  should  be  composed 
of  members  elected  for  the  same  term  as  Senators  by  direct 
vote  in  the  states,  the  territories,  and  the  federal  district. 
Supreme  judicial  power  was  vested  in  the  court  of  cassation. 
Inferior  courts  were  to  be  established  by  law.  Among  the 
cases  over  which  the  court  of  cassation  had  jurisdiction  were 


VENEZUELA 


421 


disputes  that  might  arise  either  between  magistrates  of  dif- 
ferent states  or  between  states  and  the  federal  union.  It  was 
also  to  take  cognizance  of  controversies  that  might  arise  from 
contracts  or  negotiations  sanctioned  by  the  President.  The 
states  were  declared  to  have  all  authority  that  was  not  dele- 
gated by  the  Constitution  to  the  national  government.  They 
were  to  frame  their  own  constitutions. 

Special  Provisions. — Two  articles  of  the  new  Constitu- 
tion proved  to  be  of  prime  significance.  Article  CXXXVII 
stipulated  that  the  Provisional  President  and  the  Vice-Presi- 
dents of  the  republic  should  hold  their  offices  until  the  new 
constitutional  magistrates  were  inaugurated.  The  following 
article  stipulated  that  the  commander  in  chief  of  the  national 
army  should  exercise  his  functions  until  the  inauguration  of 
the  republic’s  Constitutional  President. 

The  New  Constitution  Put  into  Operation. — Meantime 
Gomez  had  relinquished  the  presidency.  On  April  19,  1914, 
the  Congress  of  Deputies  had  elected  Victoriano  Marquez 
Bustillos,  who  had  been  secretary  of  war  and  the  navy,  pro- 
visional president.  Congress  also  elected  ex-President  Gomez 
commander  in  chief  of  the  national  army.  After  being 
approved  by  the  legislatures  of  the  states,  the  new  Constitu- 
tion went  into  force  in  June,  1914.  During  the  following 
months  the  states  reorganized  their  administrative  regimes. 
On  May  3,  1915,  the  first  Congress  chosen  under  the  new 
Constitution  unanimously  elected  General  Gomez  president 
for  the  term  ending  April  19,  1922.  Yet  the  president-elect 
did  not  assume  the  President’s  duties:  in  accordance  with 
special  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  the  Provisional  Presi- 
dent continued  to  exercise  the  functions  of  chief  magistrate, 
while  General  Gomez — evidently  believing  that  military 
authority  would  enable  him  to  promote  peace  and  institutional 
development  in  Venezuela — remained  at  the  head  of  the  army. 
Yet  he  continued  to  play  an  important  role  in  politics.  The 
declination  of  the  president-elect  to  assume  the  functions  of 
President — while  remaining  the  military  chieftain  during  the 
term  for  which  he  had  been  chosen  chief  executive — is  with- 
out a parallel  in  the  strange  chronicles  of  Latin  America. 

Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Boundary 
Disputes  with  South  American  Nations. — Since  the  dis- 


422 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


ruption  of  “Great  Colombia,”  Venezuela  has  had  boundary 
disputes  with  Brazil  and  Colombia.  Negotiations  with  Brazil 
for  the  demarcation  of  the  frontiers  began  as  early  as  1843. 
Sixteen  years  later  the  governments  of  Brazil  and  Venezuela 
signed  a treaty  which  sketched  a boundary  line  between  their 
territories,  and  provided  for  the  appointment  of  commissioners 
to  survey  the  line.  That  boundary  was  surveyed  by  1880; 
but  part  of  the  line  was  in  a sense  obliterated  by  the  decision 
of  the  Spanish  King  concerning  the  limits  between  Venezuela 
and  Colombia.  By  a protocol  signed  in  Caracas  in  1905  be- 
tween diplomats  of  Brazil  and  Venezuela  that  part  of  the 
Brazilian-Venezuelan  boundary  line  which  had  been  surveyed 
by  the  commissioners  was  mutually  acknowledged  as  the  true 
boundary.  In  1914  a mixed  commission  proceeded  to  place 
marks  along  another  part  of  this  boundary.  As  regards  the 
limits  between  Venezuela  and  Colombia,  in  1881  both  powers 
agreed  to  submit  the  dispute  to  the  arbitration  of  the  Spanish 
monarch,  who  was  to  determine  the  line  which  in  1810 
separated  the  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela  from  the  vice- 
royalty of  New  Granada.  In  the  award  made  by  that  monarch 
on  March  16,  1891,  he  drew  a boundary  line  between  the 
two  states  which  had  sprung  from  “Great  Colombia.”  Acrimo- 
nious correspondence,  however,  took  place  between  the  gov- 
ernments of  Venezuela  and  Colombia  about  that  line,  mixed 
commissions  only  determined  a part  of  it,  and  Colombia 
occupied  districts  which  belonged  to  her.  Upon  at  least  one 
occasion  the  sister  nations  were  on  the  brink  of  war.  Some 
time  after  the  World  War  broke  out,  they  decided  to  submit 
the  dispute  to  the  arbitration  of  the  federal  council  of  Switzer- 
land which  was  to  entrust  to  Swiss  engineers  the  exact  de- 
marcation of  the  boundary. 

Revolutionary  Tendencies  and  Immigration. — In  the 

second  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  Venezuela  had  the 
appearance  of  a country  that  was  revolution-weary.  It  has 
been  estimated  that  within  three-quarters  of  a century  she 
had  suffered  from  fifty  revolts  or  revolutions.  Frequent  revo- 
lutionary disturbances  have  indubitably  exercised  a deterrent 
influence  upon  immigration  to  Venezuela.  Various  attempts 
by  law  to  encourage  foreigners  to  settle  there  have  met  with 
slight  success.  In  recent  years  immigration  has  at  times  al- 


VENEZUELA 


423 


t 


most  been  balanced  by  emigration:  in  1905  the  total  number 
of  arrivals  in  Venezuela  from  foreign  lands  was  5929,  while 
the  total  number  of  departures  for  abroad  was  5519.  In 
1912  the  net  increase  by  immigration  was  1634. 

Population. — It  is  scarcely  correct  to  say  that  the  Vene- 
zuelan aborigines  have  been  absorbed  into  the  Spanish-speak- 
ing population.  The  Venezuelan  people  much  resemble  the 
Colombian  people.  The  upper  class  in  large  cities  of  Vene- 
zuela is  largely  of  Spanish  descent;  the  lower  classes  are 
somewhat  mixed ; on  the  coast  is  found  a negro  element ; and 
in  the  interior  are  many  Indians.  Upon  the  distant  frontiers 
are  more  than  a dozen  tribes  of  aborigines  who  have  scarcely 
been  affected  by  civilization.  According  to  official  statistics, 
on  January  1,  1905,  the  population  of  Venezuela  was  2,598,- 
063  souls;  and  on  January  1,  1913,  her  population  was  only 
2,755.638. 

Religion. — Religious  orders  are  excluded  from  Vene- 
zuela by  law.  There  the  Church  is  not  affiliated  with  the 
State  as  in  Colombia.  The  Constitution  of  1914  declares 
that  Venezuelans  are  guaranteed  religious  liberty  in  accord- 
ance with  the  laws  and  subject  to  the  supervision  of  the 
federal  executive. 

Economic  Condition. — Agriculture,  cattle  raising,  and 
manufactures  are  the  main  industries.  In  fertile  valleys  of 
Venezuela  many  large  plantations  are  devoted  to  the  culture 
of  coffee,  cacao,  sugar,  and  cotton.  Large  herds  of  cattle, 
goats,  horses,  and  sheep  rove  over  her  hills  and  grassy  plains. 
As  in  other  Latin-American  countries,  the  factories  of  Vene- 
zuela are  engaged  for  the  most  part  in  the  transformation  of 
native  products.  The  chief  manufactures  are  lumber,  leather, 
cotton  goods,  cocoanut  oil,  cigarettes,  and  chocolate.  The 
twelve  most  important  exports  in  1912-1913  were  coffee, 
86,881,848  bolivares;  cacao,  20,794,165;  balata,  11,962,192; 
hides,  9,345,154;  gold,  2,754,225;  tonka  beans,  2,707,753; 
rubber,  2,334,709;  asphalt,  1,758,518;  heron  feathers  1,420,- 
235;  cattle,  1,157,468;  raw  sugar,  179,960;  and  pearls,  68,550. 
Those  values  are  given  in  bolivares ; as  the  monetary  unit 
of  Venezuela  is  nominally  the  gold  bolivar  which  under  normal 
conditions  is  the  equivalent  of  the  franc. 


424 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Public  Debt. — Since  1908  the  financial  condition  of 
Venezuela  has  much  improved.  On  December  31,  1913,  her 
internal  debt — which  included  the  obligations  inherited  from 
“Great  Colombia’’ — had  been  reduced  to  61,607,251  bolivares. 
Her  external  debt,  which  was  largely  composed  of  so-called 
diplomatic  debts,  amounted  to  114,853,071  bolivares.  In  all 
Venezuela’s  public  debt  amounted  in  round  numbers  to  some 
$35,000,000,  United  States  currency. 

Transportation. — Largely  because  of  her  topography 
and  location  Venezuela  has  a better  transportation  system 
than  Colombia.  Upon  the  eve  of  the  World  War  steamships 
from  Europe  and  the  United  States  touched  regularly  at  La 
Guaira,  Puerto  Cabello,  and  Cumana.  Spanish  vessels  regu- 
larly made  trips  between  Barcelona,  Havana,  Panama,  and 
Venezuelan  ports.  A line  from  the  United  States  made  trips 
between  Puerto  Cabello,  La  Guaira,  Maracaibo,  and  New 
York  City.  Ships  plied  with  regularity  on  the  Orinoco  River. 
Still,  Venezuela  had  only  some  five  hundred  miles  of  railroad, 
which  were  mostly  lines  from  Caracas  to  other  important 
cities.  Her  railroad  system,  however,  was  supplemented  by 
a system  of  excellent  roads. 

Education. — For  a considerable  period  educational  fa- 
cilities in  Venezuela  were  extremely  poor.  In  rural  districts 
much  teaching  was  done  by  parish  priests.  Since  1870,  how- 
ever, a decided  improvement  has  taken  place.  In  part  ele- 
mentary education  has  been  supported  by  the  nation,  in  part 
by  the  states,  and  in  part  by  municipalities.  Secondary  educa- 
tion was  mainly  carried  on  in  colegios  that  were  attended  by 
boys  and  girls.  Official  statistics  showed  that  in  1912  Vene- 
zuela had  2698  elementary  schools;  more  than  one-half  of 
those  had  only  one  teacher;  and  some  of  them  were  private 
schools.  The  total  enrollment  was  85,750  pupils.  In  62 
graded  schools,  which  ordinarily  had  six  teachers  apiece,  there 
were  in  the  same  year  7099  pupils.  Separate  schools  of  arts 
and  crafts  had  been  established  for  boys  and  girls  at  Caracas. 
A school  of  engineering  was  also  located  there.  At  Puerto 
Cabello  was  an  academy  of  naval  construction.  In  addition 
Venezuela  had  seminaries  of  philosophy  and  divinity,  besides 
normal  schools.  Higher  education  was  furnished  by  the  uni- 
versities of  Caracas,  Los  Andes,  and  Merida.  In  those 


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universities  considerable  attention  was  paid  to  the  study  of 
law,  medicine,  and  theology.  On  December  19,  1914,  an 
important  law  was  enacted  concerning  national  instruction. 
That  law  recognized  five  branches  of  education:  primary, 
secondary,  normal,  superior,  and  special.  Primary  education 
was  declared  to  be  obligatory  for  all  children  from  seven  to 
fourteen  years  of  age. 

Venezuelan  Poetry. — No  nation  of  Latin  America  has 
produced  a literature  more  characteristic  of  her  life  than 
Venezuela.  Here,  too,  the  earliest  literary  figure  is  Andres 
Bello,  who  wrote  verses  before  he  left  Venezuelan  soil. 
Rafael  M.  Baralt,  who  resided  in  Madrid,  wrote  a standard 
history  of  his  native  land  and  also  composed  poems.  Upon 
his  plantation  on  the  river  Choroni,  Jose  A.  Maitin  wrote 
poems  that  contain  suggestive  descriptions  of  Venezuelan  life 
and  scenery.  Jose  A.  Calcano,  a member  of  a literary  family, 
wrote  lyric  poems  in  which  he  used  his  native  land  as  a back- 
ground. A national  note  was  struck  by  Juan  Vicente  Gonzalez, 
the  author  of  Mcsenianas,  that  is  a series  of  flowery  eulogies 
upon  certain  national  leaders.  Cecilio  Acosta  was  a learned 
and  Arersatile  Venezuelan  who  wrote  poems  and  essays,  besides 
studies  of  national  and  international  politics.  A poet  named 
Juan  Antonio  Perez  Bonalde  added  a philosophic  note  to 
Venezuelan  poetry:  his  Vuelta  a la  patria  and  Poema  del 
Niagara  are  widely  known. 

Prose. — Venezuelan  novelists  have  a flavor  of  their  own. 
Julio  Calcano  not  only  composed  a novel  about  the  Italian 
renaissance  which  he  entitled  Blanca  de  Torestclla,  but  also 
compiled  a book  upon  the  peculiarities  of  the  Castilian  lan- 
guage as  it  was  used  in  Venezuela.  Peonia,  a novel  by  Manuel 
Romero  Garcia,  that  dealt  with  life  on  a Venezuelan  planta- 
tion, marked  the  definite  beginning  of  the  so-called  creole 
influence  in  Venezuelan  fiction.  Another  author  who  has  pub- 
lished novels  of  the  same  type  and  also  poems  is  Rufino 
Blanco-Fombona.  His  famous  story  of  Hombre  dc  hierro 
depicts  Venezuelan  revolutions.  Imprisoned  by  President 
Gomez,  upon  being  liberated  Blanco-Fombona  went  to  Europe 
where  he  published  a select  edition  of  Bolivar’s  correspondence 
and  reprinted  Spanish-American  historical  works.  Jose  Gil 
Fortoul  belongs  to  the  same  school  as  Blanco-Fombona  but 


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has  a very  different  life  history.  Poet,  novelist,  philosopher, 
and  publicist,  he  established  his  reputation  as  a historian  by 
writing  a constitutional  history  of  Venezuela,  which,  however, 
remains  unfinished.  Of  him  and  of  other  Venezuelan 
litterateurs  who  may  not  be  mentioned  here  we  may  read  in 
Picon-Febres  excellent  survey  entitled  Literatura  venezolana 
en  el  siglo  XIX. 

Fine  Arts. — Felipe  Larrazabal  founded  a conservatory 
of  music  in  Caracas  about  1868.  Subsequently  Venezuelan 
composers  produced  many  pieces  of  music.  The  annals  of 
painting  in  Venezuela  go  back  to  the  days  of  Pedro  Lovera 
who  founded  a school  for  artists  in  the  capital  city.  Later 
the  Sociedad  de  Amigos  del  Pais  established  an  academy  of 
painting  there  which  was  ably  directed  by  Antonio  J.  Car- 
ranza. One  of  his  disciples  named  Manuel  Cruz  produced  a 
painting  which  depicted  the  soldiers  of  Bolivar  fording  the 
river  Apure.  Venezuelan  artists  went  abroad  to  study  in  the 
ateliers  of  Paris  and  Rome.  Ultimately  Venezuelan  artistic 
genius  blossomed  in  Martin  Tovar  y Tovar  and  Arturo 
Michelena.  Tovar  y Tovar  produced  a noteworthy  series 
of  paintings,  mainly  of  a historical  character.  Among  those 
were  a canvas  depicting  the  battle  of  Ayacucho,  and  a famous 
picture  of  the  members  of  the  Venezuelan  Congress  signing 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  His  representations  of 
crucial  battles  in  the  Venezuelan  War  for  Independence  are 
among  the  most  pleasing  mural  decorations  in  the  elliptical 
hall  of  the  “federal  palace”  at  Caracas.  Arturo  Michelena 
produced  some  genre  and  religious  paintings.  Among  his  best- 
known  productions  are  a picture — Vuelvan  Cara — which  rep- 
resents a dramatic  episode  in  the  military  career  of  Paez;  an 
equestrian  portrait  of  Simon  Bolivar;  and  a painting  which 
portrays  Francisco  de  Miranda  in  a dungeon  at  Cadiz.  Among 
Venezuelan  sculptors  two  names,  at  least,  should  be  men- 
tioned: Eloy  Palacios,  who  made  statues  of  heroes  of  the 

revolutionary  epoch,  besides  one  of  Jose  M.  Vargas;  and 
Rafael  de  la  Cova  who  modeled  statues  of  Bolivar  that  were 
cast  in  bronze. 

Provisional  President  Marquez  Bustillos. — In  his  mes- 
sage to  Congress  on  April  28,  1916,  Provisional  President 
Marquez  Bustillos  expressed  his  gratitude  to  General  Gomez 


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427 


for  advice  furnished  in  regard  to  solutions  for  pressing  prob- 
lems of  state.  In  a message  to  Congress  upon  the  same  day 
Gomez  stated  that  he  would  assume  the  presidency  of  the 
republic  whenever  he  might  consider  such  a step  convenient 
and  opportune.  Thus  it  was  that,  in  general,  the  Provisional 
President  of  Venezuela  had  evidently  pursued  policies  spon- 
sored either  by  the  president-elect  or  by  that  dignitary’s 
advisers.  Toward  the  end  of  1916  Marquez  Bustillos  issued 
decrees  providing  for  the  construction  of  two  great  highways 
that  were  to  run  from  the  capital  city  through  the  eastern 
and  the  western  portions  of  Venezuela.  His  secretary  of 
public  works  soon  projected  other  roads  that  were  designed 
to  link  coastal  towns  and  cities  with  settlements  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Orinoco.  The  Acting  President  issued  decrees 
which  radically  modified  the  system  of  higher  education:  a 
school  of  political  science,  a school  of  dentistry,  and  a school 
of  pharmacy  were  founded  at  Caracas.  Similarly  there  were 
established  in  that  city  in  1917  a museum  of  natural  history 
and  an  institute  of  fine  arts.  In  December  of  that  year  a 
revised  civil  code  went  into  force.  A school  of  wireless 
telegraphy  was  created  for  the  training  of  military  and  naval 
officers.  A law  was  promulgated  in  June,  1919,  which  made 
military  service  compulsory  for  adult  male  citizens,  with  some 
exceptions.  In  time  of  peace  every  man  was  obliged  to  serve 
for  two  years  either  in  the  army  or  the  navy,  while  in  war 
time  he  could  be  constrained  to  serve  during  the  pleasure  of 
the  President.  About  the  same  time  a bureau  was  organized 
in  the  department  of  foreign  relations  which  was  entrusted 
with  the  task  of  promoting  the  foreign  commerce  of  Vene- 
zuela. 

Venezuela  and  the  World  War. — Even  before  General 
Gomez  became  president-elect,  Venezuela  had  experienced  the 
ill  effects  of  the  World  War.  The  cost  of  some  necessities 
of  life  increased.  A sharp  decrease  in  the  amount  of  Vene- 
zuela’s dutiable  imports  soon  caused  her  customs  revenues  to 
decline.  As  early  as  August,  1914,  the  government  issued  a 
decree  that  abolished  certain  offices  and  decreased  official 
salaries  twenty-five  per  cent.  This  retrenchment  was  followed 
by  other  economies:  thus  the  national  credit  was  maintained 
intact.  During  the  same  month  the  Venezuelan  government 


428 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


informed  national  and  state  officials  that  it  would  maintain  a 
strict  neutrality  during  the  War.  Venezuela  soon  attempted 
to  promote  the  convocation  of  a congress  of  delegates  from 
American  nations  to  consider  the  rights  of  neutral  powers. 
After  being  informed  by  the  Venezuelan  minister  in  Wash- 
ington of  the  policy  which  the  United  States  was  pursuing 
toward  Germany,  on  February  14,  1917,  the  secretary  of 
foreign  relations  sent  that  minister  a cablegram  declaring  that 
the  policy  of  Venezuela  would  accord  with  the  principles  of 
international  law  and  with  the  relations  of  peace  and  friend- 
ship which  she  had  with  all  the  belligerents.  Soon  afterwards 
the  United  States  minister  at  Caracas  was  informed  that, 
while  fulfilling  her  duties  as  a neutral,  Venezuela  would  not 
relinquish  any  of  her  rights.  Certain  of  Venezuela’s  leaders 
deeply  sympathized  with  the  United  States  in  the  World  War, 
yet,  as  their  country  was  not  directly  affected  by  the  German 
submarine  campaign,  she  adhered  to  her  policy  of  neutrality 
throughout  the  struggle. 

Summary. — Venezuela  has  not  been  so  backward  in  her 
economic  development  as  Colombia.  This  has  been  so,  partly 
because  of  a more  advantageous  geographical  position,  partly 
because  the  problem  of  intercommunication  in  Venezuela  is 
scarcely  so  serious,  and  partly  because  her  government  has 
recently  much  improved  transportation  facilities  by  the  con- 
struction of  good  roads.  Then,  too,  Venezuela’s  capital  city 
is  located  where  quick  communication  may  be  had  with  the 
West  Indies  and  the  United  States.  From  the  viewpoint  of 
territorial  possessions,  Venezuela  has  retrograded  since  1831; 
she  has  been  constrained  to  relinquish  territory  to  Brazil  and 
to  England,  and  seems  destined  to  lose  to  Colombia  other 
regions  to  which  she  has  asserted  a title.  In  the  elements  of 
her  population  Venezuela  so  far  resembles  Colombia  in  that 
a cultured  capable,  and  progressive  aristocracy  of  wealth  or 
culture  reposes  upon  the  labor  of  ignorant,  mixed  classes. 
Venezuelan  political  history  has  been  marked  by  odd  con- 
trasts : with  influential  leaders  like  Simon  Bolivar  and  Antonio 
Guzman,  whose  addresses  and  writings  contain  passages 
imbued  with  a lofty  patriotism  that  is  sometimes  democratic, 
it  has  nevertheless  been  checkered  by  lamentable  lapses  into 
arbitrary  government.  Venezuela  has  not  yet  redeemed  her- 


VENEZUELA 


429 


self  from  the  reputation  which  she  acquired  under  Castro  of 
being  one  of  those  countries  of  South  America  where  infringe- 
ments of  personal  liberty  and  arbitrary  imprisonments  were 
perhaps  most  frequent.  From  a fiscal  viewpoint  the  Vene- 
zuelan nation  should  be  happyt  her  finances  have  recently 
been  so  carefully  husbanded  that  they  are  now  upon  a much 
better  basis  than  those  of  either  Ecuador  or  Colombia.  Like 
those  countries,  Venezuela  should  share  in  increasing  measure 
in  the  advantages  that  are  bound  to  flow  from  the  completion 
of  the  Panama  Canal. 


CHAPTER  XVII 


CUBA,  THE  DOMINICAN  REPUBLIC,  AND  THE 
CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Cuba 

Cuba,  1823-1895. — In  the  second  decade  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  revolutionary  breezes  from  the  mainland 
reached  the  Spanish  colonies  in  the  West  Indies.  Although 
conspiracies  were  formed  and  revolts  broke  out  in  Cuba,  yet 
its  inhabitants  did  not  gain  their  political  autonomy.  A 
guerrilla  warfare  that  began  in  1868  ended  in  the  capitula- 
tion of  the  insurgents  in  February,  1878.  By  a decree  of 
March  1,  1878,  Spain  granted  the  Cubans  representation  in 
the  Cortes.  Subsequently  the  Spanish  Constitution,  the 
Spanish  code  of  civil  procedure,  and  the  Spanish  civil  code 
were  extended  to  Cuba  as  well  as  to  Porto  Rico.  Still,  at  the 
opening  of  the  last  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the 
evils  of  maladministration  were  no  less  keenly  felt  in  Cuba 
than  they  had  been  in  the  adjacent  continent.  The  Spaniard 
clutched  the  “Pearl  of  the  Antilles”  with  the  tenacity  of  a 
disappointed  Imperialist. 

The  Revolt  of  1895. — In  1895  Maximo  Gomez  led  a 
bloody  revolt  in  Cuba  against  Spanish  domination.  During 
the  ensuing  struggle  Spain  resorted  to  the  extreme  policy  of 
concentrating  defenseless  Cubans  in  camps  which  were  en- 
circled by  soldiers  and  barb  wire.  Valuable  property  belong- 
ing to  Cubans,  Spaniards,  and  United  States  citizens  was 
destroyed.  In  his  message  to  Congress  on  December  7,  1896, 
President  Cleveland  said  that  the  obligations  of  the  United 
States  to  the  sovereignty  of  Spain  might  be  superseded  by 
higher  obligations. 

Explosion  of  the  “Maine.” — The  explosion  of  the 
United  States  battleship  “Maine”  in  the  harbor  of  Havana  on 
February  15,  1898,  which  killed  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  brought  public  opinion  in  that 


430 


CUBA 


43i 


country  to  the  fighting  point.  Her  ambassador  at  Madrid 
was  instructed  to  present  an  ultimatum  to  Spain  asking  for 
immediate  peace  in  Cuba  through  the  good  offices  of  his  gov- 
ernment. Although  at  last  Spain  reluctantly  granted  the 
demands  of  the  United  States,  yet  her  concessions  were  con- 
sidered by  that  government  as  mere  attempts  to  gain  time. 

The  United  States  Congress  Authorizes  Intervention. — 
On  April  n,  1898,  President  McKinley  sent  a message  to 
Congress  which  argued  that  forcible  intervention  was  the  only 
remedy  for  Cuba’s  ills.  After  some  debate,  on  April  19 
Congress  adopted  a joint  resolution  which  contained  the 
following  declarations:  (1)  that  the  Cubans  were  inde- 

pendent; (2)  that  the  United  States  demanded  that  Spain 
should  relinquish  her  authority  over  Cuba  at  once;  (3)  that 
the  President  was  authorized  to  use  the  land  and  naval  forces 
of  the  United  States  to  carry  out  these  resolutions;  and  (4) 
that  the  United  States  government  disclaimed  any  intention 
to  exercise  control  over  Cuba  except  for  her  pacification  and 
asserted  its  intention  to  leave  the  government  and  the  control 
of  the  island  to  her  own  people. 

War  between  Spain  and  the  United  States. — This  was 
equivalent  to  a declaration  of  war.  After  the  President  signed 
the  resolution  on  April  20,  the  Spanish  minister  at  Washing- 
ton asked  for  his  passports,  the  American  minister  left  Madrid, 
and  the  navy  of  the  United  States  was  ordered  to  blockade 
Cuba.  The  war  which  ensued  was  short  and  decisive.  On 
June  14,  1898,  United  States  soldiers  left  Florida  for  Cuba; 
and  on  July  17  Santiago  de  Cuba  capitulated.  Article  I of 
the  treaty  of  peace  between  Spain  and  the  United  States 
which  was  signed  at  Paris  on  December  10,  1898,  provided 
that  Spain  should  relinquish  her  sovereignty  over  Cuba  and 
Porto  Rico.  The  government  of  the  United  States  undertook 
to  protect  life  and  property  in  Cuba  as  long  as  her  occupation 
lasted. 

Occupation  of  Cuba  by  United  States  Soldiers. — Until 
May,  1902,  Cuba  was  occupied  by  United  States  soldiers. 
On  January  1,  1899,  General  John  R.  Brooke,  military  gov- 
ernor of  Cuba,  issued  a proclamation  announcing  the  inten- 
tions of  his  government.  He  declared  that  the  United  States 
intended  to  give  protection  to  the  people  of  Cuba,  announced 


432 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


that  the  civil  and  criminal  codes  which  formerly  prevailed 
there  would  remain  in  force,  and  urged  that  the  Cubans  should 
cooperate  in  the  work  of  lehabilitation.  Over  each  of  the 
seven  provinces  of  Cuba  was  placed  a military  officer.  The 
civil  administration  of  the  island  was  soon  entrusted  to  four 
secretaries.  During  the  first  year  of  occupation  by  United 
States  soldiers  significant  changes  were  made  in  Cuban  ad- 
ministration: some  Spanish  taxes  were  abolished;  civil  mar- 
riage was  made  legally  valid ; and  steps  were  taken  to  prepare 
a census.  In  November,  1899,  an  order  was  issued  for  the 
establishment  of  a department  of  public  instruction.  On 
December  20  of  that  year  General  Leonard  Wood  succeeded 
General  Brooke  as  military  governor.  Under  Governor  Wood 
measures  were  taken  to  standardize  Cuban  schools.  United 
States  army  surgeons  much  improved  sanitary  conditions  upon 
the  island  and  demonstrated  that  yellow  fever  was  transmitted 
by  the  female  stegomyia  mosquito.  During  the  second  year 
of  occupation  attempts  were  made  to  reform  Cuban  courts 
and  legal  processes. 

Political  Reorganization. — Steps  were  also  taken  for 
the  reorganization  of  civil  government  in  the  island.  In 
accordance  with  an  order  of  the  military  governor,  municipal 
elections  were  held  on  June  16,  1900.  On  July  25  an  order 
was  issued  directing  that  elections  should  be  held  for  the 
choice  of  delegates  to  a convention  to  adopt  a constitution 
which  should  contain  stipulations  about  the  relations  between 
the  government  of  Cuba  and  the  government  of  the  United 
States.  This  convention  was  also  to  make  arrangements  for 
the  election  of  Cuban  magistrates  to  whom  governmental 
authority  should  be  transferred.  Those  delegates  assembled 
at  Havana  on  November  5,  1900:  on  February  21,  1901,  they 
signed  the  Constitution  of  the  Cuban  republic. 

Constitution  of  Cuba. — That  Constitution  vested  execu- 
tive power  in  a President,  a Vice-President,  and  a cabinet. 
The  President  was  to  be  chosen  by  an  electoral  college.  Legis- 
lative power  was  granted  to  a Congress  composed  of  a Senate 
and  a House  of  Representatives.  The  Senate  should  be  made 
up  of  four  members  from  each  province  chosen  by  electoral 
colleges.  The  House  of  Representatives  should  be  composed 
of  members  elected  by  popular  vote.  Judicial  authority  was 


CUBA 


433 


vested  in  a supreme  court  and  such  other  courts  as  might  be 
provided  by  law.  The  unit  of  local  organization  was  the 
province.  Each  of  the  six  provinces  should  be  administered 
by  a governor  and  a provincial  council  elected  by  the  people. 
Certain  powers  were  specifically  granted  to  the  provinces. 
Municipal  districts  should  be  governed  by  mayors  and  local 
councils.  Among  the  transitory  provisions  of  the  Constitu- 
tion was  a clause  providing  that  the  Cuban  republic  should 
recognize  public  debts  that  had  been  legitimately  contracted 
by  the  insurgent  government.  As  originally  adopted,  the  Con- 
stitution contained  no  provision  about  future  relations  be- 
tween Cuba  and  the  United  States. 

The  Platt  Amendment. — On  March  2,  1901,  certain 
clauses  concerning  Cuba  and  the  United  States  which  had 
been  inserted  in  the  army  appropriation  bill  of  the  United 
States  at  the  instance  of  Senator  Platt  became  law.  This 
law,  ordinarily  known  as  the  Platt  Amendment,  provided 
that  the  Cuban  republic  would  never  enter  into  any  com- 
pact with  a foreign  power  which  might  impair  her  inde- 
pendence, that  she  would  contract  no  excessive  debt,  that 
the  acts  of  the  United  States  in  Cuba  during  the  Spanish 
war  were  validated,  that  the  Cuban  government  would 
carry  out  certain  plans  for  the  sanitation  of  the  island,  that 
the  new  republic  would  lease  to  the  United  States  the  lands 
necessary  for  coaling  stations,  and  that  the  United  States 
government  might  exercise  the  right  to  intervene  in  Cuba 
to  preserve  her  independence  and  to  maintain  a govern- 
ment capable  of  protecting  life,  property,  and  individual 
liberty,  as  well  as  to  discharge  such  obligations  imposed  by 
the  Treaty  of  Paris  upon  the  United  States  as  were 
assumed  by  the  government  of  Cuba.  After  a vain  attempt 
to  modify  the  Platt  Amendment,  on  June  12,  1901,  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention  made  it  a part  of  the  Cuban  Consti- 
tution. 

President  Estrada  Palma. — The  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion also  adopted  a law  which  provided  that  a general 
election  should  be  held  on  December  31,  1901.  On  Febru- 
ary 24,  1902,  the  presidential  electors  met  and  chose  Tomas 
Estrada  Palma  as  president  of  Cuba.  Estrada  Palma  was 
inaugurated  on  May  20,  1902.  In  the  following  year  a 


434 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


reciprocity  treaty  was  negotiated  with  the  United  States. 
A Liberal  party  developed  that  opposed  the  policies  of  the 
President,  who  became  the  leader  of  the  Conservatives. 
Political  dissensions  soon  culminated  in  uprisings  against 
the  government.  Ages  of  revolt  and  civil  war  in  Cuba 
had  apparently  fostered  a revolutionary  spirit.  Hence  in 
September,  1906,  the  Cuban  government  appealed  to  the 
United  States.  President  Roosevelt  sent  Secretaries  Taft 
and  Bacon  to  Havana  to  reconcile  the  discordant  factions. 
After  conferences  with  various  leaders  these  commission- 
ers proposed  that  certain  magistrates  should  resign,  that 
the  insurgents  should  lay  down  their  arms,  and  that  new 
elections  should  be  held.  Yet  this  compromise  was  inac- 
ceptable  to  the  Cubans;  on  September  28  President 
Estrada  Palma  and  his  cabinet  resigned;  and  after  Con- 
gress received  the  President’s  resignation,  it  adjourned 
without  electing  a successor. 

Second  Occupation  by  the  United  States. — Taft  accord- 
ingly  proclaimed  a provisional  government  which  was  to 
conform,  so  far  as  possible,  to  the  Cuban  Constitution.  He 
declared  that  his  object  was  to  restore  order,  peace,  and 
confidence,  and  to  reestablish  a permanent  government  in 
Cuba.  The  Cuban  insurgents  and  the  militia  were  then 
disarmed;  and  a proclamation  of  amnesty  was  issued. 
Soon  afterwards  Charles  E.  Magoon  assumed  the  duties  of 
provisional  governor;  officers  of  the  United  States  army 
were  stationed  in  Cuba.  During  the  second  military  occu- 
pation by  the  United  States  tranquillity  was  maintained  in 
the  island,  public  improvements  were  introduced  into 
towns  and  cities,  and  the  criminal  and  electoral  laws  were 
revised. 

Restoration  of  Home  Rule. — In  November,  1908,  a gen- 
eral election  was  held.  Members  of  Congress  and  electors 
of  President  and  Vice-President  were  chosen.  The  Cuban 
Congress  assembled  on  January  23,  1909,  and  after  scru- 
tinizing the  election  returns,  it  announced  that  General 
Jose  Miguel  Gomez,  a Liberal  leader  who  had  fought 
against  Spain  in  the  revolt  of  1895,  had  been  elected  presi- 
dent. On  January  28,  1909,  Gomez  was  inaugurated, 
Magoon  left  the  island,  and  the  army  of  occupation  was 


CUBA 


435 


soon  withdrawn.  The  Cuban  Congress  passed  a law  grant- 
ing amnesty  to  many  political  offenders  but  adjourned 
without  acting  definitively  upon  the  budget.  In  November, 
1910,  were  held  the  first  congressional  elections  under  the 
new  regime. 

Political  Problems. — At  that  juncture  the  Liberal  party 
divided  into  two  factions:  a moderate  group  which  advo- 
cated the  abrogation  of  the  Platt  Amendment;  and  a 
radical  faction  which  demanded  the  enactment  of  the  anti- 
clerical legislation.  In  certain  sections  of  Cuba  negro 
politicians  took  steps  toward  the  organization  of  a political 
party  which  was  to  include  in  its  ranks  all  colored  voters. 
In  19 1 1 criticism  of  the  government  reached  a climax: 
complaints  of  extravagance  and  corruption  were  made 
against  the  Gomez  administration.  Some  of  the  charges 
were  as  follows:  that  national  offices  were  virtually  dis- 
posed of  to  the  highest  bidders,  that  franchises  conveying 
public  service  privileges  were  sold  to  grasping  concession- 
aires, and  that  there  was  graft  in  projects  for  harbor  im- 
provements. Dissensions,  riots,  and  armed  uprisings 
induced  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  take 
measures  preparatory  to  intervention.  In  the  presidential 
campaign  of  April,  1912,  the  Conservative  candidate,  Gen- 
eral Mario  Garcia  Menocal,  was  elected  president. 

Cuba  under  Menocal. — The  inauguration  of  President 
Menocal  took  place  on  May  20,  1913.  In  response  to  a con- 
gratulatory message  from  President  Wilson,  the  new  chief 
magistrate  expressed  his  intention  “to  cement  the  friendly 
relations”  that  bound  Cuba  to  the  United  States.  In  a 
message  to  Congress  Menocal  promised  a prudent  govern- 
ment and  advocated  fiscal  reform.  He  soon  took  steps  to 
abrogate  certain  concessions  that  had  been  made  during 
the  Gomez  regime.  He  had  difficulties  with  Congress 
about  the  budget,  but  that  body  eventually  sanctioned  a 
loan  of  fifteen  million  pesos  to  pay  outstanding  debts  and  to 
finance  internal  improvements.  The  United  States  did  not 
altogether  release  the  Cubans  from  leading-strings,  for  in 
1914  she  made  known  her  opposition  to  a proposed  am- 
nesty law  because  it  did  not  seem  designed  to  promote  the 
preservation  of  law  and  order. 


436 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Social  Condition. — Her  insular  position  and  the  exist- 
ence of  over  2,000  miles  of  railroads,  besides  good  high- 
ways, give  Cuba  one  of  the  best  transportation  systems  in 
Latin  America.  Steamship  lines  connect  her  ports  with 
the  United  States  and  with  the  leading  countries  of 
Europe.  Her  population  in  1914  was  estimated  at  some- 
what less  than  2,500,000.  The  upper  classes  pride  them- 
selves on  their  Spanish  descent,  while  in  the  veins  of  the 
lower  classes  some  negro  blood  runs.  Havana,  the  capital 
and  chief  seaport,  and  the  metropolis  of  the  West  Indies, 
had  a population  of  some  350,000. 

Economic  Condition. — Cuba  was  in  a flourishing  condi- 
tion. The  chief  occupations  of  her  inhabitants  were  agri- 
culture and  mining.  Sugar  was  the  most  important  crop. 
In  the  fiscal  year  1913-1914  the  main  exports  were  as 
follows:  sugar,  $119,742,942;  unmanufactured  tobacco, 

$19,007,213  ; manufactured  tobacco,  $13,773,203  ; iron,  gold, 
and  copper  ores,  $4,263,131;  hides  and  skins,  $2,568,154; 
molasses,  $2,434,908;  and  fruits,  $2,823,672.  Since  the 
negotiation  of  the  reciprocity  treaty  with  the  United 
States,  an  increasing  amount  of  Cuba’s  commerce  has  been 
with  that  country.  The  coinage  law  of  1914  established 
the  gold  peso,  of  the  same  weight  and  fineness  as  the 
United  States  dollar,  as  the  monetary  unit.  United  States 
currency  is  also  legal  tender. 

The  Campaign  of  igi6. — In  the  campaign  of  1916 
Menocal  was  opposed  by  Alfredo  Zayas,  a Liberal  who  was 
supported  by  ex-President  Gomez.  So  close  was  the  elec- 
tion that  both  parties  claimed  the  victory.  Without  wait- 
ing for  a definitive  decision  upon  the  returns,  the  Liberals, 
led  by  Gomez,  rose  in  rebellion.  United  States  Secretary 
of  State  Lansing  appealed  to  the  Cubans,  urging  them  to 
refrain  from  civil  war  and  declaring  that  his  government 
would  not  recognize  a regime  which  might  be  established 
by  violence.  Marines  of  the  United  States  were  landed  at 
Santiago  de  Cuba  to  aid  in  the  preservation  of  order.  After 
Gomez  had  been  defeated  and  captured,  President  Menocal 
expressed  his  appreciation  of  the  policy  pursued  by  the 
United  States.  In  May,  1917,  Menocal  entered  upon  his 
second  term. 


CUBA 


437 


Cuba  and  the  World  War. — Shortly  after  the  World 
War  began,  it  became  clear  that  Cuba  sympathized  with 
the  Allies.  When  the  Imperial  German  government  de- 
clared the  existence  of  a submarine  zone  around  the  British 
Isles,  the  Cuban  government  made  a protest.  After  the 
United  States  had  declared  the  existence  of  a state  of  war 
with  Germany,  President  Menocal  sent  a message  to  Con- 
gress denouncing  the  German  submarine  campaign  and 
declaring  emphatically  that  Cuba  could  not  remain  indif- 
ferent “in  the  face  of  such  stupendous  violations  of  inter- 
national law.”  On  April  7,  1917,  Congress  unanimously 
adopted  a resolution  declaring  that  a state  of  war  existed 
between  Cuba  and  Germany.  Congress  authorized  the 
President  to  use  the  land  and  naval  forces  to  promote  the 
War  and  to  float  a large  loan.  It  levied  onerous  taxes  to 
raise  funds  for  extraordinary  expenditures.  In  August, 

1917,  Menocal  delivered  to  the  United  States  four  German 
steamers  that  had  been  interned  in  Cuban  ports.  During 
the  following  year  a law  was  enacted  providing  for  obliga- 
tory military  service  for  all  adult  male  citizens  who  were 
not  expressly  exempted.  In  May,  1918,  a bill  became  a law 
which  appropriated  two  million  four  hundred  thousand 
pesos  annually  during  the  prosecution  of  the  War  to  pro- 
mote the  welfare  of  its  victims.  A considerable  portion  of 
that  appropriation  was  expended  under  the  direction  of  the 
Red  Cross  organization  of  the  United  States.  In  October, 

1918,  the  Cuban  government  made  known  its  intention  to 
send  thousands  of  trained  officers  and  soldiers  to  the  battle 
fields  of  France. 

Troubled  Politics  and  Finance. — When  the  World  War 
terminated  the  Cubans  became  absorbed  in  local  problems 
and  dissensions  again  arose.  As  many  publicists  were  con- 
vinced of  the  need  of  reform  in  the  election  laws,  a new 
electoral  law  was  enacted  which  had  been  framed  by  the 
aid  of  Major-General  Crowder  of  the  United  States  army. 
That  law  aimed  to  check  fraud  by  requiring  each  voter  to 
bring  with  him  to  the  polls  an  identification  card  and  by 
stipulating  that  the  ballots  should  be  counted  publicly  upon 
election  day.  Jose  Miguel  Gomez — who  had  only  been 
punished  by  a few  months’  imprisonment  for  leading  a 


438 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


rebellion — was  the  presidential  candidate  of  the  Liberals 
in  the  campaign  of  1920.  Their  candidate  for  the  vice- 
presidency was  a former  Conservative.  In  opposition  to 
Gomez  was  his  former  vice-president,  Alfredo  Zayas,  who 
had  been  nominated  by  the  “National  League”  which  was 
a coalition  composed  of  Conservatives  and  members  of  the 
so-called  “Popular”  party.  Throughout  the  campaign 
emphasis  was  placed  upon  personalities  rather  than  upon 
political  issues:  the  partisans  of  Gomez  were  dubbed 

Miguelistas,  while  the  adherents  of  Zayas  were  designated 
Zayistas.  The  election  took  place  in  November  amid  in- 
tense excitement.  Its  results  were  never  officially  an- 
nounced because  returns  were  not  received  from  many 
districts  and  because  charges  of  fraud  and  intimidation 
were  made  by  both  parties.  At  this  juncture  the  collapse 
of  the  sugar  market — which  had  induced  the  government 
to  declare  a moratorium  in  January,  1920 — precipitated  a 
financial  stringency.  The  United  States  accordingly  sent 
General  Crowder  to  Havana  on  a special  mission  on  board 
the  cruiser  “Minnesota.”  In  March,  1921,  supplementary 
elections  took  place  in  some  provinces;  and  Zayas  was 
declared  to  be  elected  president.  He  was  inaugurated  on 
May  20,  1921.  With  the  aid  of  Crowder  and  other  advisers, 
he  immediately  began  to  frame  remedial  legislation. 


The  Dominican  Republic 

Origins  of  the  Dominican  Republic  and  Haiti. — The 

island  of  Espanola  or  Santo  Domingo — a6  it  came  to  be  known 
— had  a checkered  history.  In  1697  by  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick, 
France  secured  from  Spain  the  western  half  of  that  island 
which  became  known  as  Haiti;  and  in  1795  by  the  Treaty  of 
Basle  she  secured  the  eastern  half  from  Spain.  As  many 
inhabitants  of  eastern  Santo  Domingo  preferred  to  be  under 
Spanish  rule,  a rebellion  against  the  French  began  in  1808. 
With  the  aid  of  an  English  squadron,  on  July  9,  1809,  revolu- 
tionists captured  the  city  of  Santo  Domingo.  Spain’s  title  to 
the  eastern  half  of  the  island  was  reasserted  in  1814  by  the 
Treaty  of  Paris.  In  1821,  incited  by  the  example  of  their 


THE  DOMINICAN  REPUBLIC 


439 


brethren  in  South  America,  the  Dominicans — as  the  in- 
habitants of  eastern  Santo  Domingo  were  eventually 
designated — deported  the  Spanish  governor,  proclaimed 
their  independence  of  Spain,  and  expressed  their  desire 
to  become  incorporated  in  Colombia.  To  them,  however, 
Bolivar  could  not  extend  any  aid.  President  Boyer  of 
Haiti  invaded  the  eastern  half  of  the  island;  and,  early  in 
1822,  he  captured  Santo  Domingo  City.  For  twenty-two 
years  Haitians  dominated  the  island  of  Santo  Domingo. 
They  tried  to  transform  it  into  a unified  black  republic. 

Duarte  and  the  Independence  of  the  Dominican  Re- 
public.— In  1838  Juan  Pablo  Duarte,  an  aspiring  young 
Dominican  who  had  been  educated  in  Europe,  founded  a secret 
society  which  aimed  to  promote  his  country’s  independence. 
On  February  27,  1844,  a group  of  dissatisfied  Dominicans 
captured  the  chief  gate  of  Santo  Domingo  City,  and  shortly 
afterwards  the  Haitian  general  surrendered  to  the  revolution- 
ists. Soon  a provisional  council  was  formed  to  administer 
Dominican  affairs.  A Convention  drafted  a Constitution  for 
the  young  republic  which  was  promulgated  on  November  6, 
1844.  A revolutionary  leader  named  Pedro  Santana  was 
elected  president.  Scarcely  had  the  Constitution  been  adopted 
when  revolts  broke  out.  For  several  years  the  republic  was 
forced  to  defend  herself  against  the  attempts  of  Haiti  to 
destroy  her  autonomy.  In  February  and  in  December,  1854, 
and  also  in  February,  1858,  short-lived  constitutions  were 
promulgated  for  the  Dominican  Republic. 

Spanish  Domination. — Frequent  insurrections  against 
the  government,  and  a conviction  that  the  country  needed  the 
protection  of  a foreign  power,  incited  President  Santana  in 
1861  to  make  a treaty  which  transferred  his  nation  to  Spain. 
This  treaty  provided  that  the  Dominican  Republic  should  be 
considered  as  a Spanish  province.  On  March  18,  1861,  the 
incorporation  of  the  republic  with  Spain  was  proclaimed  in 
Santo  Domingo  City.  Santana  was  appointed  the  provincial 
governor  and  captain  general.  In  various  quarters  opposition 
to  that  metamorphosis  soon  became  manifest.  On  August  16, 
1863,  a planter  named  Cabrera  started  a revolution  which 
became  known  in  Dominican  history  as  “the  War  of  the 
Restoration.”  After  a destructive  struggle  the  small  Spanish 


440 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


army  was  forced  to  take  refuge  in  Santo  Domingo  City.  On 
May  i,  1865,  the  Spanish  Queen  sanctioned  a law  of  the 
Cortes  which  provided  that  the  colony  in  Santo  Domingo 
should  be  abandoned. 

Stormy  History  of  the  Dominican  Republic. — The  his- 
tory of  the  Dominican  Republic  from  1865  to  the  end  of  the 
nineteenth  century  was  extremely  turbulent.  A Convention 
which  assembled  in  1865  proclaimed  that  the  Constitution  of 
1858  should  be  the  fundamental  law.  Scarcely  had  General 
Antonio  Pimentel  been  elected  president  when  an  insurrection 
against  his  government  began.  As  a result  General  Buena- 
ventura Baez  was  proclaimed  president.  The  Constitution  of 
1854 — which  had  given  the  President  large  powers — was 
declared  to  be  in  force  again.  In  1868,  after  he  became  presi- 
dent for  the  second  time,  Baez  negotiated  a treaty  with  the 
United  States  which  provided  for  the  annexation  of  the 
Dominican  Republic  to  that  country.  His  fellow  countrymen 
approved  the  treaty  by  a plebiscite  in  February,  1870;  but  the 
United  States  Senate  declined  to  ratify  it.  After  a series  of 
kaleidoscopic  changes  in  the  presidency,  in  1882  General  Ulises 
Heureux,  a negro  politician,  became  chief  magistrate  of  the 
republic.  To  prolong  his  rule  he  had  the  existing  Constitution 
amended  more  than  once.  A Constitution  which  was  promul- 
gated in  1896  accorded  to  the  President  very  extensive  powers. 
Dictator  in  everything  but  name,  Heureux  was  cruel  and 
relentless  to  his  political  enemies.  At  last  he  was  assassinated 
by  Ramon  Caceres,  who  had  entered  into  a conspiracy  against 
him.  Around  two  leaders  of  the  opposition  to  Heureux’s 
domination,  Juan  Isidro  Jimenez  and  Horacio  Vasquez,  cliques 
or  party  groups  had  formed.  Jimenez,  who  became  president 
in  November,  1899,  gave  peace  to  his  country  for  a few  years. 
He  was  overthrown  by  a revolution  led  by  Vice-President 
Vasquez  in  1902.  A civil  war  then  broke  out  which  developed 
into  a three-cornered  fight.  Eventually  Carlos  Morales  was 
elected  president  and  Ramon  Caceres  vice-president.  Morales 
was  inaugurated  on  June  19,  1904. 

Financial  Embarrassments. — Heureux  had  saddled  his 
country  with  a large  debt.  It  was  increased  by  foreign  loans 
which  following  administrations  were  compelled  to  incur  dur- 
ing years  of  dissension.  President  Morales  thus  found  the 


THE  DOMINICAN  REPUBLIC 


441 


Dominican  Republic  in  a condition  of  apparently  hopeless 
bankruptcy.  In  September,  1904,  her  debt  was  estimated  at  a 
little  over  $32,000,000.  Over  one-half  of  that  debt  was  held 
by  subjects  of  Belgium,  England,  France,  and  Germany,  while 
a small  part  of  it  was  held  by  United  States  citizens.  At  that 
date  the  annual  revenue  of  the  Dominican  Republic  was  esti- 
mated at  $1,850,000.  The  annual  expenditures — including 
payments  on  the  indebtedness — amounted  to  $3,900,000.  In 
the  latter  part  of  1904  rumors  were  rife  that  certain  European 
nations  would  intervene  in  the  Dominican  Republic  in  order 
to  collect  debts  which  were  due  their  citizens.  Thus  it  seemed 
that  intervention  by  armed  force  might  lead  to  the  occupation 
of  Dominican  territory  for  an  indefinite  period. 

Proposed  Treaty. — John  Hay,  secretary  of  state  for  the 
United  States,  accordingly  instructed  Minister  Dawson  in 
Santo  Domingo  City  to  sound  the  government  of  the  Domin- 
ican Republic  in  respect  to  aid  from  Washington.  In  Febru- 
ary, 1905,  a protocol  was  signed  which  provided  that  the 
United  States  should  adjust  the  debts  of  the  Dominican  Repub- 
lic and  administer  her  customhouses  for  the  service  of  the  debt 
— a fixed  amount  of  the  revenue  being  set  apart  to  pay  the 
current  expenses  of  the  Dominican  government.  A clause  in 
the  convention  provided  that  the  United  States  should  furnish 
such  further  assistance  as  might  be  necessary  to  restore  thfe 
credit,  maintain  the  order,  and  promote  the  welfare  of  the 
Dominican  Republic.  Largely  because  of  that  clause,  which 
was  interpreted  to  signify  the  establishment  of  a protectorate 
over  the  embarrassed  republic,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
refused  to  ratify  the  treaty. 

Roosevelt’s  Modus  Vivendi. — Yet  President  Roosevelt 
made  an  executive  arrangement  with  the  Dominican  govern- 
ment which  embodied  essential  features  of  the  proposed  treaty. 
On  April  1,  1905,  he  put  that  modus  vivendi  into  force  in  the 
bankrupt  republic.  An  agent  from  the  United  States  was 
placed  in  charge  of  her  fiscal  administration.  The  marked  im- 
provement which  then  took  place  in  her  economic,  social,  and 
political  condition — altogether  aside  from  the  fact  that  her 
debt  was  readjusted  and  her  credit  restored — strengthened  the 
sentiment  in  the  United  States  in  favor  of  a treaty  arrange- 
ment. 


442 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Treaty  of  1907  with  the  United  States. — On  February 
8,  1907,  a treaty  was  accordingly  signed  which  arranged  for 
assistance  by  the  United  States  in  the  collection  and  use  of  the 
customs  duties  of  the  insolvent  republic.  The  Treaty  of  1907 
provided  that  the  government  at  Washington  should  for  fifty 
years  administer  the  customs  of  the  Dominican  Republic  for 
the  service  of  her  debt.  Many  beneficial  results  followed  the 
execution  of  this  treaty.  Fewer  revolutions  occurred.  Cus- 
toms receipts  greatly  increased.  Import  and  export  trade 
expanded.  Administrative  methods  were  improved.  Many 
internal  improvements  were  carried  out.  The  Dominican  debt 
was  much  decreased.  On  the  other  hand,  however,  the  admin- 
istration of  the  finances  of  the  Dominican  Republic  by  the 
United  States  almost  inevitably  led  to  interference  with  the 
government  of  that  Latin-American  republic — interference 
which  infringed  upon  her  sovereign  authority. 

Dominican  Constitution  of  1908. — Meantime  a Conven- 
tion that  sat  in  Santiago  de  los  Caballeros  promulgated  a new 
Constitution  for  the  republic.  The  Dominican  Constitution  of 
1908  declared  that  the  electoral  franchise  should  be  granted  to 
all  male  citizens  who  were  over  eighteen  years  of  age.  It 
vested  executive  authority  in  a President  who  should  be  elected, 
by  indirect  vote,  for  six  years.  In  case  of  his  death,  absence, 
or  disability  Congress  was  to  designate  the  individual  who 
should  serve  as  his  substitute.  Among  the  powers  specifically 
granted  to  the  President  was  that  of  commander  in  chief  of 
the  army.  He  was  to  be  aided  by  a cabinet  of  seven  secre- 
taries. Legislative  authority  was  granted  to  a bicameral  Con- 
gress. The  Senate  should  be  made  up  of  one  member  from 
each  province  who  was  to  be  elected  by  indirect  vote,  while  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies  should  be  composed  of  two  members 
from  each  province  elected  in  the  same  manner.  Judicial 
authority  was  granted  to  a supreme  court  that  should  hold  its 
sessions  at  Santo  Domingo  City.  The  republic  was  divided 
into  twelve  provinces  which  were  to  be  administered  by  gover- 
nors appointed  by  the  President. 

Intervention  by  the  United  States. — Ramon  Caceres, 
the  first  president  under  the  new  Constitution,  was  inaugurated 
on  July  1,  1908.  At  a juncture  when  a new  era  seemed  to  be 
dawning  for  his  people,  unfortunately  the  chief  magistrate 


THE  DOMINICAN  REPUBLIC 


443 


was  assassinated  by  a political  enemy.  At  the  instance  of  a 
military  commander,  a weak  man  was  elected  president,  and 
the  country  was  soon  torn  by  dissensions  and  civil  war.  A 
special  commission  sent  by  the  United  States  government  in- 
duced the  Dominican  Congress  to  accept  the  President’s 
resignation  and  to  elect  Archbishop  Noel  as  provisional  presi- 
dent for  two  years.  Monsignor  Noel,  however,  became  tired 
of  his  difficult  post,  and  resigned  the  presidency  in  March, 
1913.  Congress  then  selected  a compromise  candidate  as  pro- 
visional president  for  one  year.  At  the  end  of  his  term  revolts 
began  in  various  sections  and  a commission  was  again  sent  from 
the  United  States  to  pacify  the  republic.  In  October,  1914,  a 
presidential  election  was  held  which  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
Juan  Jimenez  as  president  for  the  second  time. 

Social  and  Economic  Conditions. — The  population  of 
the  Dominican  Republic  in  1914  was  probably  about  700,000. 
Many  inhabitants  are  of  Spanish  descent.  In  some  sections 
there  is  a large  negro  element.  The  chief  occupations  in  the 
republic  are  agriculture  and  related  industries.  Her  rich  soil 
produces  large  crops ; extensive  areas  are  covered  with  valuable 
timber;  and  certain  portions  are  well  suited  for  cattle  raising. 
A few  factories,  as  of  cigars,  cigarettes,  and  chocolate,  have 
been  established.  In  1914  the  chief  exports  of  the  Dominican 
Republic  were  as  follows:  raw  sugar,  $4,943,432;  cacao, 
$3,896,489;  leaf  tobacco,  $394,224;  coffee,  $345,579;  hides, 
$164,064;  wax,  $130,290;  and  fine  woods,  $66,464.  Since 
1900  the  monetary  unit  of  Dominican  currency  has  been  the 
United  States  dollar:  the  Dominican  peso  is  worth  one-fifth  of 
a dollar.  Early  in  1915  through  the  honest  and  efficient  admin- 
istration of  her  customs  service  by  the  United  States  govern- 
ment, the  debt  of  the  Dominican  Republic  had  been  reduced  to 
$21,500,000. 

United  States  Marines  Landed. — To  suppress  distur- 
bances Dominican  officials  incurred  fresh  debts  without  the 
approval  of  the  United  States.  That  government  then  de- 
manded that  a convention  supplementary  to  the  Treaty  of  1907 
be  arranged,  providing  for  the  appointment  of  a financial 
adviser  to  the  Dominican  Republic  and  for  the  control  of  her 
constabulary  by  the  United  States.  To  this  the  Dominicans 
refused  to  consent.  In  April,  1916,  a young  military  officer 


444 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


named  Arias  issued  a proclamation  in  which  he  declared  that 
Jimenez  was  deposed  and  that  he  had  assumed  the  President’s 
powers.  As  this  was  followed  by  disorder,  the  United  States 
landed  a detachment  of  marines  upon  Dominican  soil  who, 
after  a short  campaign  in  which  some  lives  were  lost,  sup- 
pressed the  insurrectionists.  The  Dominican  Congress  then 
elected  Dr.  Francisco  Henriquez  y Carvajal  provisional  presi- 
dent. The  Dominican  government  again  refused  to  sign  a 
convention  supplementary  to  the  Treaty  of  1907;  in  conse- 
quence the  United  States  refused  to  recognize  Henriquez  y 
Carvajal.  On  November  29,  1916,  Captain  Knapp  of  the 
United  States  navy  issued  a proclamation  announcing  that  the 
Dominican  Republic  was  under  the  military  administration  of 
the  United  States.  He  declared  that  his  government  did  not 
intend  to  destroy  the  sovereignty  of  the  Dominican  Republic 
but  that  it  wished  to  enable  her  to  restore  internal  order  so 
that  she  might  observe  her  international  obligations.  The 
administration  of  Dominican  affairs  was  assigned  by  the 
United  States  to  Admiral  Snowden  with  the  title  of  military 
governor  of  the  Dominican  Republic. 

Progress  under  Military  Government. — In  April,  1917, 
the  military  governor  canceled  the  exequaturs  of  German  con- 
sular representatives  in  the  Dominican  Republic.  Diplomatic 
relations  between  that  republic  and  the  German  Empire  were 
thus  technically  severed.  During  the  military  occupation  by 
the  United  States  tranquillity  was  restored  to  the  republic,  and 
important  reforms  were  introduced.  Regulations  providing 
for  compulsory  education  were  enforced.  Sanitary  conditions 
were  much  improved.  Finances  were  again  restored  to  a 
sound  basis. 

Arrangements  for  the  Restoration  of  Home  Rule. — Yet 

the  Dominicans  were  naturally  dissatisfied  with  foreign  mili- 
tary rule.  In  1919  commissioners  headed  by  Dr.  Henriquez  y 
Carvajal  went  to  Paris  to  lay  a plea  for  the  restoration  of  indi- 
vidual liberty  in  the  insular  republic  before  the  League  of 
Nations.  The  Dominican  commission  then  proceeded  to 
Washington.  In  December,  1920,  Admiral  Snowden  informed 
the  Dominican  people  that  his  government  wished  to  with- 
draw from  the  responsibilities  which  it  had  assumed  in  the 
affairs  of  their  republic.  In  accordance  with  instructions  from 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  445 


Washington  on  June  14,  1921,  the  military  governor  issued 
a proclamation  outlining  the  plan  of  his  government  for  the 
conditional  withdrawal  of  its  military  forces  from  Dominican 
soil  and  for  the  transfer  of  administrative  responsibility  to  a 
native  government.  This  plan  provided  that  elections  should 
be  held  in  the  island  for  Senators,  Deputies,  and  national 
judges;  that  an  agreement  concerning  the  evacuation  of  the 
island  should  be  negotiated  between  the  Dominican  government 
and  the  United  States  which  should  validate  all  acts  of  the 
military  government  and  should  stipulate  the  performance  of 
certain  duties  by  the  Dominican  Republic;  and  that  her  elec- 
toral colleges  should  then  properly  choose  a president.  When 
the  “convention  of  evacuation”  should  have  been  confirmed 
by  the  Dominican  Congress  and  President,  if  “peace  and  good 
order”  prevailed,  the  military  governor  would  then  transfer  to 
the  Dominican  President  all  of  his  powers,  the  military  gov- 
ernment would  cease,  and  the  United  States  would  immediately 
withdraw  her  forces.  Yet  the  fiscal  relations  established  in 
1907  between  the  United  States  and  the  Dominican  Republic 
were  to  be  enlarged  so  as  to  include  the  perfection  of  arrange- 
ments for  a proposed  loan.  The  republic  was  still  to  be  kept 
in  a condition  of  tutelage. 

The  Central  American  Republics 

Origins  of  Central  America. — As  has  been  indicated, 
the  captaincy  general  of  Guatemala  or  Central  America 
acquired  independence  from  Spain  through  its  adherence  to 
the  plan  of  Iguala.  When  General  Filisola,  who  commanded 
a military  expedition  that  the  Mexican  Empire  had  sent  to 
Central  America,  heard  of  the  downfall  of  Agustin  I he 
decided  to  summon  delegates  to  an  Assembly  which  might  take 
steps  to  fulfill  the  desire  of  Central  Americans  to  establish  their 
political  independence.  Elections  for  an  assembly  were  accord- 
ingly held,  and  on  June  24,  1823,  delegates  from  provinces  of 
Central  America  gathered  at  Guatemala  City.  As  the  province 
of  Chiapas  had  been  incorporated  in  Mexico,  it  was  not  repre- 
sented in  the  Assembly. 

Independence  and  Federation. — On  July  1,  1823,  the 
National  Constituent  Assembly  announced  that  the  provinces 


446 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


of  the  former  captaincy  general  of  Guatemala  were  free  and 
independent  states  which  were  confederated  into  a nation  en- 
titled the  United  Provinces  of  Central  America.  It  established 
a provisional  government  with  three  departments,  declared  in 
favor  of  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  stipulated  that  Roman 
Catholicism  should  be  the  religion  of  the  state.  Early  in 
August,  1823,  General  Filisola  left  Guatemala  City.  On 
August  20,  at  the  instance  of  a Central  American  agent,  the 
Mexican  Congress  acknowledged  the  independence  of  the 
United  Provinces  of  Central  America.  In  October  following 
the  National  Constituent  Assembly  passed  a decree  instructing 
the  Deputies  from  Central  America,  with  the  exception  of  those 
from  Chiapas,  to  withdraw  from  the  Mexican  Congress.  In 
April,  1824,  it  decreed  that  slavery  should  be  abolished  in 
Central  America. 

Constitution  of  1824. — On  November  22,  1824,  the  As- 
sembly promulgated  a brief  Constitution  for  the  Central 
American  provinces  which  had  evidently  been  patterned  after 
the  United  States  Constitution.  By  the  Constitution  of  1824 
the  provinces  of  Costa  Rica,  Guatemala,  Honduras,  Nicaragua, 
and  Salvador  associated  themselves  in  a Federation.  That 
Constitution  conceded  some  executive  authority  to  a bicameral 
legislature.  It  conferred  the  highest  judicial  authority  upon 
a supreme  court.  Meantime  the  provinces  had  organized  their 
governments. 

President  Arce. — Early  in  1825  the  Federation  of  Cen- 
tral America  was  launched.  On  April  21,  1825,  Congress 
chose  a Liberal  named  Manuel  Jose  Arce  as  president.  Several 
nations  of  America  and  Europe  recognized  the  new  Federa- 
tion. In  March,  1825,  diplomats  of  Central  America  had  nego- 
tiated a treaty  of  union,  league,  and  perpetual  confederation 
with  Colombia.  A commercial  treaty  was  subsequently  signed 
between  the  Federation  and  the  United  States.  Diplomatic 
relations  were  initiated  between  Central  America  and  England. 

Political  Problems. — Parties  soon  appeared  which  dif- 
fered with  regard  to  the  political  organization  of  the  state. 
The  Moderate  party  was  composed  of  persons  who  desired  a 
centralized  form  of  government.  They  took  a favorable  atti- 
tude toward  the  Church  and  were  sometimes  called  by  their 
opponents  the  “Serviles.”  The  Radicals,  who  ordinarily 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  447 


favored  the  existing  regime,  may  be  called  Liberals:  some- 
times their  opponents  designated  them  “Anarchists.”  Presi- 
dent Arce  soon  found  himself  hedged  about  with  difficulties. 
As  he  tried  not  to  displease  the  Servile  party,  he  lost  the  sup- 
port of  his  own  partisans.  Some  Central  Americans  were 
dissatisfied  because  the  seat  of  the  Federation  was  located  at 
Guatemala  City,  which  was  the  capital  of  the  province  of 
Guatemala.  The  other  provinces  became  jealous  of  that  prov- 
ince because  it  was  allotted  the  largest  number  of  members  in 
Congress.  Dissensions  also  arose  because  of  the  establishment 
of  a new  bishopric  in  the  province  of  Salvador  without  the 
sanction  of  the  Pope. 

Downfall  of  Arce. — In  October,  1826,  Arce  convoked  an 
extraordinary  Congress.  Some  persons  considered  this  an  un- 
constitutional step.  The  President  arrested  Barrundia,  the 
Liberal  leader  of  Guatemala,  upon  the  charge  that  he  was 
planning  a revolt.  The  murder  by  infuriated  Indians  of  Vice- 
Jefe  Flores  of  Guatemala,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  a church, 
was  followed  by  civil  war.  In  that  war  President  Arce 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  Serviles,  who  wished  to  abolish  the 
bishopric  of  Salvador,  while  Francisco  Morazan  became  the 
efficient  leader  of  the  Liberals.  On  April  12,  1829,  Guatemala 
City  fell  into  the  hands  of  Morazan’s  soldiers. 

Francisco  Morazan  and  Politico-Religious  Innovations. 
— Dictator  Morazan  was  the  most  distinguished  publicist  of 
the  Central  American  Federation.  After  capturing  Guate- 
mala City  he  took  measures  against  his  real  or  supposed 
enemies.  His  puppet,  President  Barrundia,  fearing  a Spanish 
invasion,  sanctioned  a law  which  provided  that  the  property 
of  Spaniards  should  be  sequestrated.  Barrundia  proscribed 
or  exiled  Servile  leaders ; he  dictated  the  appointment  of  dig- 
nitaries of  the  Church.  Because  of  a suspicion  that  certain 
ecclesiastics  were  plotting  against  the  government,  he  ordered 
the  arrest  and  expulsion  of  the  archbishop  of  Guatemala  and 
also  of  many  members  of  the  Franciscan,  Dominican,  and 
Recollet  orders.  Soon  afterwards  Congress  announced  that 
members  of  religious  orders  would  neither  be  received  nor 
recognized  in  the  Federation.  Their  buildings  were  seques- 
trated and  used  for  various  purposes  by  the  government.  After 
Morazan  was  elected  president,  in  May,  1832,  Congress  an- 


44§ 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


nounced  that  religious  liberty  should  prevail  throughout  the 
Federation.  Some  years  later  it  declared  that  marriage  was 
merely  a civil  contract. 

Disruption  of  the  Federation. — The  scene  was  thus  set 
for  a politico-religious  war.  An  occasion  for  that  conflict  was 
afforded  by  a visitation  of  cholera.  As  priests  intimated  that 
this  scourge  was  caused  by  the  poisoning  of  wells  by  Liberals, 
in  June,  1837,  fanatical  Indians  in  the  district  of  Mita  rose 
against  the  government. 

Rafael  Carrera. — At  the  head  of  a frenzied  horde  there 
soon  appeared  a youth  of  mixed  blood  named  Rafael  Carrera. 
An  illiterate  but  dashing  leader,  with  much  influence  among 
the  Indians  and  mestizos,  Carrera  secured  the  support  of  em- 
bittered ecclesiastics.  Attempts  of  Morazan  to  arrange  a peace 
by  negotiations  failed,  and  at  the  head  of  a nondescript  horde 
of  bandits  and  soldiers  Carrera  entered  Guatemala  City  on 
February  1,  1838.  About  five  months  later  the  last  Congress 
of  the  Federation  adjourned.  Morazan  continued  to  campaign 
against  Carrera;  but  on  March  19,  1839,  he  was  defeated  at 
Guatemala  City,  and  shortly  afterwards  sailed  for  Peru.  The 
Federation  of  Central  America  dissolved  into  the  pre-existing 
provinces. 

Attempts  at  Central  American  Union. — Rafael  Carrera 
soon  became  dictator  of  Guatemala.  In  1842  delegates  from 
Honduras,  Nicaragua,  and  Salvador  framed  articles  at  Chinan- 
dega  which  instituted  a league  designated  the  Central  American 
Confederation.  Those  articles  stated  that  other  nations  of 
Central  America  might  join  the  league.  The  fourth  article 
declared  that  the  contracting  states  acknowledged  the  principle 
of  non-intervention  with  regard  to  their  internal  affairs.  Pro- 
vision was  made  for  an  executive,  an  advisory  council,  and  a 
supreme  court.  In  March.  1844,  this  Confederation  was  or- 
ganized at  San  Vicente,  but  the  states  that  had  signed  the 
articles  did  not  observe  the  compact.  The  chief  executive  of 
the  Confederation  was  thus  soon  reduced  to  impotence.  Cer- 
tain leaders  of  Central  America,  however,  were  loath  to  relin- 
quish the  idea  of  union.  In  November,  1849,  commissioners 
from  Honduras,  Nicaragua,  and  Salvador  met  at  Leon:  they 
agreed  that  those  three  states  should  cooperate  in  the  manage- 
ment of  their  foreign  relations;  and  that  they  would  decide 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  449 


upon  a plan  of  Federation.  They  agreed  that  Guatemala  and 
Costa  Rica  might  join  this  Federation  if  they  so  desired. 
Although  those  states  declined  to  join,  yet  the  three  contracting 
parties  sent  delegates  to  a Constituent  Congress,  which  elected 
a supreme  chief  of  the  Federation  and  framed  a fundamental 
law.  The  assemblies  of  Nicaragua  and  Salvador  alleged,  how- 
ever, that  this  Congress  had  acted  beyond  its  authority.  A 
war  which  broke  out  in  1863  between  Guatemala  and  Salvador 
precipitated  the  disruption  of  the  new  Federation. 

The  State  of  Costa  Rica. — Costa  Rica  was  somewhat 
isolated  from  the  rest  of  Central  America.  In  November, 
1838,  her  Congress  announced  that  she  had  left  the  Central 
American  Federation.  At  that  juncture  Braulio  Carrillo,  an 
aspiring  native  of  Cartago,  was  serving  as  chief  of  the  state. 
Early  in  1840  he  selected  Costa  Rica’s  flag  and  coat  of  arms. 
About  a year  later  Carrillo  issued  a decree  containing  govern- 
mental regulations  which  provided  that  he  should  hold  office 
for  life.  Opponents  of  his  dictatorial  rule,  however,  invited 
Francisco  Morazan  to  return  from  Peru.  Morazan  landed  in 
Costa  Rica  in  April,  1842,  and  issued  a manifesto  announcing 
that  he  intended  to  establish  a government  distinguished  by 
order  and  progress.  As  many  Costa  Ricans  joined  his  stand- 
ard, he  entered  the  capital  city  without  opposition,  and  sum- 
moned a Constituent  Assembly  at  San  Jose,  which  on  July  15, 
1842,  elected  him  provisional  chief  of  Costa  Rica.  Reaction- 
aries in  that  country  who  were  encouraged  by  Serviles  in 
Guatemala  attacked  the  Liberals,  however,  Morazan  was  be- 
sieged at  San  Jose,  defeated,  captured,  and  shot  on  September 
15,  1842. 

Constitutions  of  1844  and  1847. — In  1843  an  Assembly 
framed  a Constitution  for  the  “State  of  Costa  Rica,’’  which 
was  promulgated  on  April  11,  1844.  The  Constitution  pro- 
vided that  executive  authority  should  be  exercised  by  a jefc 
and  that  legislative  authority  should  be  vested  in  a bicameral 
Congress.  While  Jose  M.  Castro  was  acting  as  chief  executive, 
a Constituent  Assembly  formed  another  Constitution  which 
was  promulgated  in  March,  1847.  This  Constitution  vested 
executive  power  in  a President  and  a Vice-President,  while 
legislative  power  was  given  to  a unicameral  Congress.  It 
declared  that  Roman  Catholicism  was  the  state  religion.  On 


450 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


August  30,  1848,  Congress  declared  that  Costa  Rica  was  a 
sovereign  and  independent  nation  with  the  title  of  the  “Repub- 
lic of  Costa  Rica.”  About  a month  later  Congress  adopted  a 
national  flag. 

Foreign  Relations. — By  a treaty  which  was  signed  at 
Madrid  on  May  10,  1850,  Spain  acknowledged  the  independ- 
ence of  Costa  Rica.  That  republic  entered  into  a Concordat 
with  the  Pope  in  regard  to  ecclesiastical  affairs  on  October  7, 
1852.  She  also  negotiated  treaties  with  the  United  States  and 
with  several  Spanish-American  nations. 

Constitutional  Changes. — Under  Juan  Rafael  Mora, 
who  became  president  in  November,  1849,  and  who  was  again 
elected  to  that  post  in  1859,  Costa  Rica  enjoyed  peace  and  rela- 
tive prosperity.  His  second  administration  was  strongly 
opposed  by  the  conservative  classes,  however,  and  on  the  night 
of  August  14,  1859,  he  was  driven  from  the  national  palace. 
A Constituent  Assembly  was  soon  convoked  which  adopted  a 
Constitution  stipulating  that  the  only  religion  that  should  be 
tolerated  was  Roman  Catholicism.  At  a later  date,  after 
President  Castro  had  been  deposed,  a Constitutional  Assembly 
framed  another  fundamental  law  providing  that  Roman 
Catholicism  should  be  the  state  religion,  but  that  other  religions 
should  be  tolerated.  The  next  President  was  deposed  by  a 
coup  d’etat  in  April,  1870;  and  in  August,  1871,  Dictator 
Guardia  convoked  a Constituent  Assembly. 

Costa  Rica’s  Constitution  of  1871. — On  December  7, 
1871,  that  Assembly  adopted  a new  Constitution  for  Costa 
Rica.  This  Constitution  provided  that  the  Roman  Catholic 
Apostolic  religion  should  be  supported  by  the  state  but  that 
other  religions  which  were  not  contrary  to  morality  or  good 
customs  should  be  tolerated.  It  contained  articles  describing 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  citizens  of  Costa  Rica.  Foreigners 
— who  should  not  be  subject  to  extraordinary  taxes — were  to 
enjoy  all  the  civil  rights  of  citizens.  Executive  authority  was 
vested  in  a President  and  a cabinet.  The  President,  who  should 
be  chosen  by  an  electoral  college  for  four  years,  was  declared 
to  be  ineligible  for  immediate  reelection.  Three  personages 
who  were  to  be  designated  by  Congress  should  replace  the 
President  in  a certain  order  in  case  of  his  death,  absence,  or 
disability.  At  the  head  of  each  executive  department  should 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  451 


be  a secretary  who  might  attend  the  meetings  of  Congress,  and 
who  might  introduce  bills  but  could  not  vote.  Legislative 
authority  was  vested  in  one  house  which  was  styled  the  Con- 
stitutional Congress.  Members  of  Congress  were  to  be  chosen 
from  districts  by  indirect  election.  During  the  recess  of  Con- 
gress a commission  of  five  members  was  to  take  charge  of 
unfinished  business;  it  might  issue  urgent  decrees,  and  should 
frame  bills  for  consideration  by  Congress.  Judicial  authority 
was  vested  in  a supreme  court  and  other  courts.  The  local 
subdivisions  of  the  republic  were  provinces,  cantons,  and  dis- 
tricts. In  charge  of  each  province  should  be  placed  a governor 
appointed  by  the  President,  who  was  to  act  as  the  agent  of  the 
national  government.  With  a few  amendments,  this  central- 
ists Constitution  has  served  as  the  fundamental  law  of  Costa 
Rica  from  1871  to  the  present  day. 

Traits  of  Costa  Rica. — Because  of  the  habitat  of  the 
Costa  Ricans  upon  a small,  central  plateau,  and  because  of  the 
absence  of  a large  aboriginal  population,  their  political  and 
economic  life  has  been  somewhat  different  from  that  of  the 
other  nations  of  Central  America.  The  public  lands  of  Costa 
Rica  have  largely  passed  into  the  hands  of  many  small  pro- 
prietors. There  the  tendency  has  been  relatively  strong  toward 
the  formation  of  a democratic  and  law-abiding  citizenry.  With 
a population  of  less  than  500,000  in  1914  Costa  Rica  had  a 
regular  army  of  some  1000  men. 

Economic  Condition. — Like  other  states  of  Central 
America,  Costa  Rica  is  primarily  an  agricultural  and  mining 
country.  In  1914  her  chief  exports  were  bananas,  which  in 
United  States  currency  amounted  to  $4,725,754;  coffee, 
$4,663,360;  gold  and  silver,  $888,599;  lumber,  $123,814; 
hides,  $110,780;  cacao,  $84,507;  and  rubber,  $12,134.  The 
internal  debt  of  Costa  Rica  in  1914  amounted  to  $2,692,215, 
and  in  the  following  year  her  external  debt  was  over 
$14,000,000.  Before  the  outbreak  of  the  W^orld  War,  Costa 
Rica  had  adopted  the  gold  standard.  Her  monetary  unit  was 
the  gold  colon,  worth  46.5  cents  in  United  States  currency. 

The  Republic  of  Salvador. — Unlike  Costa  Rica,  Salva- 
dor frequently  became  involved  in  difficulties  with  her  neigh- 
bors. On  January  30,  1841,  the  Assembly  of  Salvador  passed 
a law  providing  that  the  new  nation  should  be  designated  the 


452 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Republic  of  Salvador.  Shortly  afterwards  a Constitution  was 
promulgated  which  vested  governmental  authority  in  a Presi- 
dent and  a bicameral  legislature.  In  a few  years  Provisional 
President  Juan  J.  Guzman  was  succeeded  by  a Conservative 
named  Francisco  Malespin,  who  was  deposed  and  driven  into 
Honduras.  Doroteo  Vasconcelos,  a Liberal  who  became  presi- 
dent in  1848,  cherished  the  dream  of  organizing  a republic 
that  would  include  all  the  states  of  Central  America.  But  an 
armed  band  of  Salvadorans,  Hondurans,  and  Nicaraguans 
whom  he  led  into  Guatemala  against  Carrera  was  defeated,  and 
he  was  deposed  by  Congress. 

Governmental  Fluctuations. — Francisco  Duenas,  who 
became  president  in  1852,  adjusted  Salvador’s  dispute  with 
Guatemala.  Difficulties  that  arose  with  Honduras  were  also 
settled.  As  the  result  of  a war  waged  against  him  by  Carrera, 
President  Barrios,  who  became  chief  executive  in  i860 — was 
deposed  and  Duenas  again  became  president  in  1864.  Soon 
afterwards  the  Salvadorans  adopted  a conservative  Constitu- 
tion which  recognized  only  the  Roman  Catholic  religion. 
Spain  acknowledged  the  independence  of  Salvador  by  a treaty 
which  was  signed  at  Madrid  on  June  24,  1865.  A very  con- 
servative ruler,  Duenas  was  favored  by  the  Clerical  party;  he 
was  reelected  in  December,  1868.  When  a quarrel  broke  out 
with  Honduras  because  of  alleged  protection  granted  by  Sal- 
vador to  Honduran  political  refugees,  Salvadoran  Liberals 
sought  to  profit  by  that  circumstance  to  secure  the  triumph  of 
democratic  principles.  Duenas  was  defeated  by  General  San- 
tiago Gonzalez  at  Santa  Anna  on  April  10,  1872,  and  soon 
afterwards  Congress  declared  that  he  was  deposed.  Under  a 
Constitution  adopted  in  1871  Gonzalez  was  elected  president. 
Five  years  later,  while  he  was  acting  as  vice-president,  Salva- 
dor was  accused  of  giving  asylum  to  refugees  from  Guatemala. 
Guatemalan  soldiers  invaded  Salvador  and  compelled  the  Sal- 
vadorans to  sign  a treaty  by  which  they  agreed  to  change  the 
personnel  of  the  government.  Under  the  next  president, 
Rafael  Zaldivar,  some  economic  progress  was  made,  and  a 
liberal  Constitution  was  adopted.  After  President  Barrios  of 
Guatemala  vainly  attempted  to  reestablish  the  Federation  of 
Central  America  by  force  of  arms,  the  time  appeared  ripe  for 
the  framing  of  a new  fundamental  law.  Francisco  Menendez, 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  453 


who  became  provisional  president  of  Salvador  in  May,  1885, 
accordingly  invited  his  fellow-citizens  to  choose  delegates  to  a 
Constitutional  Assembly. 

Salvador’s  Constitution  of  1886. — An  article  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  1886  declared  that  Salvador’s  ability  to  join  other 
states  of  Central  America  to  form  a union  was  unimpaired. 
In  a list  of  rights  and  guaranties  of  citizens  was  a prohibition 
upon  slavery.  All  civil  and  ecclesiastical  corporations  were 
prohibited  from  acquiring  real  estate  except  for  the  actual 
services  of  the  respective  corporation.  Executive  authority 
was  vested  in  a President  and  a cabinet.  Both  President  and 
Vice-President  should  be  elected  for  four  years  by  popular 
vote.  The  cabinet  should  be  composed  of  four  secretaries  of 
state,  who  might  attend  the  meetings  of  Congress  but  were  to 
withdraw  before  a vote  was  taken.  Legislative  authority  was 
vested  in  a unicameral  Congress  that  was  designated  the 
National  Assembly  of  Deputies.  Its  members  were  to  be 
elected  for  one  year  by  popular  vote.  The  judiciary  was  to  be 
composed  of  a supreme  court  and  inferior  courts.  Judges  of 
the  supreme  court  were  to  be  appointed  by  the  National  As- 
sembly and  should  serve  for  two  years.  The  territory  of  the 
republic  was  to  be  divided  into  departments,  districts,  and 
municipalities  or  cantons.  At  the  head  of  each  department 
should  be  placed  a governor  and  a substitute  to  be  appointed 
by  the  President.  This  Constitution  is  still  the  fundamental 
law  of  Salvador. 

Social  Condition. — Physiographically  Salvador  has  a 
unique  position.  She  is  the  smallest  of  the  Central  American 
republics  and  is  the  only  republic  of  Central  America  that  does 
not  have  a coast  line  on  both  oceans.  Although  Indian  blood 
flows  through  the  veins  of  a majority  of  her  people,  yet  Spanish 
is  the  language  generally  used.  Many  of  the  lower  classes  are 
mestizos.  With  some  1,700,000  inhabitants  Salvador  is  the 
most  densely  populated  Central  American  republic.  During 
recent  years  a well  organized  soldiery  and  local  police  have 
aided  to  keep  that  country  in  peace  and  order. 

Economic  Condition. — Her  main  industries  are  agricul- 
ture and  mining.  Coffee,  which  is  raised  on  the  slopes  of  the 
mountains  and  volcanoes,  is  the  chief  crop.  In  coastal  sections 
of  the  republic  are  many  sugar  plantations  and  cattle  ranches. 


454 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Gold  and  silver  are  mined  in  certain  regions.  Some  articles 
are  manufactured  from  native  products.  In  1914  the  chief 
exports  of  Salvador  were  valued  in  United  States  currency  as 
follows : coffee,  $8,770,360;  gold  and  silver,  $1,371,951 ; hides, 
$48,541 ; sugar,  $83,651 ; and  Peruvian  balsam,  $82,720.  Of  a 
foreign  bonded  debt  of  £1,000,000  floated  in  London  in  1908, 
on  January  1,  1916,  there  were  £756,900  still  owing.  Just 
before  the  opening  of  the  World  War  the  monetary  unit  of 
Salvador  was  the  silver  peso  with  a nominal  value  of  about 
forty  cents  in  United  States  currency.  Its  value  fluctuated 
according  to  the  market  value  of  silver. 

Carrera  in  Guatemala. — For  three  decades  after  the  de- 
feat of  Morazan,  the  history  of  Guatemala  hinged  around 
Carrera.  Reactionary  decrees  took  the  place  of  liberal  laws 
upon  the  statute  books,  while  special  privileges  were  restored 
to  the  clergy.  In  November,  1843,  a new  coat  °f  arms  was 
adopted  for  the  republic.  An  abortive  revolt  against  Carrera 
in  1849  was  followed  by  a policy  of  proscription. 

Constitution  of  1851. — In  October,  1851,  an  Assembly 
in  Guatemala  City  adopted  a fundamental  law  known  as  the 
Constituent  Act  of  the  Republic  of  Guatemala.  This  Constitu- 
tion provided  that  the  President,  who  was  clothed  with  absolute 
authority,  should  be  elected  for  four  years  by  an  Assembly.  If 
the  President  were  temporarily  absent  from  the  capital,  the 
chief  executive  authority  should  be  vested  in  a council  of  gov- 
ernment. Churches  and  other  corporations  were  by  a decree 
granted  representation  in  Congress.  Under  that  Constitution 
the  first  president  was  Carrera,  who,  on  October  21,  1854,  was 
proclaimed  chief  magistrate  for  life;  later  he  was  exempted 
from  all  responsibility  for  the  acts  of  his  government.  Spain 
acknowledged  Guatemala’s  independence  by  a treaty  which  was 
signed  at  Madrid  on  May  29,  1863.  Invested  with  almost 
monarchical  power,  Carrera  ruled  despotically  over  Guatemala 
until  his  death  in  1865. 

Barrios  Becomes  President. — His  disappearance  from 
the  political  stage  was  followed  by  an  increase  in  the  power 
and  influence  of  the  Liberals.  Led  by  Justo  R.  Barrios,  an 
energetic  and  idealistic  Guatemalan,  they  defeated  the  Con- 
servatives in  battle  and  entered  the  capital  city  in  June,  1871. 
President  Barrios  adopted  an  anti-clerical  policy  which  resem- 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  455 


bled  that  of  Morazan.  Tithes  were  abolished,  monasteries 
were  suppressed,  ecclesiastical  fueros  were  swept  away,  and 
freedom  of  religious  worship  was  decreed.  In  December, 
1879,  an  Assembly  adopted  a liberal  Constitution  for  the 
republic. 

Barrios  and  Central  American  Union. — Under  this  Con- 
stitution Barrios  was  chosen  president  of  Guatemala.  One  of 
his  cherished  designs  was  a union  of  the  Central  American 
states.  On  February  28,  1885,  President  Barrios  issued  a 
decree  which  proclaimed  the  reestablishment  of  the  Central 
American  Union.  Barrios  arrogantly  declared  that  he  had 
assumed  the  role  of  supreme  military  chief  with  absolute 
authority,  that  a general  assembly  of  representatives  from  each 
republic  should  meet  at  Guatemala  City  in  May  following 
to  frame  a constitution  for  the  union,  and  that  any  one  who 
dared  to  oppose  the  execution  of  this  decree  would  be  consid- 
ered a traitor  to  Central  America.  He  issued  a manifesto  to 
the  Central  American  people  asserting  that  he  was  not  ani- 
mated by  personal  ambition;  for  he  had  tasted  of  the  bitterness 
of  office-holding.  But  the  Guatemalan  champion  of  union  was 
opposed  by  Costa  Rica,  Nicaragua,  and  Salvador  who  appealed 
to  Mexico  and  the  United  States  to  interfere  on  their  behalf. 
On  March  22,  1885,  those  republics  entered  into  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance  against  Guatemala.  Barrios  soon  in- 
vaded Salvador,  and  on  April  2,  1885,  was  killed  in  battle. 

Guatemala’s  Constitution  of  1887. — In  1887  the  Guate- 
malan Constitution  of  1879  was  modified.  Among  the 
guaranties  to  citizens  contained  in  the  amended  Constitution 
was  an  article  providing  that  primary  instruction  should  be 
compulsory.  Freedom  of  religious  worship  was  guaranteed. 
Citizens  might  have  recourse  to  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus. 
Entail  was  prohibited  and  also  the  retention  of  property  in  dead 
hands,  except  by  charitable  institutions.  The  President  should 
be  elected,  by  direct  popular  vote,  for  six  years:  he  might  not  be 
reelected  until  six  years  had  elapsed.  In  case  of  death  or  dis- 
ability his  place  should  be  taken  by  substitutes  in  the  order 
designated  by  Congress.  Members  of  the  cabinet  might  attend 
the  sessions  of  the  legislature  and  take  part  in  its  deliberations. 
A council  of  state  made  up  of  cabinet  members  and  other  per- 
sons selected  by  the  President  and  the  legislature  was  to  act  as 


456 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


his  advisory  body.  Legislative  authority  should  be  vested  in  a 
unicameral  legislature  called  the  National  Assembly,  which  was 
to  be  composed  of  members  elected  by  direct  popular  vote  for 
four  years.  The  Constitution  also  provided  for  a permanent 
committee  of  Congress  that  resembled  the  committee  estab- 
lished by  the  Costa  Rican  Constitution  of  1871.  Judicial 
authority  was  vested  in  a supreme  court  which  should  be  com- 
posed of  five  members  chosen  by  direct  popular  vote.  This 
Constitution  stipulated  that  federal  judges  must  belong  to  the 
legal  profession  and  might  not  be  ecclesiastics.  The  basis  of 
local  administration  should  be  departments  that  were  to  be 
managed  by  political  chiefs  appointed  by  the  President.  In 
1903 — while  Manuel  Estrada  Cabrera  was  chief  magistrate — 
the  Constitution  was  amended  so  as  to  allow  the  immediate 
reelection  of  the  President.  Under  the  Constitution  of  1887 
Cabrera  acted  as  the  Dictator  of  Guatemala  for  more  than  a 
score  of  years. 

Social  Condition. — Social  conditions  in  Guatemala  are 
in  some  respects  unlike  those  in  Costa  Rica.  In  Guatemala 
there  are  thousands  of  aborigines.  Many  Indians  are  held  to 
labor  on  plantations  under  a system  of  peonage,  while  others 
hold  small  plots  of  land  or  till  a portion  of  the  common  land  of 
their  respective  villages.  The  plantation  system  of  Guatemala 
rests  upon  Indian  laborers  whom  the  dominant  classes  keep  in 
economic  dependence.  To  a large  extent  the  aborigines  of 
Guatemala  have  remained  distinct  from  the  white  inhabitants. 
Pure-blooded  Indians  far  outnumber  the  whites  and  the  half- 
breeds  or  ladinos.  In  1914  the  population  of  Guatemala  prob- 
ably exceeded  2,000,000  souls. 

Economic  Condition. — The  chief  industry  in  Guatemala 
is  agriculture.  Many  coffee  plantations  are  located  on  the 
slopes  of  volcanoes  near  the  Pacific  coast.  Coffee,  which  is  the 
main  crop  of  Guatemala,  has  gained  an  enviable  reputation  in 
the  world’s  market.  On  the  southern  coastal  plain  are  sugar- 
cane plantations  and  cattle  ranches.  Upon  the  plateau  above 
the  coffee  plantations  sheep  are  raised.  In  recent  years  many 
banana  plantations  have  been  started  near  the  Gulf  of  Hon- 
duras. A few  factories  have  been  established  where  native 
cotton  is  made  into  cloth.  In  1914  the  chief  exports  of  Guate- 
mala in  United  States  currency  were  as  follows:  coffee, 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  457 


$10,391,765;  bananas,  $1,017,141;  sugar,  $354,382;  hides, 
$341,101 ; lumber,  $301,571 ; and  chicle,  $227,742. 

Finances. — Ever  since  the  disruption  of  the  Central 
American  Federation,  Guatemala  has  had  difficulties  with  her 
creditors.  She  has  at  times  suspended  the  payment  of  the 
interest  on  her  loans.  On  December  31,  1915,  the  principal  of 
her  foreign  debt  was  somewhat  less  than  $12,000,000  in 
United  States  currency.  In  1914  the  theoretical  monetary  unit 
in  Guatemala  was  the  fluctuating  silver  peso;  while  the  cur- 
rency in  use  was  mostly  the  paper  peso  of  fluctuating  value  and 
inconvertible.  Upon  the  eve  of  the  Great  War  the  paper  peso 
was  worth  about  five  cents  in  United  States  currency. 

The  State  of  Honduras. — The  history  of  Honduras  was 
hardly  less  stormy  and  possibly  more  complicated  than  that  of 
Guatemala.  On  October  26,  1838,  a Constituent  Assembly  at 
Comayagua  proclaimed  that  the  State  of  Honduras  was  free, 
sovereign,  and  independent.  A Constitution  adopted  in  1848 
provided  for  freedom  of  conscience  and  religion.  Shortly 
afterwards  President  Lindo  became  involved  in  a controversy 
with  England  about  the  boundary  of  the  colony  of  Belize  which 
was  eventually  terminated  by  a treaty  that  conceded  the 
English  claims.  General  Santos  Guardiola,  a zambo  who  was 
under  the  influence  of  Carrera,  served  as  president  from  1856 
to  1862,  when  he  was  assassinated.  A Constitution  adopted 
by  Honduras  in  1865  provided  that  Roman  Catholicism  should 
be  the  state  religion  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  faiths.  Under 
Jose  Maria  Medina,  who  became  president  in  the  same  year,  a 
war  broke  out  with  Salvador  which  resulted  in  the  occupation 
of  Comayagua  by  Salvadoran  soldiers.  Later  the  presidents 
of  Guatemala  and  Salvador  intervened  in  the  politics  of  Hon- 
duras in  order  to  replace  President  Arias  by  a chief  executive 
selected  by  themselves.  In  1885  Honduras  promised  her  co- 
operation in  the  project  of  Barrios  to  establish  a Central 
American  republic  but  after  his  death  she  made  peace  with 
Salvador,  Nicaragua,  and  Costa  Rica.  Not  until  November 
17,  1894,  did  Spain  sign  a treaty  acknowledging  Honduran 
independence. 

The  Greater  Republic  of  Central  America. — At  Amalpa, 
on  June  20,  1895,  Honduras,  Nicaragua,  and  Salvador  agreed 
to  establish  a common  political  organization  for  the  control  of 


45§ 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


their  external  relations.  This  organization  was  to  be  known  as 
the  Greater  Republic  of  Central  America.  In  December,  1896, 
the  President  of  the  United  States  recognized  the  Federation 
by  the  reception  of  her  minister  at  Washington.  On  August 
27,  1898,  at  Managua  the  three  Central  American  nations 
signed  a Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  Central  Amer- 
ica, which  provided  for  the  admission  of  Costa  Rica  and  Guate- 
mala into  the  Federation.  In  pursuance  of  its  stipulations,  a 
provisional  executive  council  for  the  union  was  installed  at 
Amalpa  on  November  1,  1898,  but  a movement  directed 
against  the  Federation  occurred  in  Salvador,  and  in  a short 
time  the  confederates  resumed  their  independent  sovereignty. 

The  Honduran  Constitution  of  1904. — In  1904,  at  the 
instance  of  President  Bonilla,  a Constituent  Assembly  was 
convoked  in  Honduras.  On  September  2,  1904,  that 
Assembly  promulgated  a Constitution  for  the  state.  Its 
first  article  declared  that  Honduras  recognized  as  her  prin- 
cipal duty  the  reconstruction  of  the  Central  American 
Union.  Another  article  stated  that  Honduras  should  be 
a sacred  asylum  for  any  persons  who  might  seek  refuge 
within  her  jurisdiction.  Foreigners  should  enjoy  in  her 
territory  all  the  civil  rights  of  Honduran  citizens.  Exec- 
utive authority  was  granted  to  a President,  who  was  to  be 
elected,  by  direct  popular  vote,  for  six  years  but  who  should 
be  ineligible  for  the  succeeding  term.  Members  of  the 
President’s  cabinet  might  attend  Congress  and  take  part 
in  its  debates  but  they  should  have  no  vote.  Legislative 
authority  was  vested  in  a unicameral  Congress  composed 
of  deputies  elected  by  direct  popular  vote  for  four  years. 
Judicial  authority  was  granted  to  a supreme  court  of  five 
judges  selected  by  Congress.  Minor  courts  and  justices  of 
the  peace  were  also  to  exercise  judicial  authority.  Hon- 
duran territory  was  to  be  divided  into  departments.  The 
government  of  municipalities  should  be  vested  in  corpora- 
tions made  up  of  members  elected  directly  by  the  people. 

Social  Condition. — In  the  main  the  people  of  Honduras 
are  of  mixed  descent.  Indian  or  negro  blood  courses  the  veins 
of  many  Hondurans,  while  a pure  Caucasian  is  not  frequently 
encountered.  In  1914  the  population  of  Honduras  was  esti- 
mated to  be  562,000.  Aboriginal  dialects  have  become  prac- 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  459 


tically  extinct:  Spanish  is  the  official  language  of  Honduras, 
and  also  the  language  of  her  people. 

Economic  Condition. — The  chief  occupations  of  the 
Hondurans  were  agriculture,  cattle  raising,  and  mining.  The 
most  important  agricultural  products  were  bananas,  cocoanuts, 
and  coffee.  Cattle  and  hogs  were  raised  in  large  numbers, 

K especially  near  the  northern  coast.  Among  Honduran  mines 
the  most  important  was  a gold  and  silver  mine  in  the  San  Juan- 
cito  district  near  Tegucigalpa.  In  1913  the  main  exports  of 
Honduras  were  as  follows  in  United  States  currency:  bananas, 
$1,714,398;  precious  metals,  $886,591;  live  cattle,  $251,361; 
cocoanuts,  $219,968;  and  hides,  $159,820. 

Finances. — The  finances  of  Honduras  are  badly  em- 
barrassed. From  1867  to  1870  large  loans  were  contracted  in 
London  and  Paris  ostensibly  to  be  used  in  the  construction  of 
a railroad.  Only  a small  part  of  the  money  was  so  employed 

fand  subsequently  the  republic  suspended  the  payment  of 
interest  upon  the  loans.  Plans  formed  by  British  and 
United  States  diplomats  for  the  adjustment  of.  Honduran 
finances  failed.  On  January  1,  1916,  Honduras  owed  to 
foreigners  £25,407,858;  besides  she  had  an  internal  debt 
which  on  July  I,  1914,  amounted  to  4,61 1,464  in  silver  pesos 
of  fluctuating  value.  At  par  the  Honduran  peso  is  wTorth 
40  cents  in  United  States  currency. 

Nicaragua’s  Early  Problems. — On  April  30,  1838,  a 
' Constituent  Assembly  at  Managua  declared  that  Nica- 
ragua was  independent.  In  the  following  November  a 
Constitution  was  promulgated  for  that  republic.  Her 
boundary  problems  proved  very  troublesome.  They  in- 
volved her  in  a dispute  with  England  who,  as  the  protector 
of  the  Mosquitoan  Indians,  urged  a claim  to  territory 
within  the  region  designated  Nicaragua.  In  1850  the 
Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  between  England  and  the  United 

I States  stipulated  that  neither  party  could  occupy,  fortify, 
colonize,  or  exercise  dominion  over  any  portion  of  Central 
American  territory.  By  a treaty  which  was  later  signed  at 
Managua,  England  ceded  to  Nicaragua  her  protectorate 
over  the  Mosquitoan  Indians.  On  July  25,  1850,  a treaty 
was  signed  at  Madrid  by  which  Spain  acknowledged  Nica- 
ragua’s independence.  In  April,  1854,  a Constituent 


460 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Assembly  adopted  a new  Constitution  for  the  Nicaraguan 
republic  which  vested  governmental  authority  in  a Presi- 
dent and  a unicameral  Congress.  Fruto  Chamorro  was 
made  provisional  president. 

Walker  the  Filibuster. — Among  the  Liberals  who  op- 
posed the  government  of  Provisional  President  Chamorro 
was  Francisco  Castellon  who,  through  a mutual  acquain- 
tance, sent  an  invitation  to  a daring  adventurer  named 
William  Walker  to  bring  colonists  from  the  United  States 
to  Nicaragua.  In  May,  1855,  Walker  sailed  from  San 
Francisco  for  Central  America.  His  original  plan  was 
apparently  to  aid  Nicaraguan  Liberals  in  their  struggle 
against  the  Serviles.  After  being  defeated  by  the  Serviles, 
he  captured  Granada  by  a night  attack.  He  declined  the 
presidency  of  Nicaragua  which  was  offered  him  but  ac- 
cepted the  post  of  commander  in  chief  of  her  army.  Soon 
afterwards,  however,  the  filibuster  had  a bitter  quarrel  with 
financiers  in  the  United  States  upon  whom  he  depended  for 
recruits.  Further,  his  enemies  aroused  other  states  of  Cen- 
tral America:  soldiers  from  Costa  Rica,  Guatemala,  Hon- 
duras, and  Salvador  joined  the  Serviles  of  Nicaragua 
against  him.  Walker  was  ultimately  forced  to  desist  from 
his  ambitious  design  of  establishing  a state  that  should 
include  Central  America,  Mexico,  and  possibly  Cuba.  In- 
stead of  founding  a tropical  Empire  where  negro  slavery 
would  be  a recognized  institution,  he  was  captured  by  the 
Hondurans,  court-martialed,  and  executed. 

Parties  in  Nicaragua. — Politics  in  Nicaragua  ran  a tor- 
tuous course.  Progressives,  who  moved  slowly  to  avoid 
antagonizing  other  parties,  were  occasionally  called  the 
Liberals,  while  at  other  times  they  were  designated  Lib- 
eral-Conservatives. About  1870  certain  persons  who 
styled  themselves  Democrats  had  become  attached  to  the 
clergy  and  were  known  as  Moderates.  A number  of  young 
politicians,  who  were  anxious  to  introduce  reforms,  were 
styled  Radicals.  In  1881  difficulties  arose  because  some 
Jesuits  were  suspected  of  having  instigated  the  Indians  to 
revolt.  The  Jesuits  became  incensed  because  of  a liberal 
speech  made  by  a Spanish  professor  at  the  opening  of  a 
national  educational  institute  at  Leon : they  incited  an 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  461 


uprising  against  the  government  that  encouraged  such  doc- 
trines, and  finally  had  to  be  expelled  from  Nicaraguan  soil. 
When  Barrios  of  Guatemala  tried  to  re-weld  the  Central 
American  states  into  a union,  Nicaragua  joined  Salvador 
and  Costa  Rica  to  shatter  his  plans. 

Zelaya  Becomes  President. — General  Jose  Santos  Zelaya, 
a member  of  the  Liberal  party,  emerged  as  the  leader  of  a 
successful  insurrection  in  1893.  Soon  afterwards  he  was 
elected  president  for  four  years  under  a new  Constitution. 
In  1895  he  became  involved  in  a dispute  with  England  be- 
cause he  arrested  and  expelled  certain  English  citizens  who 
were  suspected  of  conspiring  against  his  government. 
Despite  this  entanglement — which  led  to  the  dispatch  of  an 
English  warship  to  Central  America,  but  was  finally  settled 
by  the  payment  of  an  indemnity — and  despite  uprisings 
against  his  government,  Zelaya  maintained  his  power  and 
was  reelected  president  in  1902  and  again  in  1906.  A man 
of  initiative  and  energy,  he  secured  the  completion  of  a rail- 
road from  the  Atlantic  Ocean  to  Lake  Nicaragua;  he  also 
promoted  the  construction  of  wharves  and  electric  lighting 
plants.  He  took  steps  to  improve  his  country’s  monetary 
system  ; but  his  concessions  to  monopolistic  companies  pro- 
voked much  dissatisfaction.  He  did  not  succeed  in  satis- 
factorily adjusting  Nicaragua’s  debts.  Arbitrary  in  his 
methods  of  rule,  yet  he  was  viewed  by  his  partisans  as  a 
great  leader  who  might  ensure  tranquillity  to  the  discord- 
ant and  belligerent  republics  of  Central  America. 

Nicaragua’s  War  with  Honduras. — In  1905  the  Nica- 
raguans adopted  a Constitution  which  provided  for  a 
President,  a unicameral  legislature,  and  federal  courts. 
That  Constitution  made  the  department  the  local  unit  of 
organization.  Among  the  internal  and  external  wars 
which  were  subsequently  waged  by  the  Nicaraguan  gov- 
ernment, none  was  more  significant  than  the  struggle 
which  broke  out  in  1907  between  Nicaragua  and  Honduras. 
That  war  was  terminated  largely  because  of  good  offices 
exerted  by  the  United  States  and  Mexico.  Upon  its  close 
the  belligerents  signed  a convention  stipulating  that  until 
a general  arbitration  treaty  was  adopted  by  the  nations  of 
Central  America,  any  differences  which  might  arise  be- 


462 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


tween  Nicaragua  and  Honduras  should  be  settled  by  the 
arbitration  of  the  presidents  of  Mexico  and  the  United 
States. 

Attitude  of  Presidents  Diaz  and  Roosevelt. — Soon  after- 
wards, as  war  seemed  imminent  between  Nicaragua  and 
Salvador,  Presidents  Diaz  and  Roosevelt  proposed  that  a 
peace  conference  should  be  held  by  the  nations  of  Central 
America.  In  September,  1907,  a preliminary  Conference 
of  the  ministers  of  the  Central  American  states  and  repre- 
sentatives of  Mexico  and  the  United  States  was  accord- 
ingly held  at  Washington.  At  that  meeting  the  five  repub- 
lics of  Central  America  agreed  to  send  delegates  to  a 
Conference  to  discuss  the  measures  necessary  to  adjust  any 
differences  which  might  exist  between  those  republics  and 
to  frame  a treaty  that  should  define  their  general  rela- 
tions. 

The  Central  American  Conference  of  1907. — Accordingly 
Presidents  Diaz  and  Roosevelt  soon  invited  the  republics 
of  Central  America  to  send  representatives  to  a Confer- 
ence. In  November  and  December,  1907,  delegates  from 
those  republics  and  also  diplomats  of  Mexico  and  the 
United  States  gathered  at  Washington.  The  Central 
American  Conference  agreed  to  conventions  concerning 
peace  and  amity,  extradition,  and  future  conferences. 
Other  conventions  established  a Central  American  court  of 
justice,  a pedagogical  institute,  and  a Central  American 
bureau.  The  last-mentioned  convention  provided  that  the 
republics  concerned  should  found  and  support  a bureau 
composed  of  one  delegate  from  each  state.  This  bureau 
should  promote  the  interests  of  Central  America,  maintain 
an  organ  of  publicity,  and  serve  as  a medium  of  intelligence. 
The  Treaty  of  Peace  and  Amity  declared  that  a first  duty 
of  the  contracting  parties  was  to  preserve  peace.  They 
pledged  themselves  to  adjust  in  a Central  American  court 
of  justice  any  differences  that  might  arise  among  them- 
selves. A citizen  of  one  nation  residing  in  another  state  of 
Central  America  was  to  have  the  same  civil  rights  as  citi- 
zens of  that  state.  Legal  documents  of  one  state  should 
be  valid  in  the  other  states.  The  territory  of  Honduras 
should  be  absolutely  neutral.  Revolutionary  leaders 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  463 


should  not  be  allowed  to  reside  in  districts  adjacent  to  a 
country  where  they  might  disturb  the  peace.  A supple- 
mentary convention  contained  provisions  intended  to  pre- 
vent the  reelection  of  presidents  and  to  curb  revolutions. 
The  convention  concerning  a Central  American  court  of 
justice  provided  for  the  establishment  of  a permanent 
tribunal  at  Cartago  in  Costa  Rica,  composed  of  one  judge 
from  each  state,  which  was  to  take  cognizance  of  certain 
controversies.  The  five  nations  agreed  to  enforce  the 
decisions  of  that  court.  Certain  members  of  the  Con- 
ference suggested  that  the  republics  should  again  form  one 
political  organization  but  most  of  the  delegates  held  that 
a Central  American  union  was  impracticable  at  this  juncture. 

Significance. — The  Peace  Conference  of  1907  seemed  to 
prescribe  efficacious  remedies  for  chronic  Central  American 
maladies.  On  May  25,  1908,  the  court  of  justice  was  installed 
at  Cartago.  Its  decisions  were  not  without  influence  in  check- 
ing the  interference  of  one  or  more  states  in  the  affairs  of  a 
neighbor.  Still,  revolutions  in  Central  America  did  not  cease. 

Nicaragua  and  the  United  States.— The  storm  center  of 
Central  American  politics  was  Nicaragua.  Suspicions  were 
rife  that  President  Zelaya  designed  to  impose  his  authority 
upon  neighboring  states.  In  February,  1909,  Zelaya  evi- 
dently encouraged  a filibustering  expedition  against  Salva- 
dor. To  promote  the  execution  of  the  Washington  conventions 
the  United  States  sent  warships  to  Central  American  waters. 
At  Bluefields  in  October,  1909,  General  Juan  J.  Estrada 
started  an  insurrection  against  the  government  of  Nicara- 
gua. Early  in  December,  1909,  United  States  Secretary  of 
State  Knox  gave  the  Nicaraguan  minister  his  passports,  de- 
claring that,  in  violation  of  the  treaties  of  1907,  Presidenl 
Zelaya  had  kept  Central  America  in  turmoil  and  that  his 
administration  was  “a  blot  on  the  history”  of  Nicaragua.  In 
the  face  of  armed  strife  within  and  international  complica- 
tions without  the  republic,  Zelaya  decided  to  relinquish  his 
authority.  Upon  accepting  his  resignation  the  National  As- 
sembly protested  at  the  policy  of  intervention  which  had  been 
pursued  by  the  United  States. 

Fiscal  Intervention. — Yet  after  Zelaya  went  into  exile, 
Nicaragua  asked  the  United  States  for  advice  about  her  po- 


464 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


litical  and  fiscal  reorganization.  On  November  6,  1910,  an 
agreement  was  reached  between  the  United  States  and  Nica- 
ragua which  provided  for  a convention  that  should  elect 
Provisional  President  Estrada  as  president.  This  agreement 
also  stipulated  that  a loan  should  be  secured  for  Nicaragua 
upon  the  basis  of  her  customs  duties.  Any  claims  which 
might  be  pending  against  that  state  should  be  adjusted  ac- 
cording to  a plan  formed  by  the  United  States  and  Nicaragua. 
Early  in  the  next  year  Secretary  Knox  signed  a treaty  with 
Nicaragua  which  provided  for  the  refunding  of  the  Nica- 
raguan national  debt  and  for  a loan  to  Nicaragua  that  should  • 
be  guaranteed  by  her  customs  receipts.  This  treaty  further 
provided  that  the  collector-general  of  Nicaragua’s  customs 
should  be  approved  by  the  President  of -the  United  States. 
Although  it  was  not  ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate,  yet 
according  to  an  executive  agreement,  President  Taft  selected 
a collector  who  was  given  charge  of  the  Nicaraguan  customs 
service. 

Nicaragua’s  Constitution  of  1912. — In  March,  1912,  a 
new  Nicaraguan  Constitution  was  put  into  operation.  That 
Constitution  vested  executive  authority  in  a President  who 
should  be  elected  by  direct  popular  vote  for  four  years.  He 
was  declared  to  be  ineligible  to  succeed  himself,  and  was  to 
be  aided  and  advised  by  secretaries  of  state.  In  contrast  with 
sister  republics  of  Central  America,  Nicaragua  was  by  this 
Constitution  furnished  with  a bicameral  congress.  Members 
of  both  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Deputies  were  to  be 
chosen  by  direct  popular  vote.  One  deputy  was  to  be  elected 
from  every  district  into  which  a department  might  be  divided. 
Each  department  of  the  republic  should  elect  one  senator 
for  every  two  deputies.  The  national  judiciary  was  to  be 
composed  of  a supreme  court,  located  at  Managua,  and  three 
inferior  courts,  besides  local  courts.  The  electoral  franchise 
should  be  exercised  by  all  male  citizens  who  had  attained 
twenty-one  years  of  age  and  also  by  married  male  citizens 
who  were  over  eighteen  years  or  who  could  read  and  write. 

Social  Condition. — The  largest  in  territory  of  the  Cen- 
tral American  republics,  in  many  particulars  Nicaragua  re- 
sembles Salvador  and  Honduras.  To  a considerable  extent 
the  aborigines  have  become  amalgamated  with  the  Spanish 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  465 


element  of  the  population.  The  most  numerous  class  is  prob- 
ably the  mestizo.  In  1914  the  population  of  Nicaragua  was 
estimated  at  703,540  souls.  There  the  language  and  religion 
of  the  Spaniards  have  been  imposed  upon  a stock  which  has 
often  preserved  aboriginal  agricultural  customs.  The  chief 
cities  of  Nicaragua  are  located  on  the  plains  near  Lakes  Nica- 
ragua and  Managua. 

Economic  Condition. — The  main  Nicaraguan  industries 
are  agriculture  and  cattle  raising.  Coffee,  bananas,  sugar, 
and  cacao  are  the  important  crops.  A large  number  of  cattle 
roam  over  the  grassy  plains  of  the  republic.  Although  many 
gold  mines  have  been  located  in  Nicaragua,  yet  mining  has 
not  become  an  important  occupation.  In  1914  the  chief  ex- 
ports of  Nicaragua  in  United  States  currency  were  as  fol- 
lows: coffee,  $2,295,397;  gold,  $891,025;  bananas,  $504,191; 
lumber,  $456,239;  hides  and  skins,  $401,063;  and  rubber, 
$124,326,  in  United  States  currency.  The  unit  of  monetary 
value  in  Nicaragua  is  the  gold  cordoba,  which  is  of  the  same 
weight  and  fineness  as  the  United  States  dollar. 

Finances. — Nicaragua  has  also  had  difficulties  and 
embarrassments  in  regard  to  her  loans.  So  serious  did  Nica- 
ragua’s fiscal  problems  become  that  United  States  bankers 
undertook  to  aid  the  republic  in  the  reorganization  of  her 
banking  and  monetary  system.  In  October,  1910,  an  agree- 
ment was  reached  between  the  United  States  and  Nicaragua 
which  provided  that  the  Central  American  republic  should  take 
steps  to  reorganize  her  finances  by  negotiating  a loan  secured 
by  her  customs  duties.  Subsequently  Nicaragua  entered  into 
an  agreement  by  which  the  United  States  government  should 
choose  a collector  who  was  to  supervise  her  fiscal  administra- 
tion. In  1914  the  domestic  debt  of  Nicaragua  aggregated 
$6,676,662;  while  her  foreign  debt  amounted  to  $7,100,000. 

The  Bryan-Chamorro  Treaty. — In  1916  an  important 
treaty  that  had  been  negotiated  between  Secretary  Chamorro 
of  Nicaragua  and  Secretary  of  State  Bryan  was  ratified.  By 
that  treaty  the  United  States  government  agreed  to  pay  Nica- 
ragua $3,000,000;  and  it  was  to  supervise  the  expenditure  of 
that  money.  In  return  the  United  States  was  granted  the 
exclusive  right  to  construct  and  maintain  an  interoceanic 
canal  across  Nicaragua,  and  she  was  given  a lease  of  Great 


466  THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 

and  Little  Corn  Islands  near  the  eastern  terminus  of  the 
Panama  Canal.  As  Costa  Rica  and  Salvador  made  objections 
to  this  treaty  with  Nicaragua  when  it  was  ratified  by  the 
United  States  Senate  that  body  declared  that  none  of  its  pro- 
visions were  intended  to  affect  any  existing  right  of  any  other 
nation  of  Central  America. 

Central  American  Policy  toward  the  World  War. — The 

nations  of  Central  America  showed  a singular  unanimity  in 
their  attitude  toward  the  World  War.  In  1917  some  of  those 
nations  announced  that  their  diplomatic  relations  with  Ger- 
many were  severed.  By  August,  1918,  Costa  Rica,  Honduras, 
Guatemala,  and  Nicaragua  had  declared  the  existence  of  a 
state  of  war  with  the  Imperial  German  Government.  Al- 
though Salvador  remained  neutral  yet  she  apparently  de- 
clared that  she  was  friendly  to  the  government  at  Washington. 

The  Fiscal  Rehabilitation  of  Nicaragua. — Meantime  the 
finances  of  Nicaragua  had  become  badly  demoralized.  Her 
government  was  harassed  by  “floating  debts  and  miscel- 
laneous claims.”  Exacting  demands  made  by  the  holders  of 
such  obligations  often  prevented  the  government  from  pay- 
ing the  salaries  of  its  employees.  By  the  aid  of  the  United 
States  a plan  for  the  rehabilitation  of  Nicaragua’s  finances 
was  formed.  This  plan  provided  for  the  introduction  of  a 
budgetary  system,  for  an  adjustment  of  the  floating  debt,  and 
for  the  financing  of  the  deferred  interest  and  sinking  fund 
obligations  of  the  bonded  indebtedness.  A high  commission 
was  to  be  established  composed  of  representatives  of  Nica- 
ragua and  the  United  States.  This  commission  was  to  serve 
as  an  agency  to  ensure  the  payment  of  bonds  that  were  guar- 
anteed by  import  duties.  Aided  by  payments  from  the  canal 
fund  paid  by  the  United  States,  the  execution  of  this  plan 
resulted  in  the  reduction  of  Nicaragua’s  debt  by  January, 
1920,  to  $9,884,023.  So  much  did  the  credit  of  the  govern- 
ment improve  that  it  sent  a mission  to  the  United  States  to 
negotiate  a loan.  In  October,  1920,  the  negotiations  culmi- 
nated in  a contract  between  the  Nicaraguan  government,  upon 
the  one  hand,  and  Messrs.  Brown  Brothers  and  Company  and 
J.  and  W.  Seligman  and  Company  of  New  York  City,  upon 
the  other  hand,  for  a loan  of  $9,000,000  to  be  used  largely 
in  the  construction  and  equipment  of  a railroad  from  the 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  467 


Pacific  Ocean  to  the  Atlantic  coast.  Nicaragua’s  fiscal  pro- 
gramme was  modified.  After  budgetary  expenses  and  pay- 
ments on  the  bonded  debt  had  been  met,  the  republic  was  to 
be  allowed  to  use  the  surplus  to  purchase  the  Pacific  Railroad 
of  Nicaragua  and  to  promote  internal  improvements. 

Downfall  of  Cabrera  in  Guatemala. — In  the  meantime 
the  opposition  to  Cabrera’s  dictatorship  in  Guatemala  had 
become  increasingly  bitter.  Newspapers  and  foreign  cor- 
respondence were  subjected  to  a rigorous  censorship.  In 
April,  1920,  a rebellion  began.  After  the  revolutionists  had 
proclaimed  a prominent  sugar  planter  named  Carlos  Herrera 
as  president  of  the  republic,  they  succeeded  in  entering  Guate- 
mala City.  There  they  were  besieged  and  shelled  by  Cabrera’s 
soldiers  for  several  days.  When  it  became  evident  that  he 
was  doomed  to  defeat,  Cabrera  capitulated  and  resigned  the 
presidency.  Soon  afterwards  Provisional  President  Herrera 
was  recognized  by  the  United  States  as  the  constitutional  suc- 
cessor of  Cabrera.  At  once  Herrera  undertook  to  initiate 
economic  and  fiscal  reforms.  He  issued  a proclamation  ar- 
ranging for  presidential  elections  and  announcing  that  he 
would  not  be  a candidate  for  the  presidency  himself.  Among 
plans  for  constitutional  reform  was  a proposal  that  the  funda- 
mental law  should  be  amended  so  as  to  prevent  the  successive 
reelection  of  the  President. 

The  Central  American  Federation  of  1921. — Some  of 
Cabrera’s  opponents  had  expressed  themselves  in  favor  of  a 
union  of  the  Central-American  nations.  Prominent  publicists 
entertained  high  hopes  that  those  nations  might  attain  their 
political  salvation  in  a Federation.  Arrangements  were  ac- 
cordingly made  for  a conference  of  delegates  from  the  five 
nations  of  Central  America.  At  San  Jose,  Costa  Rica,  on 
January  19,  1921,  delegates  of  Guatemala,  Salvador,  Hondu- 
ras, and  Costa  Rica  signed  a “Treaty  of  Union.”  This  com- 
pact provided  that,  after  its  ratification  by  three  of  the  Central 
American  states,  those  republics  would  unite  in  “a  perpetual 
and  indissoluble  union”  to  constitute  a nation  designated  the 
“Federation  of  Central  America.”  It  formulated  a Provi- 
sional Constitution  for  the  Federation.  According  to  that 
Constitution  each  state  was  to  preserve  her  control  of  internal 
affairs  and  was  to  exercise  such  powers  as  were  not  granted 


468 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


to  the  federal  government.  The  constitutions  of  the  states  of 
Central  America  were  to  remain  in  force  so  far  as  they  were 
not  contrary  to  the  federal  Constitution.  For  the  time  being, 
each  state  was  faithfully  to  observe  her  treaties  with  other 
nations.  After  the  Swiss  example,  executive  authority  was 
to  be  vested  in  a federal  council.  To  that  council  each  state 
was  to  elect  by  popular  vote  a councilor  and  an  alternate  for 
a term  of  five  years.  From  their  own  number  the  councilors 
were  to  select  a President  and  a Vice-President  who  should 
serve  for  one  year.  Legislative  authority  was  to  be  exercised 
by  a legislature  composed  of  a Senate  and  a Chamber  of 
Deputies.  The  Senate  was  to  be  made  up  of  three  Senators 
for  each  state  elected  by  the  respective  Congress  for  six  years. 
The  Chamber  of  Deputies  was  to  be  composed  of  members 
elected  by  popular  vote  from  electoral  districts.  Judicial  au- 
thority was  to  be  vested  in  a supreme  court  and  inferior  courts 
established  by  law.  After  three  states  had  ratified  the  Cove- 
nant of  Federation  a provisional  federal  council  was  to  be 
elected  composed  of  one  delegate  from  each  state.  That  coun- 
cil was  to  take  steps  preliminary  to  the  organization  of  the 
Federation.  It  was  to  convoke  a National  Constituent  As- 
sembly composed  of  fifteen  delegates  from  each  state  which 
should  frame  a permanent  constitution  for  the  Federation  ac- 
cording to  the  bases  laid  down  in  the  Treaty  of  Union.  It  was 
to  promulgate  the  constitution,  the  laws,  and  other  regulations 
that  the  Assembly  might  adopt.  The  Constituent  Assembly 
was  to  delimit  a district  that  should  be  the  seat  of  the  federal 
government.  The  states  entering  into  the  union  were  to  con- 
tinue payments  on  their  domestic  and  foreign  debts ; but  in  the 
future  no  member  of  the  Federation  should  float  a foreign 
loan  without  the  sanction  of  the  federal  Congress. 

Its  Organization. — In  this  compact  of  union  the  four 
Central  American  states  expressed  regret  that  Nicaragua  had 
not  agreed  to  enter  the  Federation.  For  the  delegates  of  that 
republic  had  declined  to  sign  the  Treaty  of  San  Jose.  The 
Nicaraguan  government  evidently  feared  that  to  accept  the 
compact  of  Central  American  Union  might  jeopardize  its 
rights  under  the  Bryan-Chamorro  Treaty.  The  Congress  of 
Costa  Rica  rejected  the  Covenant  of  Federation  by  a close 
vote.  It  was  ratified,  however,  b}r  the  congresses  of  Hon- 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  469 


duras,  Guatemala,  and  Salvador.  Members  of  the  provisional 
federal  council  were  elected,  and  the  National  Constituent 
Assembly  was  convoked  at  Tegucigalpa,  Honduras,  to  pass 
laws  and  to  frame  a constitution.  On  August  30,  1921,  that 
Assembly  enacted  a law  which  declared  that  although  Costa 
Rica  and  Nicaragua  had  not  entered  the  Federation,  yet  it 
considered  them  as  members  of  the  Central  American  family. 
This  law  stipulated  that  the  coat  of  arms  and  the  national 
flag  of  the  new  Federation  should  be  identical  with  those  that 
had  been  adopted  by  the  Federation  of  Central  America  in 
September,  1823.  On  September  15,  1921 — the  centenary 
of  the  Declaration  of  Central  American  Independence — the 
ensign  was  to  be  unfurled  which  symbolized  the  re-birth  of 
the  “Republic  of  Central  America.”  After  that  date  the  flags 
and  the  coats  of  arms  that  had  been  used  by  the  states  which 
had  entered  the  Federation  of  1921  should  no  longer  be  dis- 
played. Another  step  was  accordingly  taken  toward  the 
restoration  of  the  union  that  had  been  born  almost  a century 
earlier. 

The  New  Union. — The  new  Republic  of  Central  Amer- 
ica had  an  area  of  about  one  hundred  thousand  square  miles 
with  a population  of  four  million  souls.  The  states  thus 
banded  together  were  those  which  had  been  brought  into  rela- 
tively close  relations  with  each  other.  Nicaragua  and  Costa 
Rica  have  occasionally  felt  that  their  interests  were  some- 
what distinct  from  those  of  the  other  Central  American 
states.  A coup  d’etat  in  Guatemala  City  in  December,  1921, 
which  resulted  in  the  deposition  of  President  Herrera  by 
General  Orellana,  seems  to  have  spelled  the  downfall  of  the 
lastest  experiment  in  Central  American  Union. 

The  Independence  of  Panama. — The  Constitution  which 
was  adopted  by  Colombia  in  1886  declared  that  Panama  was 
a department  of  the  republic.  As  already  suggested,  a revo- 
lution started  in  the  city  of  Panama  against  Colombia  on 
November  3,  1903.  LTpon  the  following  day  the  council  of 
that  city  framed  a declaration  that  the  people  under  its  juris- 
diction had  severed  the  political  bonds  which  had  connected 
them  with  Colombia.  This  council  further  declared  that  in 
union  with  other  towns  in  the  state  of  Panama  it  had  formed 
an  independent  government. 


470 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Panama’s  Constitution. — A Convention  was  soon  con- 
voked in  the  city  of  Panama  to  organize  the  new  nation.  On 
February  13,  1904,  it  adopted  a Constitution  for  the  republic 
of  Panama.  The  territory  of  the  republic  was  declared  to  be 
that  which  had  been  included  within  the  state  of  Panama  by 
a Colombian  law,  subject  to  the  arbitral  award  of  the  French 
President  in  the  pending  boundary  dispute  of  Colombia  with 
Costa  Rica.  An  article  in  the  bill  of  rights  provided  that  citi- 
zens of  Panama  and  foreigners  should  be  equal  before  the 
law.  Another  article  stated  that  corporations  should  be  given 
legal  recognition  as  persons.  Article  XXVI  of  the  Consti- 
tution recognized  Roman  Catholicism  as  the  religion  of  the 
majority  of  the  republic’s  inhabitants  but  stipulated  that  re- 
ligious worship  should  be  free.  Executive  authority  was 
vested  in  a President  who  should  serve  for  four  years.  Mem- 
bers of  his  cabinet  were  to  act  as  an  advisory  council.  Con- 
gress should  select  three  persons  who,  in  a designated  drder, 
were  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  President  during  his  tempo- 
rary or  permanent  absence.  Legislative  authority  was  vested 
in  a unicameral  Congress  called  the  National  Assembly  which 
should  be  composed  of  members  elected  from  districts  for  four 
years.  Judicial  power  was  given  to  a supreme  court  and 
other  courts  to  be  established  by  law.  The  territory  of  the 
republic  was  divided  into  four  provinces.  In  each  province 
the  chief  executive  should  be  a governor  who  was  to  be  ap- 
pointed and  removed  by  the  President.  Provision  was  also 
made  for  municipal  districts  that  should  be  managed  by 
councils.  Article  CXXXVI  provided  that  if  the  United 
States  government  should  by  treaty  assume  the  obligation  of 
guaranteeing  the  independence  and  sovereignty  of  Panama,  it 
should  have  the  power  to  intervene  in  any  part  of  the  republic 
“to  reestablish  public  peace  and  constitutional  order.” 

The  Canal  Treaty. — Meantime,  on  November  18,  1903, 
a treaty  had  been  signed  by  Secretary  Hay  and  Bunau-Varilla, 
Panama’s  agent.  By  the  Hay-Bunau-Varilla  Treaty  the 
United  States  guaranteed  the  independence  of  the  new  repub- 
lic. Panama  granted  to  the  United  States  a strip  of  land  ten 
miles  wide  across  the  Isthmus  for  the  construction  of  the 
canal  and  also  the  right  of  sovereignty  over  that  zone  and  its 
adjacent  waters.  In  return  for  the  privileges  and  rights  thus 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  471 


Map  of  the  Panama  Republic,  Showing  the  Canal  Zone 


472 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


granted  the  United  States  agreed  to  pay  Panama  $10,000,000 
and  during  the  life  of  the  treaty  an  annual  sum  of  $250,000 
to  begin  nine  years  after  its  ratifications  were  exchanged. 
Other  nations  of  Europe  and  America  soon  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  the  United  States  and  recognized  Panama.  Upon 
the  other  hand  Colombia — profoundly  dissatisfied  with  the 
Panama  affair — refrained  from  acknowledging  that  republic’s 
independence. 

Establishment  of  an  Independent  Government. — Al- 
though the  Panamaian  Constitution  contained  a clause  pro- 
viding that  the  President  should  be  a natural-born  citizen  of 
the  republic,  yet  in  recognition  of  his  services  to  the  cause 
of  independence  the  Convention  unanimously  elected  a native 
of  Cartagena  named  Manuel  Amador  Guerrero  as  president. 
The  Convention  was  then  transformed  into  a legislative  body. 
It  enacted  a law  stipulating  that  the  legal  codes  of  Colombia 
should  remain  in  force  whenever  they  were  not  repugnant  to 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  Panama.  It  established  the 
gold  standard  and  adopted  a national  flag.  Upon  the  coat 
of  arms  which  it  sanctioned  for  the  republic  there  figured  a 
sword  and  a musket,  a pickax  and  a shovel,  a horn  of  plenty 
and  a rosette  with  wings,  that  were  surmounted  by  the 
scroll  pro  mundi  bencficio,  pendant  from  the  beak  of  an 
eagle. 

Amador  Guerrero  as  President. — Of  the  ten  million 
dollars  paid  by  the  United  States  for  the  Canal  Zone,  six 
millions  were  invested  in  that  country,  while  the  remainder 
was  used  to  finance  certain  public  utilities  in  Panama.  A 
controversy  soon  arose  with  Colombia,  for  there  was  no  agree- 
ment about  the  boundary  line.  Dissensions  that  raged  in 
1908  because  of  the  approaching  election  in  which  two  Con- 
servatives were  opposing  presidential  candidates  seemed  to 
presage  a rebellion.  The  United  States  accordingly  dispatched 
warships  to  the  city  of  Panama  and  landed  marines  at  Colon. 
She  informed  the  government  of  Panama  that  if  fraud  were 
permitted  in  the  elections,  it  would  become  her  duty  to  pre- 
serve order  in  accordance  with  the  Panamaian  Constitution 
and  the  Hay-Bunau-Varilla  Treaty.  After  a commission 
composed  of  citizens  of  Panama  and  officials  of  the  Canal 
Zone  had  declared  that  charges  of  irregularity  had  been 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  473 


grossly  exaggerated,  one  of  the  candidates  for  the  presidency 
withdrew  his  name,  stating  that  he  wished  to  promote  the 
unity  of  parties  and  to  prevent  the  occupation  of  the  republic 
by  United  States  soldiers. 

Panama’s  Problems,  1908-1914. — In  the  presidential 
election  of  July,  1908,  Domingo  de  Obaldia,  who  had  acted 
as  chief  executive,  was  chosen  president.  Obaldia  was  inau- 
gurated on  October  1,  1908;  he  died  in  March,  1910,  and  was 
succeeded  by  the  Segundo  Designado,  Carlos  A.  Mendoza.  In 
September  of  that  year  the  National  Assembly  elected  as  the 
Primero  Designado,  Pedro  Arosemena,  who  was  to  serve  as 
president  for  the  remainder  of  Obaldia’s  term.  In  the  cam- 
paign of  1912  the  Liberal  candidate  Dr.  Belisario  Porras, 
who  had  been  minister  to  the  United  States,  was  elected  pres- 
ident. He  was  inaugurated  on  October  1.  During  1913  a 
law  was  enacted  that  aimed  to  conserve  the  natural  resources 
of  the  republic.  Difficulties  arose  with  Chinese  residing 
within  the  republic  because  of  a law  which  required  them  to 
register  and  to  pay  a fee.  The  government  withdrew  the 
exequatur  of  the  Chinese  consul-general  at  Panama  City 
who  was  reported  to  have  advised  his  fellow  countrymen  to 
refuse  obedience  to  the  obnoxious  registration  law.  Partly 
as  a result  of  the  protests  of  Chinese  residents  the  National 
Assembly  ultimately  enacted  a law  that  authorized  the  Presi- 
dent to  expel  objectionable  foreigners  from  the  republic. 

Social  and  Economic  Conditions. — In  1912  the  popula- 
tion of  the  republic  of  Panama  was  estimated  to  be  about 
341,000.  Negroes  composed  a not  inconsiderable  element. 
In  certain  portions  of  the  republic  were  remnants  of  abo- 
riginal stocks  that  had  scarcely  been  affected  by  civilization. 
There  were  many  mulattoes  and  mestizos,  especially  in  the 
city  of  Panama.  Some  attention  was  paid  to  mining  but 
agriculture  and  cattle  raising  were  the  chief  industries.  In 
Colon  and  Panama  many  inhabitants  were  employed  in  mer- 
cantile pursuits.  Besides  bananas,  the  important  exports  of 
the  republic  were  rubber,  cocoanuts,  manganese,  ivory  nuts, 
hides,  cabinet  woods,  and  pearls.  In  1914  the  exports  of 
timber  came  to  $135,296;  exports  of  live  stock  and  animal 
products  aggregated  $241,867;  and  exports  of  vegetable  prob- 
ucts  amounted  to  $3,151,787  in  United  States  currency. 


474 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Commerce  and  Currency. — The  republic  of  Panama  oc- 
cupies a unique  commercial  position:  her  exports  seem  des- 
tined regularly  to  be  exceeded  by  her  imports.  Her  nominal 
monetary  unit  is  the  balboa,  a gold  coin  which  is  the  equiva- 
lent of  a dollar  in  United  States  currency.  Silver  coins  of 
Panama  circulate  by  the  side  of  United  States  currency 
which  is  probably  used  more  as  a medium  of  exchange  in 
Panama  than  in  any  other  continental  country  of  Latin 
America.  The  city  of  Panama  is  not  only  a cosmopolitan 
capital  but  also  a mercantile  center.  The  chief  port  of  entry 
is  Colon.  Low  import  duties,  as  well  as  an  increasing  traffic 
through  the  canal,  seem  destined  to  make  those  cities  impor- 
tant commercial  emporiums.  Even  before  the  World  War  the 
commerce  of  the  Isthmian  Republic  was  mainly  with  the 
United  States. 

Panama  during  the  World  War. — While  the  new  re- 
public had  been  learning  the  art  of  government,  the  United 
States  had  been  digging  the  great  ditch  to  connect  the  At- 
lantic and  Pacific  Oceans.  In  August,  1914,  the  canal  across 
the  Isthmus  of  Panama  was  opened  to  traffic.  The  comple- 
tion of  the  Panama  Canal  and  the  imperative  need  of  pro- 
tecting it — especially  in  war  times — caused  the  United  States 
government  to  take  measures  which  augmented  its  influence 
in  the  Isthmian  republic.  In  September,  1914,  Panama  rati- 
fied a treaty  with  the  United  States  which  described  the 
boundaries  between  Panama  and  the  Canal  Zone.  This  treaty 
conceded  to  the  United  States  control  over  the  waters  of 
Ancon  and  Colon  at  the  Atlantic  terminus  of  the  canal,  it 
transferred  to  that  nation  two  small  islands  in  Ancon  harbor, 
and  gave  to  her  the  site  for  a coastal  battery  upon  the  water 
front  at  Ancon.  Important  among  amendments  to  the  na- 
tional Constitution  which  were  promulgated  in  April,  1917, 
Avas  an  article  providing  that  the  President  and  a Vice-Presi- 
dent should  be  elected  for  four  years  by  direct  popular  vote. 
After  1919  the  governors  of  provinces  were  to  be  elected  by 
popular  vote.  Capital  punishment  was  prohibited.  On  April 
7,  1917,  the  Panama  Assembly  declared  war  upon  Germany. 
Upon  the  same  day  Ramon  M.  Valdez — who  had  become 
President  on  October  1,  1916 — issued  a proclamation  declar- 
ing that  the  very  existence  of  his  republic  was  linked  to  that 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  475 


of  the  United  States  and  appealing  to  his  people  to  cooperate 
in  the  protection  of  the  Panama  Canal  and  of  their  own  ter- 
ritory. During  1917  soldiers  from  the  United  States  were 
landed  in  Colon  and  Panama  City  to  quell  election  distur- 
bances. During  the  next  year  the  United  States  felt  compelled 
to  assume  police  power  in  the  Isthmian  Republic. 

Her  Boundary  Disputes. — That  republic  inherited  a 
troublesome  boundary  dispute.  As  already  indicated,  Colom- 
bia’s boundary  with  Costa  Rica  under  the  Loubet  award  had 
not  been  completely  demarcated  when  Panama  declared  her 
independence.  Although  Costa  Rica  and  Panama  reached  a 
satisfactory  solution  about  their  boundary  under  that  award 
upon  the  Pacific  side,  yet  they  could  not  agree  about  their 
limits  upon  the  Atlantic  side.  An  acrimonious  dispute  seemed 
to  end  when,  through  the  good  offices  of  the  United  States, 
in  March,  1910,  the  two  nations  agreed  to  a treaty  stipulat- 
ing that  the  chief  justice  of  the  United  States  should  decide 
which  was  the  boundary  line  between  Panama  and  Costa 
Rica  “most  in  accordance”  with  the  Loubet  award.  By  Ar- 
ticle VII  of  the  treaty  both  parties  explicitly  agreed  to  abide 
by  the  chief  justice’s  decision.  Ratifications  of  that  treaty 
were  duly  exchanged  at  Washington  on  May  17,  1911.  By 
the  award  of  Chief  Justice  White — which  was  announced  in 
1914 — a line  drawn  from  the  mouth  of  the  Sixaola  River 
upon  the  Atlantic  side  to  a point  near  90  north  latitude  beyond 
Cerro  Pando  was  declared  to  be  the  line  most  in  accordance 
with  the  intent  of  President  Loubet.  The  line  drawn  by 
Justice  White  assigned  a part  of  the  territory  upon  the  Atlan- 
tic coast  that  had  been  claimed  by  Panama  to  Costa  Rica  and 
allotted  a portion  of  the  territory  claimed  there  by  Costa  Rica 
to  Panama.  The  Isthmian  Republic,  however,  objected  to 
White’s  award,  alleging  that  he  had  exceeded  his  authority. 
In  1920  she  even  proceeded  to  occupy  a part  of  the  territory 
in  dispute.  Armed  conflicts  occurred  between  Panama  and 
Costa  Rica  which  threatened  to  involve  certain  of  their  neigh- 
bors. When  he  became  secretary  of  state  under  President 
Harding,  Charles  Hughes  took  a firm  stand.  He  declared 
that  Panama’s  allegations  were  groundless  and  demanded  that 
she  accept  the  boundary  line  that  had  been  drawn  in  the 
arbitral  award  of  Justice  White.  At  that  very  juncture,  the 


476 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


boundary  between  Panama  and  Colombia  was  determined  by 
Article  III  of  the  modified  Thompson-Urrutia  Treaty. 

Literature  of  these  Caribbean  Nations. — In  the  languor- 
ous Spanish  West  Indies  many  poets  flourished.  During  the 
age  when  Cuba  was  striving  for  independence,  Diego  Vicente 
Tejera  wrote  Al  ideal  de  la  independence  de  Cuba,  Enrique 
Varona  edited  the  Revista  Cubana,  and  in  exile  from  his  na- 
tive land  a gifted  Cuban  patriot  named  Jose  Marti  served  as 
correspondent  for  La  Nacion  of  Buenos  Aires.  Of  poets  and 
romancers  who  were  natives  of  the  Dominican  Republic  may 
be  mentioned  Manuel  de  Jesus  Galvan,  author  of  Enriquillo, 
a novel  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  and  Pedro  Enriquez  Urena, 
who  wrote  Antologia  Dominicana  and  Romances  en  America. 
Juan  Jose  Canas  composed  poems  in  Salvador.  Antonio 
Jose  de  Irisarri,  who  was  a native  of  Guatemala,  spent  a part 
of  his  life  in  Chile.  He  published  a volume  of  poems,  as 
well  as  a collection  of  essays  upon  philological  topics.  An- 
other Guatemalan  named  Jose  Batre  y Montufar  published 
some  imitative  verses  entitled  Tradiciones  de  Guatemala. 
Jose  Milla  of  Guatemala  wrote  history  and  historical  novels. 
The  poetic  genius,  Ruben  Dario,  gave  lasting  renown  to  his 
native  country,  Nicaragua,  while  sojourning  in  distant  lands. 
Moved  by  varied  currents  of  his  age,  among  other  poems  he 
composed  Asul,  Prosas  Profanas,  and  Cantos  de  vida  y es- 
peranza.  Voicing  a Spanish- American  sentiment,  in  his  ode 
A Roosevelt,  Dario  exclaimed  that  when  the  United  States 
shuddered,  “a  deep  rumbling”  passed  “along  the  enormous 
vertebrae  of  the  Andes!” 

Summary. — Certain  states  considered  in  this  chapter 
stand  in  a peculiar  relation  to  their  great  Anglo-American 
neighbor.  Because  of  the  manner  in  which  she  attained  her 
independence,  and  still  more  because  of  the  Platt  Amendment 
that  defined  her  status  with  regard  to  the  United  States,  Cuba 
has  been  under  the  tutelage  of  that  government.  Because  of 
chronic  fiscal  difficulties  which  seemed  to  menace  interference 
in  her  domestic  concerns  by  creditor  nations  of  Europe,  the 
Dominican  Republic  was  induced  to  agree  to  an  arrangement 
by  which  the  United  States  government  undertook  to  admin- 
ister her  finances — and,  as  the  sequel  showed,  her  affairs — for 
a term  of  years.  Although  that  arrangement  undoubtedly 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  477 


resulted  in  many  advantages  to  the  debtor  republic,  yet  it  led 
to  virtual  domination  by  the  United  States  in  Dominican  af- 
fairs— a domination  which  many  Dominicans  now  hotly  re- 
sent! In  pursuance  of  the  precedent  set  in  Santo  Domingo, 
and  because  of  similar  conditions,  the  United  States  later 
undertook  in  an  informal  fashion  to  aid  in  the  rehabilitation 
of  the  finances  of  Nicaragua.  In  Central  America,  as  in  the 
West  Indies,  this  process  of  fiscal  reconstruction  has  led  to 
measures  by  the  United  States  government  which  constituted 
an  infringement  upon  the  sovereign  rights  of  a Latin-Ameri- 
can  nation.  Marines  from  the  United  States  have  sometimes 
followed  the  bankers  to  support  what  has  been  designated  as 
financial  Imperialism.  The  acquisition  by  the  United  States 
of  the  Panama  Canal  and  also  the  completion  of  the  Canal 
have  almost  inevitably  led  to  the  assumption  by  that  govern- 
ment of  an  increasing  interest  in  the  administration  of  the 
Isthmian  Republic,  especially  since  the  outbreak  of  the  World 
War.  It  is  not  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  at  least  Cuba,  the 
Dominican  Republic,  Nicaragua,  and  Panama  are  at  present 
protectorates  of  the  United  States.  Since  undertaking  this 
new  role  the  government  at  Washington  has  been  forced  to 
realize  that 


When  constabulary  duty’s  to  be  done, 
The  policeman’s  life  is  not  a happy  one. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO 

The  First  Mexican  Empire. — Emperor  Agustin  I,  whose 
domains  included  the  former  viceroyalty  of  Mexico  and  the 
captaincy  general  of  Central  America,  established  a court  in 
Mexico  City  with  many  officials  and  supernumeraries.  To 
reward  his  soldiers  he  founded  a military  fraternity  desig- 
nated the  Imperial  Order  of  Guadeloupe.  Yet  his  Empire 
did  not  endure  long.  Extraordinary  expenses  caused  by  the 
Revolution,  by  the  formation  of  a new  government,  and  by 
a lavish  distribution  of  offices  and  pensions,  sadly  embarrassed 
his  finances.  Royalists  opposed  his  rule  because  he  had  not 
placed  a Spanish  prince  upon  the  Mexican  throne  as  provided 
by  the  Plan  of  Iguala.  Republicans  protested  against  the 
paraphernalia  of  royalty  and  clamored  for  a republic.  As 
bitter  opposition  to  his  regime  developed  among  congressmen, 
by  a decree  dated  October  30,  1822,  the  Emperor  arbitrarily 
dissolved  Congress,  after  having  imprisoned  some  of  its 
members. 

Downfall  of  Agustin  I. — Agustin  I then  appointed  certain 
congressmen  to  a junta  which  served  as  a council  of  govern- 
ment. With  its  advice  he  tried  to  prevent  the  Empire  from 
becoming  bankrupt  by  making  forced  loans  and  by  issuing 
paper  money.  In  December,  1822,  a disgruntled  military 
commander  named  Antonio  Santa  Anna  started  an  insurrec- 
tion against  the  Imperial  government.  On  February  1,  1823, 
with  other  military  leaders,  Santa  Anna  signed  at  Casa  Mata 
a proclamation  which  was  directed  against  Agustin  I.  The 
Plan  of  Casa  Mata  asserted  that  the  cause  for  an  uprising 
was  the  lack  of  a national  Congress.  As  this  plan  found 
supporters  in  many  parts  of  Mexico,  and  as  the  Emperor  soon 
realized  that  it  was  impossible  to  be  reconciled  with  the  revo- 
lutionists, on  March  19,  1823,  he  sent  a letter  of  resignation 
to  Congress.  Agustin  I asserted  that  he  did  not  wish  his 

478 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  479 


name  to  be  made  a pretext  for  civil  war,  and  that,  as  the  pres- 
ence of  an  ex-Emperor  might  be  an  excuse  for  civil  distur- 
bances, he  was  willing  to  expatriate  himself.  On  April  7,  1823, 
Congress  decreed  that  the  coronation  of  Agustin  I was  illegal 
and  that  the  acts  of  the  Imperial  government  were  null.  It 
granted  the  deposed  ruler  a pension  upon  condition  that  he 
should  reside  in  Italy.  Further,  it  declared  that,  in  so  far  as 
the  Plan  of  Iguala  and  the  Treaty  of  Cordoba  had  created 
a governmental  system,  they  were  null  and  void.  Soon  after- 
wards Iturbide  sailed  for  Italy. 

Reorganization  of  the  Government. — On  March  31, 
1823,  Congress  had  decreed  that  executive  authority  should 
be  vested  in  Generals  Bravo,  Victoria,  and  Negrete.  The 
triumvirate  selected  a cabinet  and  took  steps  to  reorganize  the 
government.  In  May,  1823,  Congress  issued  a decree  which 
provided  that  delegates  should  be  elected  to  a Constituent  Con- 
gress. In  that  Congress,  which  assembled  in  November,  the 
Republicans  were  divided  into  two  factions:  the  Federalists, 
and  the  Centralists.  Many  of  the  followers  of  Iturbide  joined 
the  Federalist  party,  while  the  Royalists  generally  allied  them- 
selves with  the  Centralists.  A Constituent  Act  of  Federation, 
that  was  adopted  by  Congress  and  promulgated  in  the  capital 
city  on  January  31,  1824 — after  the  misguided  Iturbide  had 
been  executed  because  of  his  return  to  Mexico — contained  pro- 
visions about  relations  between  the  national  government  and 
the  newly  created  Mexican  states  which  were  patterned  after 
clauses  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Mexico’s  Constitution  of  1824. — On  October  4,  1824, 
the  Constituent  Congress  promulgated  a Constitution  for  the 
United  Mexican  States,  which  was  modeled  upon  the  United 
States  Constitution.  Article  IV  of  the  Mexican  Constitution 
declared  that  Roman  Catholicism  should  be  perpetually  the  re- 
ligion of  the  Mexican  nation.  It  provided  that  members  of 
the  clergy  should  retain  their  fueros.  Executive  authority 
was  vested  in  a President  who  should  be  elected  for  four 
years  by  the  state  legislatures  and  who,  in  a crisis,  might  be 
granted  “extraordinary  powers.”  Legislative  authority  was 
given  to  a Congress  made  up  of  a Senate  and  a House  of 
Deputies.  Senators  were  to  be  chosen  by  the  state  legisla- 
tures, while  Deputies  should  be  elected  by  districts  in  the 


480 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


states.  Judicial  authority  was  granted  to  inferior  courts  and 
to  a weak  supreme  court  which  was  to  be  composed  of  judges 
chosen  by  the  state  legislatures.  The  Mexican  Federation  was 
to  be  composed  of  nineteen  states  and  four  territories.  The 
states  should  have  the  right  to  frame  their  own  constitutions. 
Shortly  after  the  adoption  of  this  fundamental  law,  the  Con- 
stituent Congress  passed  an  act  which  provided  for  the  organ- 
ization of  a federal  district  that  should  include  Mexico  City. 

The  Republic  under  President  Victoria. — The  first  presi- 
dent of  Mexico  under  a republican  regime  was  a Federalist 
with  small  political  ability,  General  Guadeloupe  Victoria.  He 
was  inaugurated  on  October  10,  1824;  and  on  January  1, 
1825,  the  first  constitutional  Congress  of  Mexico  opened  its 
sessions.  Several  months  later  the  Spanish  garrison  in  the 
castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  capitulated.  President  Victoria 
soon  established  commercial  relations  by  treaty  with  England 
and  received  Joel  Poinsett  as  minister  from  the  United  States. 
Partly  as  a result  of  Poinsett’s  influence,  masonic  lodges  began 
to  play  an  important  role  in  Mexican  politics.  In  1827  a 
conspiracy  was  discovered  which  apparently  aimed  to  rees- 
tablish Spanish  rule  in  Mexico.  The  legislatures  of  certain 
states  therefore  decreed  that  Spaniards  should  be  expelled. 
On  December  20,  1827,  Congress  enacted  a law  to  the  same 
effect.  In  the  election  of  1828  Victoria’s  secretary  of  war, 
Manuel  Gomez  Pedraza,  defeated  General  Vicente  Guerrero. 
When  the  result  became  known,  Guerrero’s  followers  appealed 
to  arms  under  the  leadership  of  Santa  Anna  and  Lorenzo  de 
Zavala.  After  a bloody  struggle  in  the  streets  of  Mexico  City, 
the  revolutionists  were  victorious,  Gomez  Pedraza  fled,  and 
Congress  named  Guerrero  president.  By  the  insurrection  of 
Acordada — as  it  was  called — the  party  defeated  at  the  polls 
had  triumphed  by  the  use  of  the  sword. 

President  Guerrero.— One  of  Guerrero’s  first  steps  was 
to  execute  the  law  providing  for  the  expulsion  of  Spaniards. 
Possibly  that  measure  stimulated  King  Ferdinand  VII  to  send 
General  Barradas  from  Cuba  with  an  expedition  against 
Mexico.  After  capturing  Tampico,  Barradas  was  forced  to 
capitulate  to  the  Mexicans.  At  Jalapa,  on  December  4,  1829, 
Vice-President  Anastasio  Bustamante,  who  was  in  command 
of  a division  of  the  republic’s  soldiers,  hypocritically  declared 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  481 


in  favor  of  the  restoration  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws. 
President  Guerrero  marched  against  Bustamante  but  was  soon 
deserted  by  his  soldiers,  and  the  rebels  captured  Mexico  City. 
Vice-President  Bustamante  assumed  the  presidency,  and 
shortly  afterwards  Guerrero  was  treacherously  captured  and 
executed.  In  1832  Santa  Anna  issued  a pronunciamiento 
against  Bustamante  who,  after  some  bloody  conflicts,  was 
forced  to  sign  an  agreement  by  which  he  relinquished  the  pres- 

fidency  to  Gomez  Pedraza,  who  complacently  served  a few 
months  as  chief  magistrate.  In  1833,  Santa  Anna,  the  can- 
didate of  the  so-called  Liberal  party,  was  elected  president  of 
Mexico. 

Santa  Anna  as  a Liberal. — Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa 
Anna  was  a native  of  Jalapa  who  had  served  under  Iturbide 
in  the  struggle  for  independence.  Passionate,  energetic,  wily, 
and  inordinately  ambitious,  he  apparently  had  no  fixed  po- 
litical principle,  except  to  dominate  Mexican  politics.  A 
Mexican  contemporary  likened  him  to  a chameleon ; another 
compatriot  characterized  him  as  a tiger.  By  a strange  whim 
Santa  Anna  allowed  Vice-President  Valentin  Gomez  Farias 
to  assume  the  powers  of  president  upon  inauguration  day: 
these  two  men  alternately  served  as  president  in  1833  and 
1834.  At  this  juncture,  under  the  leadership  of  Gomez 
Farias,  the  Liberal  party  essayed  some  measures  of  politico- 
religious  reform.  The  government  assumed  the  right  to  make 
ecclesiastical  appointments,  withdrew  the  support  which  the 
national  administration  had  given  in  the  collection  of  tithes, 
prohibited  the  clergy  from  engaging  in  public  instruction, 
suppressed  the  University  of  Mexico,  and  established  a na- 
tional library.  Those  measures  caused  much  discontent  among 
the  Conservatives,  who  were  largely  composed  of  persons  with 
monarchical  leanings  and  supporters  of  clerical  privilege. 

The  Conservatives  and  the  Seven  Laws. — Pronuncia- 
mientos  were  issued  in  favor  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion 
and  ecclesiastical  fueros.  Although  Santa  Anna  had  appar- 
ently approved  some  of  the  objectionable  measures,  yet  he 
became  tbe  leader  of  the  Conservatives:  he  annulled  the  re- 
form laws  and  forced  Gomez  Farias  into  exile.  A Congress 
which  Santa  Anna  convoked  was  controlled  by  the  Conserva- 
tives; it  approved  his  actions  and  appointed  General  Miguel 


482 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Barragan  provisional  president.  At  the  instance  of  Congress, 
in  October,  1835,  Barragan  promulgated  a decree  which  es- 
tablished a centralists  system  of  government.  Under  his 
successor  Jose  Justo  Corro,  Congress  acting  as  a Constituent 
Assembly  framed  a species  of  Constitution  that  was  embodied 
in  Seven  Laws — designated  by  some  Mexicans  the  “Seven 
Plagues” — which  were  promulgated  on  December  30,  1836. 
Those  laws  provided  that  the  chief  executive  authority  was 
to  be  vested  in  a President  who  should  serve  for  eight  years. 
He  should  be  aided  by  a council  of  government.  Besides  pro- 
viding for  legislative  and  judicial  departments,  those  funda- 
mental laws  created  a commission  of  congressmen  denomi- 
nated “the  supreme  conservative  power”  which  was  entrusted 
with  the  task  of  keeping  the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial 
magistrates  in  their  proper  spheres.  Further,  the  Constituent 
Assembly  suppressed  the  state  legislatures  and  designated  the 
states  as  departments.  A de  facto  revolution  thus  became  a 
revolution  de  jure. 

Texas  Becomes  Independent. — Meantime  events  of  in- 
ternational significance  were  taking  place.  Just  before  these 
laws  were  promulgated,  Spain  had  by  treaty  acknowledged 
Mexico’s  independence.  Grave  difficulties  had  risen  in  Texas 
which,  with  Coahuila,  had  formed  a state  or  a department  in 
the  Mexican  republic.  In  imitation  of  the  first  empresario 
Stephen  F.  Austin  who,  according  to  a contract  with  the 
Mexican  government,  had  established  a settlement  of  United 
States  citizens  on  the  Brazos  River,  other  enterprising  Amer- 
icans led  colonists  to  Texas.  Many  of  those  settlers  were 
from  regions  in  the  United  States  where  slavery  legally  existed. 
By  one  device  or  another  they  preserved  that  institution  in 
Texas,  even  though  negro  slavery  was  prohibited  by  Mexican 
law.  Among  those  settlers  the  centralizing  measures  of  1835 
and  1836  provoked  great  dissatisfaction.  On  March  2,  1836, 
a Convention  was  accordingly  held  at  Washington,  Texas, 
and  a Declaration  of  Independence  from  Mexico  was  adopted. 
David  G.  Burnet  was  elected  president  of  the  Republic  of 
Texas,  and  Samuel  Houston,  who  had  just  arrived  from  the 
United  States,  was  made  commander  in  chief  of  the  Texan 
army.  After  some  spectacular  conflicts,  on  April  21,  1836, 
the  Texans  luckily  defeated  the  Mexican  army  under  Santa 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  483 


Anna  at  San  Jacinto.  While  that  commander  was  a prisoner, 
they  induced  him  to  sign  a species  of  treaty  which  stated  that 
the  limits  of  Texas  were  not  to  extend  beyond  the  Rio  Grande. 
By  a law  of  the  Texan  Congress,  this  river  was  declared  to 
be  the  western  boundary  of  the  Republic. 

The  Plan  of  Tacubaya. — In  March,  1839,  when  Anas- 
tasio  Bustamante,  who  had  been  elected  president  of  Mexico 
under  the  centralized  form  of  government,  left  the  capital  at 
the  head  of  an  army  to  fight  his  opponents,  the  supreme  con- 
servative power  appointed  Santa  Anna  provisional  president. 
He  soon  retired  from  the  presidential  stage  again,  and  after 
other  fluctuations  in  the  presidency  had  taken  place,  on  Sep- 
tember 28,  1841,  he  proclaimed  the  Plan  of  Tacubaya.  This 
plan  proposed  that  the  executive  and  legislative  authorities 
by  the  laws  of  1836  should  be  swept  away,  that  the  com- 
mander in  chief  should  choose  two  representatives  for  each 
department  who  should  elect  a provisional  president,  and  that 
the  new  executive  should  reorganize  the  government. 

Santa  Anna  as  Dictator. — In  October,  1841,  Santa  Anna 
entered  Mexico  City.  At  once  he  appointed  the  members  of 
a junta,  who  selected  him  as  provisional  president.  From 
October  10,  1841,  to  December  6,  1844,  Santa  Anna  ruled  as 
a Dictator  either  directly  or  through  chosen  substitutes.  As 
the  Congress  convoked  in  accord  with  the  Plan  of  Tacubaya 
attempted  to  frame  a constitution  which  did  not  suit  the  Dis- 
tator, he  arbitrarily  dissolved  it,  and  appointed  a junta  of  not- 
ables which  on  June  12,  1843,  promulgated  a new  Constitu- 
tion for  Mexico  that  was  entitled  “the  Organic  Basis”  of  the 
republic.  This  fundamental  law  provided  for  a centralists 
government  which  has  been  styled  a constitutional  despotism. 
The  electoral  franchise  was  limited  to  persons  with  incomes; 
one-third  of  the  Senators  should  be  chosen  by  the  national 
government;  and  that  government  was  to  appoint  the  chief 
magistrates  for  the  departments.  Soon  afterwards,  Santa 
Anna — the-will-o’-the-wisp  of  Mexican  politics — was  again 
made  president:  he  governed  directly  or  through  a substitute 
until  December,  1844.  At  that  time  he  fell  from  power  as 
the  result  of  a popular  revolution  led  by  General  Paredes  who 
had  issued  a pronunciamiento  denouncing  the  existing  govern- 


484 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


ment  as  a regime  which  ensured  the  domination  of  the  priv- 
ileged classes. 

Difficulties  with  the  United  States. — After  a brief  inter- 
regnum, a junta  of  representatives  of  the  departments  elected 
Paredes  president.  Relations  between  Mexico  and  the  United 
States,  that  had  been  disturbed  for  some  time  because  of 
claims  of  United  States  citizens  for  damages  or  injuries  suf- 
fered south  of  the  Rio  Grande,  became  acute  because  of  the 
annexation  of  Texas  by  the  United  States  in  accordance  with 
a joint  resolution  of  March  1,  1845.  An  attempt  by  the 
United  States  to  adjust  the  differences  with  Mexico  about 
claims  and  about  the  disputed  boundary  between  Texas  and 
Mexico  failed:  thus  those  Mexicans  who  maintained  that  the 
incorporation  of  Texas  with  the  United  States  was  a just 
cause  for  war  acquired  predominance  in  Mexico’s  councils. 
When  President  Polk  ordered  soldiers  under  General  Taylor 
to  occupy  territory  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande — 
which  Mexico  claimed  did  not  of  right  belong  to  Texas — 
conflicts  took  place  between  Mexican  soldiers  and  United 
States  soldiers.  On  May  11,  1846,  President  Polk  sent  a mes- 
sage to  Congress  stating  that  American  blood  had  been  shed 
upon  American  soil  and  that  war  existed  by  the  act  of 
Mexico. 

Conquest  of  Mexico  by  the  United  States. — On  May  13, 
1846,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  declared  the  exist- 
ence of  “a  state  of  war”  with  Mexico.  Under  the  direction 
of  General  Winfield  Scott,  armies  were  sent  into  Mexico.  In 
June,  1846,  General  Kearney  was  directed  to  lead  an  expe- 
dition into  Upper  California  via  Santa  Fe.  In  August  he 
occupied  that  city,  and  in  September  he  started  for  California. 
Meantime,  United  States  naval  forces  under  Commodores 
Sloat  and  Stockton  had  taken  possession  of  Monterey,  San 
Francisco,  and  Los  Angeles.  Soldiers  under  General  Wool 
and  Colonel  Doniphan  invaded  Chihuahua.  After  two  battles 
the  soldiers  of  Taylor  drove  the  Mexicans  across  the  Rio 
Grande,  in  a three  days’  battle  they  again  defeated  the  Mex- 
icans at  Monterey,  and  then  they  occupied  the  capitals  of  Coa- 
huila  and  Tamaulipas.  After  Santa  Anna  had  been  decisively 
defeated  by  Taylor  at  Buena  Vista,  soldiers  under  General 
Scott  invested  Vera  Cruz  and  captured  it  on  March  29.  On 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  485 


April  8,  1847,  those  soldiers  began  their  march  from  Vera 
Cruz  to  Mexico  City.  After  they  had  won  the  battle  of 
Cerro  Gordo  and  some  other  battles  near  Mexico  City,  they 
stormed  Chapultepec,  and  occupied  the  capital  on  September 
14,  1847.  In  November,  Commodore  Shubrick  occupied 
Mazatlan.  By  the  end  of  1847,  thousands  of  United  States 
soldiers  were  stationed  throughout  Mexico.  After  some  ne- 
gotiations, the  war  was  ended  by  a treaty  which  was  signed 
at  Guadeloupe  Hidalgo  on  February  2,  1848.  By  the  Treaty 
of  Guadeloupe  Hidalgo  Mexico  ceded  to  the  United  States 
the  regions  known  as  Upper  California  and  New  Mexico  and 
northern  portions  of  the  states  of  Sonora,  Coahuila,  and 
Tamaulipas.  In  return  the  United  States  undertook  to  satisfy 
all  claims  of  her  citizens  against  Mexico  prior  to  this  treaty 
and  agreed  to  pay  the  vanquished  nation  fifteen  million  dol- 
lars in  gold.  The  United  States  thus  gained  fair  provinces 
from  Mexico. 

Aftermath  of  the  War. — The  victories  of  the  invaders 
had  precipitated  changes  in  the  Mexican  government  and 
drained  its  treasury.  After  the  treaty  of  Guadeloupe  Hi- 
dalgo became  known,  President  Herrera  suppressed  a revolt 
led  by  Paredes.  Herrera  and  his  cabinet  promoted  some 
much-needed  reforms.  A law  was  enacted  which  limited  the 
size  of  the  army.  Steps  were  taken  to  build  a navy.  Despite 
the  funds  paid  by  the  United  States,  Mexico  was  financially 
embarrassed.  Attempts  were  consequently  made  to  readjust 
her  foreign  debt  and  to  consolidate  her  domestic  debt.  The 
government  formed  a project  for  the  establishment  of  mili- 
tary colonies  along  the  northern  frontier  for  protection 
against  Indian  raids  and  against  aggression  by  the  United 
States.  In  1851  Mariano  Arista  was  elected  president;  and 
Herrera  soon  retired  with  the  reputation  of  being  a lover  of 
peace  and  an  honest  man.  He  was  the  first  President  of 
Mexico  who  peacefully  and  legally  transferred  the  chief 
magistracy  to  another’s  hand. 

President  Arista. — President  Arista,  who  was  inaugur- 
ated in  1851,  did  not  possess  decided  views  upon  political  ques- 
tions. In  the  main,  he  followed  the  policy  of  General  Herrera. 
President  Arista  tried  to  rehabilitate  Mexico’s  finances  by 
reducing  the  salaries  of  officials.  The  discontent  produced  in 


486 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


some  quarters  by  his  attempt  at  economy  was  intensified  by 
the  fact  that  he  pursued  a vacillating  course  in  politics.  Upon 
the  one  hand,  the  President  provoked  the  opposition  of  the 
Conservatives  who  hoped  that  his  downfall  would  be  followed 
by  the  accession  of  Santa  Anna;  while,  upon  the  other  hand, 
he  aroused  the  apprehensions  of  Liberals  who  feared  that  he 
might  become  a dictator.  Revolts  broke  out  against  the  gov- 
ernment in  different  quarters;  and  various  pronunciamientos 
were  issued  by  aspiring  reformers.  A colonel  of  the  national 
guard  issued  a proclamation  announcing  himself  in  favor  of 
the  deposition  of  Arista  and  of  the  resumption  of  power  by 
Santa  Anna.  On  January  5,  1853,  Arista  relinquished  the 
presidency. 

Santa  Anna  as  a Conservative. — After  a brief  interreg- 
num, when  the  functions  of  chief  magistrate  were  exercised 
by  provisional  presidents,  in  1853  Santa  Anna  was  elected 
president  again.  Upon  returning  from  exile  in  Colombia,  he 
was  greeted  with  enthusiasm  when  he  landed  at  Vera  Cruz 
on  April  1,  1853.  He  selected  a cabinet  composed  of  promi- 
nent Conservatives,  among  whom  was  the  historian,  Lucas 
Alaman.  Two  new  cabinet  members  were  selected:  a sec- 
retary of  the  interior;  and  a secretary  of  public  improvements. 
Santa  Anna  suppressed  the  legislatures  of  the  departments. 
He  made  appointments  and  removals  in  the  civil  administra- 
tion and  in  the  army  largely  with  a view  to  strengthen  his 
authority  and  prestige.  A strict  law  was  enacted  which  was 
directed  against  conspiracies.  Secret  police  were  established 
and  espionage  prevailed  to  an  extraordinary  extent.  The 
press  was  deprived  of  all  liberty.  There  were  published  in 
the  capital  city  only  those  journals  which  acted  as  organs  of 
the  administration.  In  a vain  attempt  at  retrenchment  the 
national  government  took  control  of  all  property  and  contribu- 
tions that  had  belonged  to  the  departments.  When  the  sec- 
retary of  finance  proposed,  however,  that  unused  church  prop- 
erty should  be  hypothecated  to  secure  a government  loan,  the 
clergy  raised  such  a storm  of  protest  that  he  relinquished  his 
post.  Yet  new  and  onerous  taxes  were  imposed  upon  laymen. 

Monarchical  Tendencies. — Santa  Anna  considerably  in- 
creased the  army.  He  reestablished  the  Imperial  order  of 
Guadeloupe  and  conferred  upon  himself  the  title  most  serene 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  487 


highness.  On  December  16,  1853,  he  issued  a decree  an- 
nouncing that  he  would  continue  to  exercise  dictatorial  powers 
so  long  as  he  might  deem  necessary.  Rumors  were  even  cir- 
culated that  the  aged  Dictator  intended  to  promote  the  estab- 
lishment of  a European  monarchy  in  Mexico. 

Proclamation  of  the  Plan  of  Ayutla. — On  March  1,  1854, 
Colonel  Villareal  issued  a daring  proclamation  at  Ayutla. 
The  Plan  of  Ayutla  was  a programme  which  embodied  the 
views  of  persons  who  objected  to  domination  by  privileged 
classes.  It  was  composed  of  articles  which  were  designed  to 
furnish  the  basis  for  a provisional  government.  Santa  Anna 
was  to  cease  exercising  governmental  functions  at  once.  A rep- 
resentative assembly  should  be  convoked  which  was  to  select  a 
president  ad  interim.  Within  fifteen  days  that  president 
should  summon  a constituent  congress  which  was  to  frame  a 
constitution.  This  plan  was  hailed  with  joy  by  many  Mexi- 
cans. After  he  vainly  attempted  by  force  of  arms  to  defeat 
the  insurrectionists,  realizing  that  the  revolution  was  steadily 
gaining  in  strength,  Santa  Anna  reluctantly  decided  to  ex- 
patriate himself.  In  August,  1855,  he  sailed  ingloriously  from 
Vera  Cruz  on  a vessel  bound  for  Havana.  The  Plan  of 
Ayutla  was  then  proclaimed  in  Mexico  City,  and  a junta  of 
Liberals  soon  selected  General  Juan  Alvarez  as  provisional 
president.  As  signs  of  dissension  appeared  in  the  ranks  of  the 
victorious  Liberals,  in  accordance  with  a clause  in  the  Plan  of 
Ayutla,  President  Alvarez  renounced  his  authority  in  favor 
of  his  secretary,  General  Ignacio  Comonfort.  On  December 
11,  1855,  Comonfort  became  president. 

Religious  Reforms  under  President  Comonfort. — Dur- 
ing Comonfort’s  presidency  a number  of  significant  measures 
were  adopted.  In  November,  1855,  a law  was  promulgated 
— called  the  Juarez  Law  after  the  secretary  of  justice — which 
abolished  the  fueros  of  the  clerical  and  military  classes.  In 
June,  1856,  the  President  approved  a bill  which  has  ordi- 
narily been  designated  the  Lerdo  Law  after  the  secretary  of 
finance  who  framed  it.  Its  object  was  to  abolish  all  properties 
held  by  the  dead  hand  that  were  not  actually  used  by  the 
Church  or  by  religious  corporations.  It  defined  corporations  so 
as  to  include  all  religious  communities  of  both  sexes.  Its  first 
article  stipulated  that  all  properties  leased  by  tenants  from 


488 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


religious  corporations  might  be  purchased  by  those  tenants 
from  the  Church  at  a price  which  was  to  be  determined  by 
the  rent.  In  reality  those  laws  were  constitutional  reforms 
designed  especially  to  abolish  ecclesiastical  privileges  and  ex- 
emptions. The  clergy  met  them  with  vigorous  opposition, 
especially  at  Puebla  where  a pronunciamiento  was  issued 
against  the  government.  Upon  being  informed  of  a clerical 
conspiracy  in  Mexico  City,  President  Comonfort  ordered  that 
the  monastery  of  Franciscans  in  that  city  should  be  sup- 
pressed, and  that  their  property  should  be  sequestrated,  with 
the  exception  of  their  principal  church.  Those  measures 
served  to  embitter  the  opposition  to  Comonfort.  Priests  fer- 
vently exhorted  the  people  to  take  up  arms  against  the  Lib- 
erals. 

The  Framing  of  the  Constitution  of  1857. — Meantime  a 
Constituent  Congress  had  been  framing  another  Constitution. 
Some  congressmen  argued  that  the  Constitution  of  1824  was 
better  adapted  to  the  Mexicans  than  any  other  project.  The 
metropolitan  archbishop  protested  against  a proposal  that  there 
should  be  an  article  in  the  Constitution  guaranteeing  religious 
freedom  in  Mexico.  On  February  5,  1857,  a new  organic  law 
was  signed  by  the  members  of  Congress;  and  President 
Comonfort  swore  to  recognize  and  support  it.  Many  of  its 
clauses  showed  the  influence  of  the  United  States  Constitution. 

Its  Prohibitions  and  Personal  Guaranties. — An  entire 
section  of  the  Mexican  Constitution  of  1857  dealt  with  the 
rights  of  man.  An  article  of  that  section  stipulated  that 
within  the  Mexican  republic  no  one  should  be  judged  by 
special  laws  or  by  extraordinary  tribunals,  and  that  no  indi- 
vidual or  corporation  should  have  flier  os  or  should  enjoy 
emoluments  that  were  not  in  compensation  for  public  services 
as  stipulated  by  law.  Another  article  provided  that  no  civil 
or  ecclesiastical  corporation  of  whatever  character  should 
have  the  legal  capacity  to  acquire  or  administer  real  estate, 
except  such  buildings  as  might  be  necessary  for  the  service 
of  the  respective  corporation.  The  jurisdiction  of  military 
tribunals  was  restricted  to  cases  involving  military  discipline. 
Other  articles  aimed  to  guarantee  the  liberty  of  the  press,  the 
freedom  of  the  people  to  petition  the  government,  and  the 
inviolability  of  correspondence.  Arbitrary  imprisonment, 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  489 


cruel  punishments,  and  confiscation  of  property  were  pro- 
hibited. Slaves  who  might  set  foot  in  Mexico  were  to  become 
free.  This  Constitution  did  not  recognize  Roman  Catholi- 
cism as  the  sole  religion  of  Mexico. 

Provisions  for  a National  Government. — The  Constitu- 
tion of  1857  declared  that  sovereignty  was  located  in  the 
people.  It  vested  the  executive  authority  in  a President,  who 
should  be  chosen  for  four  years  by  indirect  election  as  pre- 
scribed by  law.  Ecclesiastics  were  made  ineligible  for  election 
to  that  office.  The  chief  justice  of  the  supreme  court  should 
act  as  the  substitute  for  the  President.  He  was  granted  very 
extensive  executive  authority;  he  could  select  his  own  cabinet 
and  make  other  important  appointments.  Legislative  author- 
ity was  vested  in  a Congress  composed  of  a House  of  Depu- 
ties and  a Senate.  Deputies  should  be  elected  every  two  years 
by  Mexican  citizens.  Two  Senators  should  be  chosen  for  each 
state  and  for  the  federal  district  by  indirect  election.  An 
exclusive  power  of  the  Senate  was  the  right  to  appoint  a 
provisional  governor  in  case  the  governor  of  a state  or  ter- 
ritory should  disappear.  Among  the  exclusive  powers  of  the 
House  of  Deputies  was  the  right  to  consider  the  resignation 
of  the  President  or  of  a justice  of  the  supreme  court.  It  also 
had  the  right  to  examine  financial  reports  submitted  by  the 
executive,  as  well  as  to  initiate  taxes  to  cover  current  expend- 
itures. Under  certain  conditions,  Congress  might  form  new 
states  within  the  limits  of  existing  states.  Bills  might  be 
introduced  into  Congress  by  the  President,  by  congressmen, 
or  by  state  legislatures.  Provision  was  made  for  a permanent 
deputation  composed  of  congressmen  who  should  exercise 
special  powers  during  the  recess  of  Congress.  Judicial  power 
was  vested  in  supreme,  district,  and  circuit  courts.  Judges  of 
the  supreme  court  should  be  elected  by  indirect  popular  vote 
for  six  years.  Amendments  to  the  Mexican  Constitution 
passed  by  a two-thirds  vote  of  Congress  were  to  become  ef- 
fective after  they  had  been  approved  by  a majority  of  the  state 
legislatures. 

Other  Provisions. — In  the  Constitution  of  1857  the 
states  were  restored  to  the  status  which  they  had  been  granted 
in  1824.  This  Constitution  declared  that  the  powers  which 
were  not  expressly  granted  by  it  to  the  general  government 


490 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


were  reserved  to  the  states.  Each  state  was  to  adopt  a repub- 
lican and  representative  form  of  government  for  its  internal 
regime.  The  federal  government  should  protect  the  states 
against  invasion  or  internal  violence.  A unique  clause  of  the 
Constitution  provided  that,  if  this  fundamental  law  were  vio- 
lated or  discarded  by  revolution,  the  responsible  parties  should 
be  tried  for  treason. 

The  Conservative  Reaction. — Many  Liberals  acclaimed 
this  Constitution,  although  it  was  silent  about  religious  liberty. 
On  the  other  hand,  clerical  and  military  leaders  denounced 
it;  for  it  contained  a generous  bill  of  rights;  it  deprived  them 
of  ancient  and  cherished  privileges,  and  also  excluded  them 
from  political  offices.  No  sooner  was  it  promulgated  than 
bishops  issued  edicts  which  declared  that  any  one  who  should 
swear  to  obey  it  would  be  excommunicated.  On  December 
i,  1857,  General  Comonfort,  who  had  been  elected  president, 
assumed  his  duties.  Although  a brave  man  on  the  field  of 
battle,  yet  he  was  timid  and  vacillating  in  politics.  A con- 
spiracy was  soon  formed  to  abrogate  the  Constitution;  and 
at  Tacubaya  on  December  17,  1857,  General  Felix  Zuloaga 
issued  a pronunciamiento  against  the  new  regime. 

The  Plan  of  Tacubaya. — The  Plan  of  Tacubaya  pro- 
posed that  the  Constitution  of  1857  should  be  annulled,  that 
supreme  authority  should  be  vested  in  Comonfort,  and  that 
he  should  be  empowered  to  convoke  an  extraordinary  Con- 
gress which  was  to  frame  another  constitution  for  Mexico. 
Although  Congress  protested,  yet,  after  some  hesitation,  the 
President  officially  announced  his  acceptance  of  the  plan.  He 
then  dissolved  Congress  and  cast  into  prison  some  Liberal 
leaders,  including  Benito  Juarez,  a judge  of  the  supreme  court. 
Certain  Mexican  states  protested  against  the  arbitrary  meas- 
ures of  Comonfort,  while  some  adherents  of  the  Plan  of 
Tacubaya  deserted  him.  After  struggling  against  his  enemies 
in  Mexico  City  for  some  time,  and  after  having  liberated 
Juarez,  in  January,  1858,  accompanied  by  a few  faithful  fol- 
lowers, Comonfort  sailed  from  Vera  Cruz  for  the  United 
States.  In  his  place  the  Conservatives  had  proclaimed  Zu- 
loaga president. 

Rise  of  Benito  Juarez. — On  January  11,  1858,  the  Lib- 
erals proclaimed  as  provisional  president  Benito  Juarez,  who 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  491 


established  his  government  at  Vera  Cruz.  The  man  who  thus 
became  a salient  figure  in  a stirring  drama  of  Mexican  history 
was  a full-blooded  Zapotec  Indian.  Tradition  has  it  that  at 
twelve  years  of  age  he  was  illiterate.  A Franciscan  padre 
taught  the  lad  to  read  Castilian  and  decided  to  train  him  for 
the  priesthood.  This  monk  sent  Benito  to  an  ecclesiastical 
seminary  in  the  city  of  Oajaca  where  he  made  rapid  prog- 
ress. Soon  he  discarded  the  design  of  becoming  a priest  and 
undertook  to  study  the  law.  After  1846  Benito  Juarez  began 
to  play  a prominent  role  in  politics:  he  served  as  a Deputy 
in  Congress;  he  became  a model  governor  of  the  state  of 
Oajaca,  and  also  acquired  a reputation  as  an  honest  lawyer. 

Civil  Strife. — The  choice  of  Zuloaga  and  Juarez  as  pres- 
idents by  opposing  parties  was  followed  by  three  years 
of  internecine  conflict.  This  struggle  was  between  the 
Liberals  who  supported  the  politico-religious  reforms 
which  had  been  placed  upon  the  statute  books,  and  the 
Conservatives  who  opposed  those  measures.  Among  the 
earliest  steps  of  Zuloaga’s  government  was  to  abrogate 
the  Lerdo  Law.  During  this  strife  diplomatic  relations 
between  Mexico  and  certain  foreign  nations  were  for  a 
time  broken  off.  The  reactionary  leaders  secured  finan- 
cial and  other  aid  from  the  clergy.  Upon  the  other  side 
the  supporters  of  Juarez  were  inspirited  by  the  news  that 
their  government  had  been  recognized  by  the  United 
States.  The  Liberals  established  their  center  of  opera- 
tions at  Vera  Cruz,  while  the  Conservatives  held  Mexico 
City.  The  devouring  flames  of  civil  war  soon  spread  over 
all  of  Mexico. 

The  “War  of  the  Reform.” — As  a war  measure,  at  Vera 
Cruz  in  July,  1859,  Juarez  promulgated  certain  laws  which 
aimed  to  carry  the  anti-clerical  struggle  of  the  Liberals 
to  its  logical  climax.  Those  reform  laws  provided  that 
Church  and  State  should  be  completely  separated;  all 
ecclesiastical  property,  except  churches  and  their  contents, 
should  be  confiscated  to  the  nation;  and  all  monastic 
orders  and  religious  communities  should  be  suppressed. 
Roman  Catholicism  was  to  be  protected  just  like  any  other 
religion.  Thenceforth  civil  matrimony  was  to  be  the  only 
legal  mode  of  marriage  within  the  republic;  civil  authori- 


492 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


ties  should  register  births,  marriages,  and  deaths.  The 
control  of  cemeteries  was  transferred  from  the  Church 
to  the  State.  These  laws  served  as  a programme  for  the 
Liberals  in  the  so-called  “War  of  the  Reform.”  The  diplo- 
mat who  represented  the  republic  at  the  Papal  See  was  in- 
structed to  close  his  legation  and  to  bring  its  archives  to 
M exico. 

Triumph  of  the  Liberals. — Eventually  the  reactionary 
soldiers  were  decisively  defeated  at  Calpulalpan  on  Decem- 
ber 22,  i860.  General  Miramon  and  other  Conservative 
leaders  hastily  fled  from  the  capital,  and  three  days  later 
a Liberal  general  named  Gonzalez  Ortega  occupied  that 
city.  Three  years  of  bloody  and  fratricidal  war  had  termi- 
nated in  the  defeat  of  the  clerical  party.  The  champions 
of  the  new  Constitution  and  of  religious  reform  were 
victorious. 

Juarez  and  Reconstruction. — In  January,  1861,  Presi- 
dent Juarez  began  the  large  task  of  reconstruction. 
Juarez  soon  ordered  that  the  diplomatic  representatives 
of  Spain,  Guatemala,  Ecuador,  and  the  Holy  See  should 
be  expelled  from  Mexico  because  of  aid  which  they  had 
furnished  the  Conservatives.  He  replaced  the  ministers 
who  represented  Mexico  at  foreign  courts  by  other  diplo- 
mats, and  even  ordered  that  certain  bishops  of  the  Mex- 
ican Church  should  be  exiled.  Despite  armed  opposition, 
he  executed  the  reform  laws  throughout  Mexico.  In  June, 
1861,  Congress  announced  that  Juarez  had  been  elected 
president. 

European  Intervention. — As  a result  of  the  costly  war 
Mexico’s  finances  were  extremely  embarrassed.  On  July 
17,  1861,  Congress  therefore  enacted  a law  providing  that 
the  government  should  suspend  all  payments  of  interest 
for  two  years,  even  upon  foreign  claims  which  were 
guaranteed  by  customs  duties.  That  law  caused  the  gov- 
ernments of  England,  France,  and  Spain  to  enter  into  a 
treaty  at  London  on  October  31,  1861.  The  Treaty  of 
London  provided  that  those  nations  might  occupy  por- 
tions of  the  Mexican  coast  in  order  to  enforce  the  payment 
of  claims  of  their  citizens;  it  stipulated,  however,  that  the 
autonomy  and  integrity  of  Mexico  should  be  respected. 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  493 


By  January,  1862,  Spanish,  French,  and  English  soldiers 
had  disembarked  at  Vera  Cruz.  Soon  afterwards  Presi- 
dent Juarez  issued  a proclamation  announcing  the  inten- 
tion of  his  government  to  pay  all  just  claims  and  exhorting 
all  Mexicans  to  unite  in  order  to  save  the  honor  and  inde- 
pendence of  the  republic.  After  the  allies  had  reached  an 
agreement  by  which  the  English  and  the  Spanish  detach- 
ments left  Mexican  soil,  the  policy  of  Napoleon  III — who 
was  aping  his  great  namesake — was  disclosed  as  a project 
to  subvert  the  republic  of  Mexico.  In  the  pursuit  of  his 
design  he  was  encouraged  by  Mexican  reactionaries  in 
Europe  who  fondly  hoped  that  a monarchy  might  be 
established  upon  the  ruins  of  the  republic. 

Establishment  of  the  Second  Mexican  Empire. — In  May, 
1863,  French  soldiers  under  General  Bazaine  occupied 
Puebla.  On  June  7 the  invaders  entered  the  capital  city. 
There,  under  the  auspices  of  the  French  commander,  Gen- 
eral Forey,  a junta  of  reactionaries  was  assembled  which 
on  July  10  made  the  following  declarations:  that  the 

Mexican  nation  adopted  as  her  form  of  government  a 
hereditary  monarchy  with  a Catholic  prince  as  a ruler; 
that  her  sovereign  should  have  the  title  of  Emperor  of 
Mexico;  and  that  the  Mexican  Imperial  crown  should  be 
offered  to  Archduke  Maximilian  of  Austria.  When  a com- 
mission of  Mexicans  offered  this  crown  to  that  prince  in 
his  beautiful  home  upon  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic,  he 
accepted  it.  Meantime  in  certain  parts  of  distracted 
Mexico  patriots  were  fighting  French  soldiers  and  their 
reactionary  supporters.  The  seat  of  the  patriot  govern- 
ment was  successively  transferred  from  San  Luis  Potosi 
to  Monterey,  from  Monterey  to  Saltillo,  and  from  Saltillo 
to  Chihuahua.  At  last  it  was  located  at  El  Paso  del  Norte 
— later  known  as  Juarez.  Emperor  Maximilian  entered 
Mexico  City  on  July  12,  1864. 

The  Policy  of  the  United  States. — The  United  States, 
which  was  being  torn  by  the  Civil  War,  declined  to  recog- 
nize Emperor  Maximilian:  she  viewed  President  Juarez 
as  the  true  head  of  the  Mexican  government.  Secretary 
of  State  Seward  informed  the  French  government  of  his 
dissatisfaction  with  the  establishment  in  Mexico  of  an 


494 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


exotic  monarchy.  After  the  close  of  the  Civil  War, 
Seward  made  strong  and  insistent  protests  to  Napoleon 
III  against  the  operations  of  French  troops  in  Mexico. 
Partly  because  of  those  protests  Napoleon  III  at  last  de- 
cided completely  to  withdraw  his  soldiers.  Early  in  1867 
the  last  detachments  of  the  French  invaders  sailed  from 
Vera  Cruz.  Still  relying  upon  assurances  of  aid  given  him 
by  Napoleon  III,  the  unfortunate  Maximilian  remained  in 
Mexico.  Captured  by  soldiers  of  the  republic,  he  was 
court-martialed  and  shot  at  Oueretaro  on  June  19,  1867. 
A tragedy  ended  what  some  Mexican  historians  have 
designated  their  second  war  for  independence. 

Juarez  as  President  in  Peace  Times. — President  Juarez 
entered  the  capital  city  on  July  15,  1867,  amid  the  plaudits 
of  his  people.  At  once  he  took  measures  to  reestablish 
a national  government.  On  August  14  he  issued  regula- 
tions which  provided  for  the  election  of  state  and  federal 
magistrates.  When  Congress  assembled  in  December, 
1867,  it  announced  that  Juarez  had  been  elected  president 
of  the  republic  for  the  term  ending  on  November  30, 
1871.  On  January  8,  1868,  Congress  issued  a manifesto 
announcing  that  the  government  would  not  oppose  the 
reestablishment  of  diplomatic  intercourse  with  nations 
which  had  recognized  the  Emperor  Maximilian,  provided 
that  their  governments  would  base  the  new  relations  upon 
justice  and  reciprocal  interest.  The  United  States  used 
her  influence  to  promote  the  reestablishment  of  diplomatic 
intercourse  between  Mexico  and  European  nations.  On 
October  13,  1870,  an  amnesty  law  was  passed  by  the 
Mexican  Congress  which  included  all  persons  who  had 
been  guilty  of  conspiracy,  sedition,  or  treason  against  the 
government.  In  December,  1870,  President  Juarez  pro- 
mulgated a civil  code  which  had  been  formulated  for  the 
federal  district  and  for  the  territory  of  Lower  California 
— a code  which  was  to  go  into  effect  on  March  1,  1871. 
in  the  campaign  of  that  year  Juarez,  Lerdo  de  Tejada, 
and  Porfirio  Diaz  were  candidates  for  the  presidency.  As 
no  candidate  secured  the  required  majority,  Congress  de- 
clared in  October  that  Juarez  was  the  constitutional  presi- 
dent. On  July  18,  1872,  President  Juarez  suddenly  fell 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  495 


ill  and  died.  His  body  was  interred  in  the  cemetery  of 
San  Fernando  in  the  capital  city  where  the  Mexicans 
annually  gather  to  do  homage  to  their  great  national  hero. 

Religious  Reforms  under  Lerdo  de  Tejada. — Lerdo  de 
Tejada,  who  was  chief  justice  of  the  supreme  court, 
quietly  assumed  the  position  of  provisional  president.  He 
was  elected  president  shortly  afterwards.  On  December 
1,  1872 — retaining  the  cabinet  of  President  Juarez — he 
began  his  constitutional  term  of  four  years.  His  admin- 
istration was  marked  by  the  opening  to  traffic  of  the  rail- 
road between  Vera  Cruz  and  Mexico  City  on  January  1, 
1873.  As  there  was  still  opposition  to  the  politico-religious 
reforms  of  Juarez,  on  September  25,  1873,  Congress 
adopted  constitutional  amendments  which  were  intended 
to  guarantee  those  measures.  Church  and  State  were 
declared  to  be  independent  of  each  other:  Congress  was 

inhibited  from  passing  laws  that  would  establish  or  pro- 
hibit any  religion.  Marriage  was  declared  to  be  a civil 
contract.  Religious  institutions  were  prohibited  from 
acquiring  real  estate,  except  upon  certain  conditions.  The 
religious  oath  which  had  been  required  of  witnesses  was 
abolished.  A declaration  was  made  that  the  Mexican 
government  might  not  recognize  monastic  orders  nor 
might  it  permit  their  establishment  for  whatever  purpose. 

Opposition  of  Porfirio  Diaz. — Meantime  opposition  to 
the  administration  of  President  Lerdo  de  Tejada  came  to 
a head.  The  leader  of  that  movement  was  Porfirio  Diaz, 
who  in  November,  1871,  had  led  an  unsuccessful  revolt 
against  Juarez  maintaining  that  he  had  not  been  fairly 
elected.  At  that  time  Diaz  framed  the  Plan  of  La  Noria 
which  advocated  the  Constitution  of  1857  and  electoral 
liberty.  He  maintained  that  the  President  of  the  republic 
should  not  be  eligible  for  reelection  and  urged  that  the 
government  should  be  reconstructed  by  a convention  of 
delegates  chosen  from  each  state.  In  December,  1875, 
Diaz  left  Mexico  and  established  a base  of  operations  at 
Brownsville,  Texas.  About  a month  later  in  the  state  of 
Oajaca  one  of  his  partisans  proclaimed  the  Plan  of  Tux- 
tepec  which  repudiated  the  federal  magistrates.  That  plan 
was  hailed  with  joy  in  several  other  states.  The  election 


496 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


of  1876  thus  took  place  in  the  midst  of  civil  dissensions. 
After  Congress  announced  that  Lerdo  de  Tejada  had  been 
reelected,  many  Mexicans  repudiated  the  election  and 
joined  Diaz  who  led  an  uprising  in  the  state  of  Puebla. 
On  November  16,  1876,  the  revolutionists  encountered  the 
soldiers  of  the  government  at  Tecoac  and  defeated  them. 
Shortly  afterwards  the  capital  city  surrendered  to  the  revo- 
lutionary army;  and  Porfirio  Diaz  assumed  the  position 
of  provisional  president.  Congress  declared  that  Diaz  had 
been  elected  president  on  May  2,  1877.  It  soon  amended 
the  Constitution  to  stipulate  that  four  years  should  elapse 
before  a President  might  be  reelected. 

His  Early  Career. — Porfirio  Diaz  had  been  baptized  in 
the  city  of  Oajaca  on  September  15,  1830.  After  Diaz 
had  attained  fame  September  15  was  assumed  to  be  the 
date  of  his  birth  which,  however,  was  probably  a day 
earlier.  Through  his  mother  Indian  blood  ran  in  his  veins. 
Upon  his  father’s  side  he  was  descended  from  an  Andalu- 
sian who  had  emigrated  to  Mexico  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. After  receiving  some  training  in  the  manual  arts, 
the  youth  had  been  sent  to  an  ecclesiastical  seminary  in 
his  native  city.  He  soon  relinquished  the  notion  of  be- 
coming a priest,  however,  and  entered  an  academy  where 
he  studied  law  under  Benito  Juarez.  While  a law  student 
Porfirio  evidently  felt  the  stirrings  of  a military  spirit; 
for  he  offered  to  volunteer  in  the  war  with  the  United 
States,  and  expressed  his  desire  to  fight  against  Santa 
Anna.  In  December,  1856,  Governor  Juarez  appointed 
Diaz  a captain  in  the  national  guard.  As  a supporter  of 
the  reform  laws,  he  was  appointed  military  commander  at 
Tehauntepec,  where  he  exercised  autocratic  authority. 
Colonel  Diaz  became  a leader  against  the  French  invaders 
and  was  made  commander  of  the  patriot  soldiers  in  his 
native  state.  The  narrative  of  his  life  during  those  forma- 
tive years  reads  like  a romance — he  became  a man  of 
daring,  resource,  and  iron  will.  A lover  of  Mexican  inde- 
pendence with  a fondness  for  autocratic  rule,  he  was  a 
chieftain  whose  descent  inspired  confidence  in  the  Indians, 
while  his  genuine  ability  won  the  respect  and  support  of 
the  upper  classes. 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  497 


His  First  Presidency:  Internal  Reforms. — On  May  5, 
1877,  Porfirio  Diaz  became  president  of  Mexico  for  the 
first  time.  As  advisers  he  at  first  selected  his  own  par- 
tisans. Eventually  he  also  appointed  followers  of  Juarez 
and  Lerdo  to  office:  thus  he  won  the  confidence  of  some 
political  opponents.  President  Diaz  soon  gave  to  Mexico 
what  Ramon  Castilla  had  given  to  Peru — a good  peace. 
Clever  bandits  he  induced  to  enroll  as  rural  police  who 
were  employed  to  check  the  depredations  of  their  former 
companions.  He  gave  a stimulus  to  public  education  and 
promoted  the  establishment  of  astronomical  and  meteoro- 
logical observatories.  He  reduced  the  size  of  the  army, 
abolished  many  sinecures,  and  thus  improved  the  nation’s 
finances.  His  secretary  of  finance  undertook  negotiations 
with  foreign  capitalists  for  the  construction  of  railroads. 
In  September,  1880,  in  accordance  with  the  action  of  Con- 
gress, President  Diaz  signed  a contract  with  the  Sonora 
Railroad  Company — which  was  organized  under  the  laws 
of  Massachusetts — for  the  construction  of  a railroad  from 
Guaymas  in  the  state  of  Sonora  to  the  northern  frontier 
of  Mexico  to  connect  with  a railway  in  the  United  States. 
As  an  aid  to  the  construction  of  this  railway,  the  Mexican 
government  granted  to  the  company  the  right  of  way 
through  the  republic  and  also  promised  to  pay  it  three 
thousand  five  hundred  pesos  for  each  mile  of  railroad. 
During  the  same  month  Diaz  made  a similar  contract  for 
the  building  of  a railway  through  central  Mexico,  which 
should  stretch  from  the  capital  city  to  El  Paso  del  Norte. 
That  contract  had  scarcely  been  signed  when  workmen 
began  to  lay  the  ties  of  the  Mexican  Central  Railroad. 

International  Relations. — Some  significant  steps  were 
taken  in  international  relations.  Diplomatic  intercourse 
with  Spain,  Germany,  Italy,  Switzerland,  Portugal,  Bel- 
gium, and  even  France  was  resumed.  Relations  were  re- 
established with  a majority  of  the  Latin-American  states. 
With  the  United  States — which  for  a time  did  not  recog- 
nize the  Diaz  government — there  were  difficulties  pro- 
voked by  the  raids  of  Mexican  Indians  who  attacked  towns 
north  of  the  border.  Yet  the  awards  made  to  United 
States  citizens  by  a claims  convention  which  was  signed 


498 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


in  1876,  were  regularly  paid  by  the  Mexican  government. 
Diaz  protested  against  instructions  given  by  the  United 
States  to  General  Ord  to  pursue  marauding  Indians  across 
the  borders  into  Mexico;  but  in  July,  1882,  a convention 
was  signed  by  Mexico  and  the  United  States  for  the  recip- 
rocal crossing  of  the  frontier  by  soldiers  in  pursuit  of 
savages. 

Material  Progress  under  President  Gonzalez. — Mean- 
time the  term  of  Diaz  had  elapsed,  and,  although  some 
states  proposed  that  he  should  again  be  a candidate  for 
the  presidency,  he  declined  to  run.  But  his  candidate, 
General  Manuel  Gonzalez,  was  elected  president.  Presi- 
dent Gonzalez  appointed  Diaz  secretary  of  public  works. 
The  period  from  1880  to  1884  was  accordingly  in  some 
particulars  a continuation  of  the  previous  administration. 
Early  in  1883  the  Sonora  railroad  was  opened  to  traffic. 
By  April,  1884,  the  main  line  of  the  Mexican  Central  Rail- 
road was  in  operation  from  El  Paso  del  Norte  to  Mexico 
City.  Other  public  improvements,  that  is  to  say,  bridges, 
wharves,  custom  houses,  and  telegraphs  were  promoted. 
A national  bank  was  founded  in  the  capital  city.  Attempts 
which  were  made  to  reorganize  the  debt  that  Mexico  owed 
to  English  bankers  were  not  altogether  successful,  while 
the  coinage  of  a large  quantity  of  subsidiary  nickel  coins 
of  low  intrinsic  value  provoked  much  discontent.  A com- 
mercial code  and  a civil  code  were  promulgated.  In  1884 
a code  of  mining  laws  was  adopted  by  the  national  gov- 
ernment which,  departing  from  the  Roman  ideal  that 
Mexico  had  inherited  from  Spain — that  a distinction  might 
properly  be  drawn  between  the  owner  of  the  surface  soil 
and  ownership  in  the  subsoil  which  was  vested  in  the  State 
— provided  that  a person  who  secured  a title  to  land  in 
Mexico  should  also  have  the  right  to  oil  and  minerals 
found  below  its  surface.  In  the  same  year  Diaz  was  again 
elected  president. 

Reelections  of  Dfaz. — Porfirio  Diaz  was  inaugurated 
president  for  the  second  time  on  December  I,  1884.  He 
was  reelected  in  1888,  1892,  1896,  1900,  1904,  and  1910. 
This  was  made  possible  by  successive  changes  in  the  Con- 
stitution. In  October,  1887.  Congress  amended  the  Con- 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  499 


stitution  so  as  to  remove  the  prohibition  upon  the 
immediate  reelection  of  the  President.  In  December,  1890, 
it  further  amended  the  Constitution  so  as  to  remove  all 
restrictions  upon  the  President’s  reelection.  And  in  1904 
it  provided  that  the  President’s  constitutional  term  should 
be  extended  from  four  years  to  six.  If  we  may  trust  the 
statements  of  Mexican  Liberals,  during  all  these  years 
there  was  no  open  political  opposition  to  Porfirio  Diaz: 
presidential  elections  were  a mere  farce.  His  rule  lasted 
even  longer  than  the  reign  of  Francia  in  Paraguay.  Not 
until  Diaz  became  senile  did  serious  opposition  to  his 
mastery  become  manifest. 

Character  of  His  Rule. — During  more  than  a quarter  of 
a century  Porfirio  Diaz  engrossed  the  power  and  influence 
of  the  state.  More  truthfully  perhaps  than  Rosas  might 
he  have  said  V etat  c’est  moi.  This  remarkable  man  was  a 
Dictator  who,  at  times,  in  spite  of  his  errors  and  faults, 
might  have  been  characterized  as  benevolent.  It  is  to  be 
presumed,  however,  that  the  average,  intelligent  Mexican 
would  have  said — had  he  felt  free  to  speak  frankly — that 
Diaz  ruled  by  the  clever  use  of  an  iron  hand.  To  him  the 
national  Congress  was  like  plastic  clay. 

Foreign  Relations. — Not  without  success  did  Diaz  strive 
to  keep  on  good  terms  with  foreign  nations,  especially 
with  the  United  States.  When  President  Barrios  of 
Guatemala  tried  to  reestablish  the  Central  American 
Union,  and  other  Central  American  nations  appealed  to 
President  Diaz,  he  expressed  his  disapproval  of  that  policy. 
The  death  of  Barrios,  which  occurred  soon  afterwards, 
extricated  Mexico  from  a delicate  international  situation. 
As  indicated  in  the  preceding  chapter,  when  a war  broke 
out  in  1907  between  Honduras  and  Nicaragua,  Mexico 
cooperated  with  the  United  States  in  good  offices  to  termi- 
nate that  struggle.  When  war  between  Nicaragua  and 
Salvador  appeared  imminent,  Presidents  Diaz  and  Roose- 
velt proposed  that  a peace  conference  of  the  nations  of 
Central  America  should  be  held  at  Washington. 

Fiscal  Reforms. — A difficult  problem  which  faced  Diaz 
was  the  reduction  and  reorganization  of  Mexico’s  steadily 
increasing  debt.  In  June,  1885,  laws  were  enacted  that 


5oo 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


aimed  to  ameliorate  the  fiscal  situation.  One  law  author- 
ized the  issue  of  bonds  amounting  to  twenty-five  million 
pesos  which  bore  interest  at  six  per  cent.  Another  law 
provided  for  the  funding  of  the  national  debt  which  should 
include  not  only  the  floating  debt  incurred  since  1882  but 
also  various  foreign  claims  that  had  been  urged  against 
the  republic.  In  accordance  with  a law  of  December  13, 
1887,  a loan  of  £10,500,000  sterling  was  contracted  in  the 
following  year  with  a German  banking  firm.  This  loan 
seems  to  have  been  partly  used  to  satisfy  the  holders  of 
the  English  debt  against  Mexico.  Subsequently  additional 
loans  were  made  by  the  Diaz  government  for  other  pur- 
poses: to  pay  subsidies  to  railway  contractors,  to  liquidate 
the  finances  of  the  national  bank,  and  to  raise  money  for 
the  construction  of  a railroad  across  the  Isthmus  of 
Tehauntepec.  In  1899,  under  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
Jose  Limantour,  who  was  one  of  the  most  capable  Mex- 
icans of  the  Diaz  era,  the  debt  was  again  funded  and 
consolidated.  Critics  of  Diaz,  however,  claimed  that  those 
readjustments  caused  millions  of  pesos  to  flow  into  the 
pockets  of  the  ruling  autocracy  and  its  supporters. 

Internal  Improvements. — Various  public  improvements 
went  on  apace  during  the  dictator’s  rule.  A harbor  was 
built  at  Tampico.  Existing  railroads  were  extended,  and 
new  lines  were  built.  Through  contracts  with  English 
financiers  President  Diaz  secured  the  construction  of  a 
railroad  across  the  Isthmus  of  Tehauntepec  from  Coat- 
zacoalcos  to  Salina  Cruz.  In  1904  he  purchased  the  rail- 
way which  was  being  built  between  Cordoba — on  the  line 
between  Mexico  City  and  Vera  Cruz — and  the  Tehaun- 
tepec railway.  Five  years  later  he  secured  control  of  the 
most  important  railway  lines  in  the  country  at  the  cost 
of  about  two  hundred  million  dollars.  Diaz  thus  added 
heavy  burdens  to  the  national  debt. 

The  Drainage  Canal. — A unique  improvement  of  the 
Diaz  regime  was  the  construction  of  a canal  to  prevent 
the  inundation  of  the  valley  in  which  the  capital  city  was 
located.  In  viceregal  days  the  Spaniards  had  compelled 
Indians  to  dig  a canal  called  Nochistengo  to  drain  the 
valley,  but  that  ditch  did  not  prevent  floods.  Diaz  soon 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  501 


took  steps  to  complete  and  perfect  the  drainage  canal: 
in  1886  definite  plans  were  adopted;  and  on  May  17,  1900, 
the  big  ditch  was  formally  inaugurated.  This  work,  which 
cost  some  twenty-five  million  pesos,  was  composed  of  a 
canal  about  twenty-two  miles  long  emptying  into  a tunnel 
of  five  miles  in  length  that  conveyed  the  water  to  the 
valley  of  Tequixquiac.  The  valley  of  Mexico  was  thus 
drained  of  surplus  water  and  the  sanitary  condition  of  the 
capital  city  was  much  improved. 

Census  of  1895. — The  first  general  census  of  Mexico, 
which  was  taken  in  1895,  showed  her  population  to  num- 
ber 12,570,195.  Imports  for  the  fiscal  year  1894-1895 
amounted  to  40,000,000  pesos  while  exports  came  to  105,- 
000,000  pesos : of  this  60,000,000  was  in  precious  metals. 
The  railway  mileage  almost  totaled  6000  miles.  Telegraph 
lines  owned  by  the  states  and  by  the  nation  aggregated 
some  30,000  miles.  The  total  revenues  of  the  Mexican 
states  amounted  to  16,000,000  pesos,  while  the  federal 
revenues  came  to  50,000,000  pesos.  In  1896  the  national 
revenues  remained  the  same,  while  the  expenditures  came 
to  45,000,000  pesos,  leaving  a surplus  in  the  treasury  for 
the  first  time  in  the  history  of  independent  Mexico. 

System  of  Land  Holding. — A vital  problem  which  Diaz 
did  not  solve  successfully  concerned  the  ownership  of  land. 
When  he  came  to  power  countless  acres  in  Mexico  were 
held  by  descendants  of  prominent  families  that  had  suc- 
ceeded the  conquistadors.  Those  proprietors  cultivated 
their  large  estates  by  a vassal  peasantry  composed  largely 
of  aborigines.  Lands  held  by  Indian  pueblos  or  tribes  in 
common  ownership  were  called  cgidos.  Here  and  there  ex- 
tensive strips  of  land  were  held  in  private  ownership  by  Indians 
or  by  mestizos.  Frequently  the  Indian  who  lived  upon  a small 
strip  of  land  had  not  taken  the  legal  steps  necessary  to  secure 
the  title,  although  he  was  the  rightful  owner.  Thus  when  a 
new  land  law  was  enacted  in  1886  which  gave  to  any  person 
the  right  to  claim  a strip  of  land  as  unoccupied  ( tierra  baldia ) 
and  to  acquire  possession  of  it  upon  making  a payment  to 
the  state,  many  small  landowners  lost  their  lands.  Further, 
some  of  the  tribal  lands  were  carved  up  and  distributed. 
Many  strips  of  land  ultimately  passed  into  the  possession 


502 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


of  large  landowners;  while  other  strips  became  the  prop- 
erty of  foreigners. 

Mexican  Peonage. — With  the  decrease  in  number  of 
small  landed  proprietors  and  with  the  disappearance  of 
communal  lands  belonging  to  the  lower  classes,  the  con- 
dition of  the  Mexican  belonging  to  the  lower  classes — the 
peon — became  almost  intolerable.  He  was  often  induced 
or  compelled  to  borrow  money;  he  was  bound  to  service 
for  the  payment  of  his  debts;  frequently,  except  in  name, 
he  became  a serf.  Indians  were  captured  by  force  in  the 
state  of  Sonora,  transported  to  the  plantations  of  Yucatan, 
and,  with  the  connivance  of  federal  officials,  sold  into  bond- 
age. Obviously  the  plight  of  the  lower  classes  held  the 
bitter  seeds  of  a class  revolution. 

Interest  of  United  States  Citizens  in  Mexico. — Another 
feature  of  the  Diaz  regime  which  much  disturbed  some 
of  his  fellow-citizens  was  a steady  increase  in  the  interest 
of  the  United  States  in  their  country.  Not  only  were 
United  States  capitalists  largely  instrumental  in  the  con- 
struction of  important  railroads,  but  they  became  finan- 
cially interested  in  Mexican  lands,  mines,  and  factories. 
Partly  because  of  the  enterprise  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  in  various  sections  of  Mexico  chilled  plows  took 
the  place  of  crooked  sticks,  modern  methods  were  used 
in  the  extraction  and  reduction  of  ores,  and  cotton  mills 
and  machine  shops  were  erected.  Arid  lands  were  irri- 
gated. Electricity  was  introduced  into  important  cities. 
Farmers  from  the  United  States  purchased  lands  south 
of  the  Rio  Grande;  at  times  the  rights  of  native  Mexicans 
were  none  too  scrupulously  regarded.  Under  the  legisla- 
tion of  1884,  capitalists  from  the  United  States  purchased 
titles  to  valuable  lands  with  subsoils  containing  minerals 
and  petroleum.  A careful  observer  estimated  in  1904  that 
the  United  States  capital  invested  in  the  lands  and  mines 
of  Mexico  aggregated  more  than  four  hundred  million 
dollars.  As  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  present  century, 
there  were  students  of  Mexican  politics  who  inquired: 
“What  would  be  the  policy  of  the  United  States  if  a revo- 
lution should  break  out  in  Mexico?” 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  503 


Mexican  Politics. — At  that  time  political  parties — as 
understood  in  the  United  States — scarcely  existed  south 
of  the  Rio  Grande.  The  political  fortunes  of  Mexico  were 
in  the  hands  Porfirio  Diaz  and  his  cabinet.  As  the  Dic- 
tator grew  older,  he  lost  his  grip  on  public  affairs:  the 
destinies  of  his  country  passed  more  and  more  into  the 
hands  of  a group  of  his  political  advisers  who  were  known 
as  the  Cientificos.  Those  politicians  looked  upon  Vice- 
President  Corral  as  their  leader.  A group  of  Mexicans 
who  considered  General  Reyes — at  one  time  governor  of 
Nueva  Leon — as  rising  publicist  were  designated  Reyistas. 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  at  times  the  uncrowned 
King  of  Mexico  seriously  thought  of  choosing  a successor 
to  himself.  He  seems  to  have  spent  some  time  in  select- 
ing, as  well  as  in  discarding,  possible  candidates;  but,  per- 
haps because  of  the  difficulty  of  finding  a candidate  who 
would  suit  his  advisers,  perhaps  because  he  was  loath  to 
relinquish  his  power,  he  clung  to  his  post  until  a terrible 
storm  which  had  long  been  gathering  burst  upon  his 
country. 

Francisco  I.  Madero. — His  dictatorial  rule  was  brought 
to  an  end  through  a propaganda  which  was  promoted  by 
Francisco  I.  Madero,  a member  of  an  influential  family 
in  northern  Mexico  who  had  received  part  of  his  education 
in  the  United  States.  In  December,  1908,  Madero  pub- 
lished a booklet  entitled  La  sucesion  presidential  en  1910 
which  was  dedicated  to  the  heroes  of  Mexico,  to  the  Mex- 
ican press,  and  to  all  good  Mexicans.  In  that  volume  he 
made  an  analysis  of  conditions  in  Mexico;  he  character- 
ized the  good  and  the  evil  of  the  Diaz  regime.  He  criti- 
cised its  policy  of  truckling  to  the  United  States,  its 
muzzled  press,  its  autocratic  tendencies.  In  particular  did 
he  attack  the  restrictions  and  limitations  upon  elections: 
he  insisted  that  in  the  approaching  presidential  election 
the  people  of  Mexico  should  be  allowed  freely  to  express 
their  desire  whether  or  not  General  Diaz  should  be  re- 
elected. Bitterly  did  he  criticise  the  nomination  of  Vice- 
President  Corral  as  a candidate  for  reelection,  intimating 
that  he  had  the  qualifications  which  Diaz  required  his  sue- 


5°4 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


cessor  to  possess.  Two  clauses  from  this  glowing  polemic 
— that  might  indeed  have  been  borrowed  from  the  Plan 
of  La  Noria — became  a slogan  for  the  opponents  of  Diaz: 
liberty  of  suffrage  and  no  reelection  of  the  president. 

The  Plan  of  San  Luis  Potosi. — The  anti-reelection  party 
nominated  Madero  for  the  presidency.  A few  days  be- 
fore the  presidential  election,  however,  he  was  arrested 
and  taken  to  San  Luis  Potosi.  Eluding  the  vigilance  of 
federal  officials,  he  escaped  to  San  Antonio,  Texas,  where 
he  issued  a manifesto  stating  that  the  elections  of  June, 
1910,  were  illegal.  He  also  published  a plan  which  was 
dated  San  Luis  Potosi,  October  5,  1910.  In  this  plan  he 
declared  that  the  recent  elections  of  federal  magistrates 
were  void  ; that  the  government  of  Diaz  should  be  ignored ; 
that  lands  which  had  been  unlawfully  seized  should  be 
restored  to  their  rightful  owners;  that  the  principle  of 
no  reelection  of  president  or  vice-president  of  the  Mexican 
republic,  of  governors  of  states,  and  of  presidents  of  muni- 
cipalities was  a part  of  the  republic’s  supreme  law,  pend- 
ing the  amendment  of  the  Constitution;  and  that  he 
assumed  the  position  of  provisional  president  of  Mexico 
with  the  power  to  make  war  upon  the  usurping  govern- 
ment of  General  Diaz.  He  named  November  20,  1910,  as  the 
date  for  a general  uprising  against  the  usurpers.  He  asked 
that  the  persons  and  properties  of  foreigners  should  be 
respected.  In  the  course  of  the  anti-Diaz  agitation  certain 
agrarian  and  social  reforms  were  championed  by  Madero’s 
followers,  especially  an  increase  of  wages  for  laborers  and 
the  division  of  landed  estates  among  the  proletariat. 

Downfall  of  Diaz. — At  the  beginning  of  the  revolt 
Madero’s  supporters  were  most  numerous  in  northern 
Mexico,  especially  in  the  states  of  Durango  and  Chihua- 
hua. In  the  early  months  of  1911,  the  revolutionists 
gained  strength  with  surprising  rapidity.  The  much- 
vaunted  army  of  Diaz  seemed  to  vanish  into  skeleton  regi- 
ments. In  April,  1911,  the  octogenarian  Dictator  so  far 
yielded  as  to  read  a message  to  Congress  proposing  that 
the  President  of  Mexico  should  not  be  reelected,  that 
administration  should  be  reformed,  and  that  large  landed 
estates  should  be  divided.  He  even  made  changes  in  his 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  505 


cabinet.  Still,  in  the  negotiations  between  Diaz  and 
Madero,  the  reformer  insisted  that  there  could  be  no  peace 
in  Mexico  until  the  Dictator  retired.  On  May  21,  1911, 
an  agreement  was  therefore  signed  at  Juarez  by  a rep- 
resentative of  Diaz  and  representatives  of  the  revolution. 
This  provided  that  both  President  Diaz  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent Corral  should  retire.  For  the  time  being,  Francisco 
de  la  Barra,  secretary  of  foreign  relations,  was  recognized 
as  the  chief  executive  who  should  make  the  arrangements 
necessary  for  general  elections. 

Triumph  of  Madero. — During  the  interregnum  a group 
of  reformers  organized  the  Constitutional  Progressive 
party  which  nominated  Madero  for  the  presidency.  That 
party  won  the  special  presidential  election  in  October, 
1911.  Madero  was  inaugurated  as  president  of  Mexico  in 
the  following  month,  while  Pino  Suarez  became  vice-presi- 
dent. Meantime  Congress  amended  the  Constitution  to 
prohibit  the  reelection  of  either  President  or  Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

His  Mistakes.— Yet  the  zealous  idealist  who  had  spread 
the  gospel  of  reform  throughout  Mexico  did  not  succeed 
as  chief  magistrate.  As  he  gave  certain  followers  of  Diaz 
positions  in  his  cabinet,  Madero  was  suspected  of  being 
reactionary.  When  he  tried  in  other  ways  to  conciliate 
partisans  of  the  ex-Dictator,  he  lost  the  support  of  ex- 
treme revolutioners.  His  enemies  accused  him  of  not 
having  brought  evil-doers  of  the  former  regime  to  justice. 
He  was  denounced  because  he  did  not  properly  carry  out 
cherished  plans  for  a distribution  of  land  at  nominal  prices 
among  the  poor,  landless  class.  A surplus  in  the  national 
treasury  his  officials  dissipated. 

The  Deluge  Begins. — After  Diaz  came  the  deluge.  It 
began  by  sporadic  uprisings.  General  Reyes  tried  to  start 
an  insurrection  in  the  state  of  Nueva  Leon  but  was  cap- 
tured and  eventually  imprisoned  in  Mexico  City.  Vic- 
torious rebels  under  the  leadership  of  General  Orozco 
captured  Chihuahua,  but  he  was  defeated  by  federal 
soldiers.  A nephew  of  the  exiled  Dictator,  Felix  Diaz  by 
name,  taking  as  his  battlecry  the  motto,  “Peace  and 
Justice,”  then  assumed  the  revolutionary  leadership  and 


S°6 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


seized  Vera  Cruz.  Captured  by  a federal  general — be- 
cause of  the  supposed  insecurity  of  the  fortress  of  San 
Juan  de  Ulua — Diaz  was  incarcerated  in  a penitentiary 
in  the  capital  city.  The  crisis  came  early  on  the  morning 
of  February  9,  1913,  when  Anti-Maderistas  freed  General 
Reyes  and  Felix  Diaz  whom  they  had  selected  as  their 
leaders.  Ten  bloody  days  followed:  the  capital  city  was 
bombarded  by  revolutionists;  thousands  of  innocent 
people  were  slaughtered  in  the  streets;  and  Reyes — whom 
some  Mexicans  viewed  as  a possible  savior — was  killed. 
Toward  this  bombardment  the  federal  commander,  a gen- 
eral of  Aztec  descent  named  Victoriano  Huerta,  took  a 
dubious  attitude.  On  February  18,  after  the  imprison- 
ment and  the  enforced  resignation  of  the  President  and 
Vice-President,  Huerta  assumed  the  authority  of  chief 
magistrate.  The  chief  of  the  republic’s  soldiers  thus  stood 
forth  as  a reactionary.  On  the  night  of  February  23,  while 
Madero  and  Pino  Suarez  were  being  transferred  from  the 
“national  palace”  to  the  penitentiary,  their  escort  was 
attacked,  during  the  ensuing  scuffle  shots  were  exchanged, 
and,  when  the  smoke  cleared  away,  the  two  prisoners  of 
state  were  found  dead. 

The  “Man  of  Iron.” — An  act  of  treachery  thus  ushered 
into  the  presidency  a strong,  cunning  personality  who 
flattered  himself  that  he  was  “a  man  of  iron.”  A political 
disciple  and  a former  military  commander  of  Diaz,  it  was 
not  strange  that  in  many  particulars  Huerta  followed  his 
master’s  example.  American  newspapers  printed  a cable- 
gram from  Huerta  to  the  exiled  Diaz  declaring  that  “the 
revolution  against  you  has  been  avenged.” 

The  Plan  of  Guadeloupe. — The  means  by  which  Huerta 
had  acceded  to  power  at  once  provoked  opposition  in 
northern  Mexico.  On  March  26,  1913,  at  the  hacienda  of 
Guadeloupe,  near  the  capital  of  the  state  of  Coahuila,  cer- 
tain Mexicans  framed  a project  which  declared  that  Huerta 
had  committed  treason  to  secure  the  presidency.  The 
Plan  of  Guadeloupe  repudiated  his  government,  declared 
that  Venustiano  Carranza,  governor  of  Coahuila,  was 
“First  Chief”  of  the  “Constitutional”  army,  and  that  he 
would  become  the  provisional  president  of  the  republic 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  507 


when  this  army  took  possession  of  Mexico  City.  A stub- 
born country  gentleman  was  thus  proclaimed  the  leader 
of  a movement  that  aimed  to  overthrow  Huerta.  A more 
picturesque  figure  in  that  revolution  was  Pancho  Villa, 
[Mexico’s  Fra  Diavalo. 

Civil  War  Again. — Opponents  of  Huerta  were  encour- 
aged by  the  policy  adopted  by  the  United  States.  Presi- 
dent Wilson  refused  to  recognize  Huerta — even  after 
certain  European  nations  had  done  so — largely  because 
he  was  suspected  of  having  connived  at  Madero’s  murder. 
Huerta  disdainfully  refused  to  enter  into  an  arrangement 
proposed  by  John  Lind,  a special  agent  of  the  United 
States,  which  included  a pledge  to  the  effect  that  he  would 
not  become  a candidate  in  the  approaching  presidential 
election.  During  the  sanguinary  struggles  that  occurred 
between  Huerta’s  soldiers  and  the  Constitutionalists,  the 
properties  and  the  lives  of  many  foreigners  were  sacrificed. 

ABC  Mediation. — At  this  delicate  juncture  an  affront 
by  Mexicans  to  United  States  soldiers  at  Tampico  caused 
Admiral  Mayo  to  demand  an  apology  from  General 
Huerta  in  the  form  of  a salute  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 
As  Huerta  refused  so  to  do,  marines  from  the  United 
States  took  possession  of  Vera  Cruz;  and  her  Congress 
adopted  a joint  resolution  which  disclaimed  any  intention 
to  make  war  upon  the  Mexican  republic.  The  occupation 
of  Vera  Cruz  caused  intense  excitement  in  certain  capitals 
of  South  America;  and  the  ABC  powers,  Argentina, 
Brazil,  and  Chile,  undertook  to  mediate  between  the 
United  States  and  the  government  of  General  Huerta.  In 
May,  1914,  there  assembled  at  Niagara  Falls,  Canada,  rep- 
resentatives of  General  Huerta,  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  ministers  of  the  mediatory  powers  at  Washington. 
The  Constitutionalists  were  asked  to  send  representatives 
to  the  conference;  but,  as  Carranza  would  not  agree  to 
an  armistice  and  to  a discussion  of  internal  conditions  in 
Mexico,  the  mediators  withdrew  their  invitation.  In  June, 
1914,  the  members  of  the  conference  signed  a protocol 
which  arranged  for  the  establishment  of  a provisional  gov- 
ernment in  Mexico  that  was  to  be  recognized  by  the 
mediating  nations  and  by  the  United  States. 


508 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Carranza  Becomes  President.  — Shortly  afterwards 
Huerta  resigned.  He  was  succeeded  by  Provisional  Presi- 
dent Carvajal.  Negotiations  for  a settlement  of  difficulties 
between  Carvajal  and  Carranza  were  futile,  and  on  the 
night  of  August  12,  1914,  the  Provisional  President  and 
his  followers  evacuated  Mexico  City.  Soldiers  of  the  Con- 
stitutionalist army  entered  the  capital  on  August  15.  Five 
days  later  General  Carranza  assumed  the  executive  power. 
Dissensions  between  Carranza  and  Villa  soon  broke  out 
which  resulted  in  a civil  war  between  the  two  factions. 
Carranza,  Villa,  and  Zapata  occupied  the  capital  city  in 
rapid  succession.  In  September,  1915,  the  United  States, 
the  ABC  Powers,  with  Bolivia,  Guatemala,  and  Uruguay 
agreed  to  recognize  that  Mexican  faction  which  should 
display  the  most  success  in  the  maintenance  of  order.  The 
result  was  the  recognition  of  Carranza  as  de  facto  presi- 
dent of  Mexico  on  October  19,  1915,  by  nine  American 
nations,  including  the  United  States.  After  a gang  of 
Mexican  bandits  under  Villa  had  crossed  the  border  and 
attacked  Columbus,  New  Mexico,  in  1916  the  United 
States  government  dispatched  soldiers  under  General 
Pershing  in  pursuit  of  the  marauders.  After  a second 
punitive  expedition  from  the  United  States  had  crossed 
the  frontiers  in  pursuit  of  Mexican  outlaws,  Carranza’s 
government  strenuously  objected.  As  Villa,  by  the  aid 
of  Mexican  sympathizers,  succeeded  in  eluding  Pershing’s 
soldiers,  the  attempts  of  the  United  States  to  preserve 
tranquillity  upon  her  southern  borders  merely  served  to 
stimulate  in  Mexico  the  spirit  of  opposition  to  foreigners. 

Conditions  on  the  Eve  of  the  World  War:  Education. — 
Revolutionary  outbreaks  had  seriously  disturbed  Mexico’s 
educational  system.  A law  of  1896  had  provided  for  free, 
elementary  instruction  for  children  between  six  and  twelve 
years  of  age.  National  schools  had  been  supplemented 
by  academies  established  here  and  there  by  Protestant 
missionaries.  Imposing  educational  structures  had  been 
erected  at  public  expense.  Various  institutions  of  higher 
education  were  supported  by  missionaries  or  by  the 
national  government.  The  very  name  of  university,  how- 
ever, was  absent  from  the  annals  of  public  instruction 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  509 


from  1865 — when  Maximilian  definitively  closed  the  ven- 
erable University  of  Mexico — until  1910.  Despite  attempts 
to  improve  educational  facilities  in  Mexico  it  appears  that 
the  instruction  of  the  lower  classes  was  neglected.  Dur- 
ing the  civil  wars,  from  1910  to  1917,  private  and  public 
schools  in  some  sections  of  the  republic  were  closed. 

Industries. — In  times  of  peace  the  chief  occupations  in 
Mexico  are  agriculture,  cattle  raising,  and  mining.  Among 
the  main  crops  are  corn,  sugar,  cacao,  tobacco,  coffee, 
henequen,  and  cotton.  Valuable  woods  are  obtained  from 
Mexican  forests,  such  as  cedar  and  mahogany.  In  certain 
parts  of  Mexico  large  herds  of  cattle  and  sheep  ordinarily 
graze  upon  the  fertile  lowlands  or  roam  over  the  grassy 
uplands.  Mexico  has  valuable  mines  of  silver,  gold,  cop- 
per, and  lead;  but  many  of  her  mines  have  been  closed  in 
recent  years  because  of  civil  wars  and  revolutionary  dis- 
turbances. As  yet,  the  total  production  of  coal  in  Mexico 
has  not  been  enough  to  supply  home  consumption.  Mex- 
ican manufacturing  establishments  are  mainly  cotton  and 
woolen  factories,  ore  reduction  plans,  paper  mills,  saw  mills, 
breweries,  and  sugar  mills.  During  recent  revolutionary 
disturbances  the  chief  occupation  of  many  peones  has  been 
war. 

Chief  Exports. — During  the  administrations  of  Huerta 
and  Carranza  conditions  in  Mexico  were  very  unstable. 
Statistics  of  industry  and  commerce  during  this  epoch  are 
often  incomplete.  An  inkling  of  the  industrial  activities 
of  the  country  may,  however,  be  obtained  from  the  figures 
of  Mexico’s  exports  for  1913  and  1918.  In  1913  the  exports 
were  as  follows  in  United  States  currency:  animal  prod- 
ucts, $9,918,916;  vegetable  products,  $42,971,477;  mineral 
products,  $94,824,305;  manufactured  products,  $1,672,633; 
miscellaneous,  $815,477.  In  1912-1913  the  chief  mineral 
exports  of  Mexico  were  : silver,  $45,646;  gold,  $19,795,843  ; 
copper  and  copper  ore,  $18,262,205;  and  lead  $2,453,286. 
Figures  for  1918  showed  that  the  exports  of  vegetable 
products  had  increased  to  $64,468,662;  exports  of  mineral 
products  amounted  to  $106,966,171;  and  miscellaneous 
items  came  to  $2,433,042.  In  1918  the  exports  of  petroleum 
amounted  to  $70,250,000.  Among  the  vegetable  products 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


5io 

exported  in  that  year  henequen  from  Yucatan  amounted 
to  $12,000,000. 

Fiscal  Condition.— By  a law  of  1905  the  gold  peso  was 
made  the  monetary  unit  of  Mexico.  Ordinarily  that  coin 
was  worth,  in  United  States  currency,  about  fifty  cents. 
It  has  been  estimated  that  in  1910  the  total  foreign  debt 
of  Mexico,  including  other  obligations  guaranteed  by  the 
national  government,  amounted  to  $295,000,000.  In  May, 
1913,  a six  per  cent  loan  aggregating  $80,000,000  was 
authorized  by  President  Huerta.  Even  before  the  World 
War  began  the  interest  payments  upon  almost  all  of  the 
foreign  debts  of  Mexico  were  in  default. 

Mexico’s  Varied  Literature. — Poetry  and  prose  in 
Mexico  ran  the  entire  gamut  of  her  history.  The  poet 
Rodriguez  Galvan  in  La  profec'ia  de  Gnatemoc  prophesied  that 
the  Mexicans  would  one  day  have  to  redeem  in  blood  the 
horrible  crimes  of  the  conquistadors.  Jose  J.  Pesado  in  Las 
Aztecas  presented  in  Spanish  dress  the  poems  of  an  Aztec 
chieftain.  Perhaps  the  most  learned  of  Mexican  historians 
who  have  dealt  with  the  Spanish  regime  was  Joaquin  Garcia 
Izcalbaceta.  Jose  de  Jesus  Diaz  dealt  with  such  dramatic  epi- 
sodes in  the  secession  of  Mexico  from  Spain  as  El  fusilamiento 
de  Morelos.  The  Revolution  against  Spain  also  furnished  the 
background  for  Juan  Diaz  Covarrubia’s  historical  novel  Gil 
Gomez  el  insurgente.  In  his  Cuadro  historico  de  la  revolucion 
Carlos  M.  de  Bustamante  made  himself  an  invaluable  chroni- 
cler of  that  epoch.  Besides  writing  biographies  of  distinguished 
Mexicans,  Roa  Barcena  described  his  country’s  war  with  the 
United  States  in  his  Recu-crdos  de  la  invasion  norte-americana. 
Vicente  Riva  Palacio,  besides  composing  a volume  in  a notable 
cooperative  history  of  Mexico,  wrote  a novel  entitled  Calvario 
y Tabor  about  French  intervention.  A versatile  professor 
named  Alfredo  Chavero  wrote  learned  treatises  concerning 
aboriginal  antiquities  and  also  stirring  dramas  about  the 
Aztecs.  Gutierrez  Najera  wrote  distinctive  musical  verses 
somewhat  after  the  French  model  and  founded  a literary 
journal  named  La  Revista  Azul.  The  statesman  Lucas  Alaman 
wrote  a notable  history  of  Mexico  in  five  volumes  parts  of 
which  are  injured  by  bias.  A younger  publicist  was  Federico 
Gamboa,  a “dissector  of  souls”  who  wrote  realistic  novels  and 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  51 1 

composed  Huerta’s  caustic  rejoinders  to  Wilson’s  demands  for 
that  dictator’s  resignation. 

Fine  Arts. — Mexico  has  not  made  such  distinctive  con- 
tributions to  the  fine  arts  as  certain  countries  of  South 
America.  In  the  days  of  Juarez  an  academy  of  painting 
and  sculpture  was  replaced  by  a National  School  of  Fine 
Arts.  Before  the  downfall  of  Porfirio  Diaz  there  were  in 
that  school  some  religious  paintings  by  Mexican  artists, 
as  well  as  a few  paintings  by  European  masters.  Upon 
the  walls  of  the  hall  of  the  ambassadors  of  the  “national 
palace”  were  a series  of  portraits  of  distinguished  Mexican 
leaders  from  Hidalgo  to  Diaz.  In  the  boulevards  and 
plazas  of  the  capital  city  there  were  statues  to  such 
national  heroes  as  Guerrero  and  Morelos.  Towering 
among  those  monuments  was  a bronze  statue  of 
Cuauhtemoc,  the  last  of  the  Aztec  monarchs,  by  Miguel 
Norena.  Upon  the  sides  of  its  base  were  bronze  represen- 
tations of  dramatic  scenes  from  that  chieftain’s  life  by 
Gabriel  Guerra,  such  as  the  arrival  of  the  Spanish  con- 
quistadors in  Mexico  and  the  torture  of  Cuauhtemoc  by 
Cortes.  Carved  by  the  Islas  brothers,  in  the  pantheon 
of  San  Fernando  was  a beautiful  monument  in  white 
marble  upon  the  tomb  of  Benito  Juarez. 

Social  Conditions. — Much  of  the  unrest  prevalent  in 
Mexico  has  been  due  to  social,  or  perhaps  it  is  better  to 
say,  racial,  conditions.  Immigration  from  European  coun- 
tries other  than  Spain  affected  Mexico  little  before  the 
Great  War.  Spanish  immigrants  remained  a notable  ele- 
ment in  the  population.  Spaniards  often  engaged  in  mer- 
cantile pursuits  in  towns  or  cities  and  were  frequently 
viewed  with  suspicion  or  dislike  by  the  Mexicans.  Of 
some  15,000,000  inhabitants,  persons  of  European  descent 
constituted  perhaps  10  per  cent.  In  the  hot,  humid  regions 
along  the  coast  were  some  persons  with  negro  blood  in 
their  veins — numerically  perhaps  an  almost  negligible 
factor.  A significant  element  was  the  aboriginal  which 
was  composed  of  scattered  tribes  using  different  dialects 
or  languages.  Those  Indians — in  large  part  still  barbarous 
• — constituted  probably  from  15  to  25  per  cent  of  the  popu- 
lation of  Mexico.  The  remainder,  that  is  to  say,  from 


512 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


65  to  75  per  cent  of  the  people,  belonged  to  the  mestizo 
or  mixed  class.  To  a greater  extent  in  Mexico  than  in 
some  other  important  states  of  Latin  America  those  widely 
dissimilar  elements  had  not  been  amalgamated  into  a 
homogeneous  nation.  In  an  interpretative  spirit  a Mex- 
ican journalist  has  pointed  out  that  the  crucial  political 
problem  of  his  country  has  been  to  establish  a form  of 
government  that  will  suit  those  different  types:  the  pure- 
blooded  aborigines  with  what  may  be  termed  a fifteenth- 
century  civilization;  the  mixed  classes  with,  for  the  most 
part,  an  eighteenth-century  culture;  the  educated  mixed 
class  fitted  for  a nineteenth-century  government;  and  the 
aristocratic  Mexicans  of  Caucasian  race,  who  with  the 
immigrants,  desire  twentieth-century  political  institutions. 

Mexico’s  Constitution  of  1917. — On  January  31,  1917, 
a Constitutional  Convention  at  Queretaro,  which  was  com- 
posed of  representaives  of  the  Carranzistas,  adopted  a 
new  Constitution  for  the  Mexican  people.  In  respect  to 
the  framework  of  government  many  of  the  provisions  in 
the  Constitution  of  1917  were  essentially  the  same  as  in 
the  charter  of  1857.  The  age  of  members  of  the  Senate 
was  increased  to  thirty-five  years.  Some  significant 
changes  were  made  with  regard  to  the  President.  His 
term  of  office  was  set  at  five  years;  it  was  stipulated  that 
he  could  not  be  reelected.  The  Constitution  provided  that 
the  President  must  be  the  son  of  native-born  Mexicans; 
that  he  could  not  be  a minister  of  any  faith;  that,  if  he 
were  a military  man,  he  must  have  retired  from  active 
service  at  least  ninety  days  before  the  election ; and  that 
he  must  not  have  taken  part,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  any 
military  uprising  or  coup  d’etat.  It  also  provided  that  a 
magistrate  who  might  replace  the  President  in  case  of  his 
temporary  or  permanent  disability  should  not  be  elected 
President  for  the  ensuing  term.  Among  the  personal 
guaranties  was  an  article  which  stipulated  that  no  Mex- 
ican should  be  compelled  to  render  personal  service  with- 
out due  compensation  or  without  his  full  consent,  except 
as  a punishment  for  crime.  Another  article  provided  that 
every  one  should  be  free  to  worship  as  he  chose. 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  513 


Articles  Directed  against  Foreigners. — This  Constitu- 
tion contained  certain  articles  which  had  their  origin  in  social- 
istic propaganda  or  in  a spirit  of  reaction  against  exploitation 
by  foreigners.  Article  CXXIII  provided  that  workmen 
engaged  in  industrial  or  commercial  enterprises  should 
have  the  right  to  share  in  the  profits  through  commissions 
appointed  by  local  authorities.  Strikes  might  only  be  con- 
sidered as  lawless  when  a majority  of  the  workmen 
engaged  therein  should  resort  to  acts  of  violence.  Article 
XXXIII  conferred  upon  the  President  the  right  to  expel 
from  Mexico  without  “judicial  process”  any  foreigner 
whose  presence  he  might  deem  “inexpedient.”  Article 
XXVII  provided  that  churches  should  not  have  the  right 
to  acquire,  hold,  or  administer  real  property  within  the 
republic.  It  stated  that  the  ownership  of  the  land  and 
the  waters  within  the  republic  was  originally  vested  in  the 
Mexican  people.  It  declared  that  the  nation  might  impose 
limitations  upon  private  property;  and  that  the  necessary 
measures  should  be  taken  to  divide  large  landed  estates 
and  to  protect  small  holdings.  It  affirmed  that  the  title 
to  minerals  and  other  subsoil  deposits  was  vested  in  the 
people  of  Mexico.  Further  it  stipulated  that  only  Mexicans 
and  Mexican  companies  had  the  right  to  acquire  conces- 
sions to  develop  mineral  fuels  in  the  republic.  A foreigner 
might  secure  that  right  only  if  he  renounced  the  privilege 
of  recourse  to  his  government  for  redress  through  diplo- 
matic channels.  That  the  intention  of  Mexicans  was  to 
interpret  this  article  so  as  to  inhibit  future  concessions 
of  oil  rights  to  foreigners  was  clear,  but  the  article  was 
ambiguous  in  so  far  as  it  did  not  state  whether  or  not 
the  intent  was  to  deprive  foreign  concessionaires  of  oil  rights 
which  they  had  acquired  by  law  prior  to  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution  of  1917. 

Mexico’s  Contention  about  the  Subsoil. — The  provi- 
sions of  that  Constitution  about  the  ownership  of  the  sub- 
soil precipitated  a discussion  concerning  the  rights  of 
foreign  capitalists  who  had  secured  control  of  oil  lands. 
The  contention  of  Carranza  appeared  to  be  that  laws  and 
decrees  issued  during  the  Diaz  regime  which  permitted 
foreigners  purchasing  lands  in  Mexico  to  acquire  titles  to 


$14 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


underlying  petroleum  and  minerals  were  unconstitutional. 
Foreign  corporations,  which  had  by  purchase  or  by  con- 
tract gained  control  of  valuable  oil  lands,  viewed  Article 
XXVII  as  the  herald  of  a policy  of  confiscation. 

Carranza’s  Decree  of  February  io,  1918. — On  February 
10,  1918,  by  virtue  of  power  vested  in  the  treasury  de- 
partment by  the  Mexican  Congress — so  ran  the  decree — 
Carranza,  who  had  been  elected  president,  issued  a decree 
imposing  a tax  upon  petroleum  lands  and  upon  contracts 
for  the  exploitation  of  such  lands  which  had  been  made 
before  May  1,  1917.  Upon  the  annual  rents  stipulated  in 
such  contracts  a graduated  tax  was  assessed  which  was 
proportioned  to  the  amount  of  rent  payable  per  hectare 
(2.471  acres).  Contracts  involving  a rent  of  over  ten 
pesos  annually  per  hectare  were  assessed  a tax  of  ten  per 
cent  upon  the  first  five  pesos  of  rental,  a tax  of  twenty 
per  cent  upon  the  next  five  pesos,  and  a tax  of  fifty  per 
cent  upon  the  remainder.  All  royalties  stipulated  in  oil 
contracts  were  assessed  fifty  per  cent.  Petroleum  deposits 
that  were  being  exploited  by  owners  of  the  surface  soil 
were  to  pay  a tax  of  five  pesos  per  hectare  and  also  a 
royalty  of  five  per  cent  of  the  value  of  the  oil  produced. 
Oil  lands  that  were  not  leased  were  assessed  five  pesos 
per  hectare  annually.  Such  lands  not  paying  a royalty 
should  pay  a tax  equal  to  five  per  cent  of  the  value  of  the 
oil  produced.  Sixty  per  cent  of  the  revenues  accruing 
from  those  taxes  should  belong  to  the  federal  government, 
while  the  remainder  should  be  divided  between  the  state 
governments  and  the  municipalities.  Any  persons  or  cor- 
porations acquiring  petroleum  contracts  by  transfer  or 
otherwise,  as  well  as  owners  of  oil  lands  wishing  to  exploit 
them  upon  their  own  account,  were  required  to  report 
to  the  government  any  sale,  lease,  or  concession.  All  oil 
deposits  that  had  not  been  reported  and  certified  to  the 
department  of  the  treasury  within  three  months  should 
be  declared  vacant.  This  comprehensive  decree  evidently 
aimed  to  bring  the  productive  oil  industry  of  Mexico  under 
the  control  of  the  federal  government. 

The  Controversy  over  Oil. — The  implication  of  national 
ownership  of  oil  deposits  which  that  law  conveyed,  as 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  515 


well  as  the  heavy  taxes  imposed,  provoked  the  oil  pro- 
ducers. Citizens  of  England  and  the  United  States 
appealed  to  their  respective  governments  for  protection 
against  threatened  confiscation.  The  government  of  the 
United  States  informed  Mexico  that  it  would  not  tolerate 
measures  aiming  at  the  confiscation  of  property  rights 
which  its  citizens  had  acquired  south  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
This  was  a situation  provocative  of  irritation — national 
and  international.  Carranza’s  decision  not  to  allow  foreign 
corporations  to  drill  fresh  oil  wells  without  the  payment 
of  a license  fee  aggravated  the  difficulty.  Further,  a tax 
of  some  twenty  pesos  per  barrel  was  levied  upon  all  oil 
exported  from  Mexico.  Eventually  a temporary  solution 
was  reached  by  Carranza  who  decided  to  permit  foreign 
corporations  to  develop  their  petroleum  claims  without 
prejudice  to  Mexico’s  contention  about  the  title  to  the 
subsoil,  provided  that  they  paid  the  taxes  and  duties 
imposed  by  his  government.  According  to  that  decision 
the  settlement  of  the  mooted  problem  of  the  title  to  the 
subsoil  w^as  apparently  postponed  for  special  consideration 
by  Congress. 

Other  Complications. — Other  complications  arose.  Al- 
though customs  receipts  increased,  yet  Carranza’s  govern- 
ment failed  properly  to  administer  the  nation’s  finances. 
Rumors  were  circulated  about  enormous  indemnities 
claimed  by  foreigners  for  damages  suffered  during  the  bit- 
ter and  protracted  civil  wars.  International  relations  were 
further  complicated  by  the  failure  of  President  Carranza 
to  pay  interest  on  the  foreign  debt. 

Mexico’s  Policy  toward  the  World  War. — A most  seri- 
ous complication  w^as  caused  by  the  peculiar  policy  which 
the  President  pursued  in  regard  to  the  World  War.  Al- 
though Mexican  officials  stated  that  they  were  neutral  in 
the  struggle,  yet  their  government  actually  proposed  to 
other  American  republics  a policy  which  was  not  in 
harmony  wfith  the  attitude  of  a neutral  as  defined  by  the 
accepted  principles  of  international  lawr;  namely,  that 
American  states  should  prohibit  the  export  of  munitions  to 
the  belligerent  nations  of  Europe.  Just  before  the  United 
States  entered  the  World  War,  German  agents  in  Mexico 


5i6 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


City  intrigued  with  Carranza  against  that  government. 
They  even  proposed  that  Mexico  should  form  an  alliance 
with  Japan  and  undertake  to  attack  those  portions  of  the 
United  States  which  she  had  formerly  possessed.  Certain 
Mexicans  desired  that  the  Central  Empires  should  triumph 
in  the  World  War.  A hope  was  apparently  entertained 
that  a great  European  nation  might  thus  be  enabled  to 
play  a role  in  the  Three  Americas  which  would  check  the 
increasing  influence  of  the  United  States. 

The  Presidential  Succession. — Fatal  in  its  consequences, 
however,  was  Carranza’s  attempt  to  control  the  succession 
to  the  presidency.  Anxious  to  perpetuate  his  regime — 
if  not  indeed  again  to  become  president — he  promoted  the 
candidacy  of  Ignacio  Bonillas,  who  had  served  as  ambas- 
sador to  the  United  States.  Other  candidates  were  the 
popular  General  Gonzalez,  and  Alvaro  Obregon,  a dashing 
military  leader.  Carranza’s  attitude  toward  Bonillas 
furnished  the  occasion  for  a revolt  which  began  in  the 
state  of  Sonora. 

The  Plan  of  Agua  Prieta. — The  programme  of  the  Anti- 
Carranzistas  was  formulated  at  Agua  Prieta  on  April  23, 
1920.  In  the  Plan  of  Agua  Prieta  the  policies  of  President 
Carranza  were  denounced  and  his  administration  was 
repudiated.  He  was  stigmatized  as  the  chief  of  a party 
that  had  mocked  the  popular  will,  that  had  suspended 
individual  guaranties,  that  had  attacked  the  sovereignty 
of  the  states,  and  that  had  corrupted  and  demoralized  the 
national  government.  Certain  state  and  municipal  offi- 
cials whom  he  had  placed  in  power  were  declared  to  be 
deposed.  The  plan  also  provided  for  a provisional  gov- 
ernment. Until  the  states  joining  Sonora  in  the  upris- 
ing should  indicate  their  desires,  the  governor  of  Sonora, 
Adolfo  de  la  Huerta,  was  to  act  as  the  civil  and  military 
chief  of  the  insurrection.  The  plan  also  contained  a pro- 
vision stipulating  that  freedom  of  suffrage  should  be 
observed  and  declaring  that  the  president  of  Mexico 
should  not  be  reelected.  With  regard  to  foreign  interests 
in  Mexico,  Article  XVII  of  the  Plan  of  Agua  Prieta 
announced  that  the  leaders  of  the  new  cause  would  protect 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  517 


the  legal  rights  of  all  foreigners  and  would  favor  the  de- 
velopment of  industry,  commerce,  and  business. 

Downfall  of  Carranza. — The  disaffection  spread  with 
surprising  rapidity  in  western  Mexico.  General  Gonzales 
went  over  to  the  insurrectionary  camp.  He  was  followed 
by  other  Mexicans.  General  Obregon  escaped  from  the 
capital  city  and  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  revolu- 
tion. Carranza  issued  a manifesto  on  May  5 declaring  that 
he  would  fight  to  the  end  and  expressing  the  opinion 
that  no  citizen  of  Mexico  ought  to  become  president  by 
the  use  of  the  army,  by  insubordination,  or  by  treason. 
Scarcely  had  this  manifesto  been  published  when,  accom- 
panied by  his  cabinet,  other  officials,  soldiers,  and  treasure, 
the  President  left  Mexico  City  with  the  intention  of  trans- 
ferring the  government  by  rail  to  Vera  Cruz.  His  convoy 
was  fiercely  attacked  by  insurgents,  however,  and  he  was 
forced  to  abandon  that  plan.  While  the  fugitive  magis- 
trate was  sleeping  in  a rude  hut  in  the  mountains  of  Puebla 
he  was  assassinated  by  one  of  his  former  followers. 
Obregon’s  partisans  denounced  and  disavowed  the  treach- 
erous deed. 

Obregon  Becomes  President. — Meantime  the  soldiers 
of  Obregon  had  entered  Mexico  City.  On  May  25,  1920, 
Adolfo  de  la  Huerta  became  Acting  President.  A light 
vote  was  cast  in  the  election  which  resulted  in  the  choice 
of  General  Obregon,  the  candidate  of  the  Liberal  Con- 
stitutional party,  as  president.  A new  party  that  came 
forward  in  opposition  to  Obregon’s  candidacy  was  the 
National  Republican  which  seemed  largely  composed  of 
Catholics.  This  clerical  group  declared  its  intention  to 
restore  the  Constitution  of  1857.  It  also  announced  its 
open  opposition  to  the  Constitution  of  1917,  especially  to 
Article  XXVII. 

Problems  Confronting  Obregon. — Obregon  was  in- 
augurated on  December  1,  1920.  As  members  of  his  cabi- 
net this  one-armed  President  selected  able  men  from 
different  groups  of  the  Constitutionalists.  His  task  was 
Augean:  to  restore  enduring  peace  to  war-ridden  Mexico; 
to  reorganize  her  sadly  demoralized  finances;  to  restore 


5*8 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


a specie  currency;  to  secure  to  the  lower  classes  the  long- 
promised  agrarian  reforms;  to  master  the  radical  elements 
that  evinced  a strong  drift  toward  Bolshevism;  to  promote 
elementary  education  and  the  upbuilding  of  national  char- 
acter; to  encourage  native  industry  and  thrift,  while  not 
to  discourage  the  investment  of  the  foreign  capital  so 
essential  to  the  development  of  his  country’s  rich  re- 
sources; and  to  adjust  the  acrimonious  and  threatening 
controversy  over  oil  concessions. 

Proposed  Convention  by  the  United  States. — On  May 
27,  1921,  the  charge  d’affaires  of  the  United  States  in 
Mexico  City  presented  to  the  Obregon  government  a com- 
munication from  Secretary  of  State  Hughes  which 
embodied  the  views  of  his  government.  According  to  a report 
published  in  the  New  York  Times,  this  communication  con- 
tained the  following  proposals.  The  government  of  Mexico 
was  invited  to  sign  a convention  of  amity  and  commerce  with 
the  United  States.  The  portion  of  the  convention  concerning 
commercial  relations  contained  little  beyond  the  ordinary 
clauses  concerning  the  reciprocal  rights  that  should  be  enjoyed 
in  one  country  by  the  citizens  of  the  other.  Besides  an  agree- 
ment for  the  settlement  of  a boundary  dispute,  the  proposed 
treaty  contained  provisions  for  the  creation  of  a commission 
for  the  adjudication  of  claims  of  United  States  citizens  for 
injuries  to  person  and  property.  Most  important  of  all  were 
stipulations  by  which  the  Mexican  government  bound  itself  not 
to  interpret  retroactively  Article  XXVII  of  the  Constitution. 
In  other  words,  the  project  seems  to  have  contained  a pledge 
upon  Mexico’s  part  that  in  spite  of  the  ambiguity  or  obscurity 
of  the  mooted  article  she  would  properly  safeguard  the  prop- 
erty rights  which  citizens  of  foreign  countries  had  acquired  in 
Mexico  before  the  Constitutional  Convention  assembled  at 
Oueretaro.  The  signing  of  this  treaty  by  the  United  States 
would  naturally  constitute  the  recognition  of  the  new  regime 
in  Mexico. 

Attitude  of  Obregon. — Yet  Obregon  declined  to  favor 
the  project,  taking  shelter  behind  Article  XV  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, which  declared  that  no  treaty  should  be  negotiated  by  the 
government  that  would  abridge  the  constitutional  rights  and 
guaranties  of  individuals  and  citizens.  His  idea  evidently  was 


IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO  519 


that  as  an  autonomous  state  Mexico  ought  not  to  be  required  to 
qualify  before  being  recognized  as  a member  of  the  family  of 
nations.  In  the  meantime — in  the  face  of  the  policy  pursued  by 
the  United  States — he  cannot  negotiate  foreign  loans  to  pay 
the  interest  upon  Mexico’s  debts.  His  main  recourse  evidently 
is  to  levy  taxes  upon  petroleum  produced  from  wells  sunk  by 
enterprising  foreigners. 

Summary. — The  history  of  independent  Mexico  fur- 
nishes a strange  pageant.  For  a considerable  period  after  the 
disruption  of  Iturbide’s  Empire  the  kaleidoscopic  changes  in 
Mexican  politics  were  frequently  manipulated  by  Santa  Anna. 
To  many  Mexicans  the  successive  announcements  of  new  plans 
for  political  and  constitutional  reorganization  meant  little  or 
nothing.  Measures  looking  toward  the  disestablishment  of  the 
Catholic  Church  precipitated  a civil  war  which  encouraged  the 
interference  of  Napoleon  III.  The  sympathetic  and  helpful 
policy  pursued  by  the  United  States  during  the  French  inter- 
vention did  not  dissipate  apprehensions  that  had  been  provoked 
in  the  minds  of  Mexicans  by  her  acquisition  of  Texas,  Cali- 
fornia, and  New  Mexico.  Although  the  firm  rule  of  Diaz  kept 
Mexico  in  order  and  promoted  much-needed  internal  improve- 
ments, yet  he  shamefully  neglected  the  social  welfare  and  the 
political  training  of  the  lower  classes.  Against  domination  by 
a favored  clique  Madero  directed  his  revolution,  but  he  proved 
unable  to  control  the  weird  elements  which  he  had  conjured  up. 
The  man  who  seemed  most  able  to  cope  with  the  critical  situa- 
tion was  Huerta,  who  failed  as  a ruler  because  the  United 
States  withheld  recognition  upon  moral  grounds.  After  ten 
tumultuous  years,  a man  has  appeared  upon  the  Mexican  stage 
who  enjoys  the  confidence  of  a considerable  portion  of  his 
people  and  whose  regime  at  present  seems  to  promise  more 
stability  than  has  any  other  ruler’s  since  191 1.  For  altogether 
different  reasons,  however,  than  those  which  prevailed  in  the 
case  of  Huerta,  Obregon  is  not  recognized  as  the  head  of  an 
autonomous  Mexican  government  by  the  United  States.  In  his 
attempt  to  save  the  day  by  taxing  his  country’s  natural  re- 
sources in  accordance  with  a Constitution  that  contains  pro- 
visions which  run  counter  to  Anglo-Saxon  ideas  about 
contractual  rights,  he  has  encountered  the  organized  opposition 
of  foreign  oil  interests.  This  opposition  has  enlisted  the  sup- 


520 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


port  of  the  United  States  government  which  wishes  to  protect 
the  rights  of  its  citizens  that  have  been  so  often  flagrantly 
violated  south  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

By  declining  to  recognize  President  Obregon  unless  he 
sanctions  a treaty  containing  a pledge  of  proper  conduct  by  his 
nation,  Secretary  Hughes  has  brought  about  an  impasse. 
Without  recognition  by  world  powers  Obregon  can  scarcely 
borrow  money  abroad  to  meet  his  country’s  financial  obliga- 
tions, he  can  hardly  promote  internal  reforms  with  vigor  and 
he  cannot  furnish  that  protection  to  foreign  enterprise  without 
which  scarcely  any  government  in  distracted  Mexico  can  expect 
to  endure  long.  A silver  lining  to  the  dark  cloud  that  hangs 
ominously  upon  the  horizon  of  Mexico  is  the  prospect  that 
perhaps  her  supreme  court  may  definitively  decide  that  the 
Constitution  of  1917  shall  not  operate  retroactively  with  re- 
gard to  property  rights  acquired  by  foreigners. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS  OF  THE  LATIN- 
AMERICAN  NATIONS 

Problems  of  Latin  America. — The  nations  that  devel- 
oped within  the  bounds  of  the  former  colonial  empires  of  Spain 
and  Portugal  have  been  confronted  with  some  problems  that 
are  more  or  less  common.  Among  those  are  certain  problems 
connected  writh  the  theory  and  practice  of  their  constitutions. 
In  Latin  America  relations  between  Church  and  State  are  still 
of  importance.  The  conception  of  a legal  code  which  is  cher- 
ished under  the  Southern  Cross  deserves  an  explanation.  Race 
problems  worthy  of  careful  consideration  have  persisted  in 
Latin  America  to  the  present  day.  Economic  and  fiscal  prob- 
lems, such  as  tariff  systems  and  foreign  loans,  are  still  pressing 
Latin-American  publicists  for  adequate  solutions.  Certain 
international  problems — especially  the  “Question  of  the  Pa- 
cific”— have  loomed  ominously  on  the  horizon.  The  role 
which  certain  Latin-American  publicists  have  from  time  to 
time  desired  that  their  nations  should  assume  in  the  New  World 
is  also  a theme  of  present  interest. 

Sources  of  Early  Constitutions. — The  proper  viewpoint 
for  a consideration  of  the  political  ideals  and  development  of 
the  Latin-American  nations  is  that  they  were  launched  upon 
their  independent  careers  with  very  little  political  training  or 
experience.  Their  earliest  attempts  at  political  organization 
were  thus  often  imitative.  Some  of  the  first  constitutions 
adopted  in  Spanish  America  were  patterned  after  the  United 
States  Constitution.  This  was  signally  true  of  the  Mexican 
Constitution  of  1824,  of  the  Venezuelan  Constitution  of  1811, 
and  of  the  Argentine  Constitution  of  1853.  In  some  Spanish- 
American  constitutions  many  traces  can  be  found  of  French 
influence.  Certain  declarations  which  they  contained  about  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  citizens,  although  indubitably  in- 
fluenced by  constitutions  of  North  America,  were  also  much 


521 


522 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


affected  by  French  declarations  regarding  the  rights  of  man. 
In  details  of  those  constitutions  there  may  be  detected  the 
impress  of  colonial  customs  and  Spanish  precedents.  Occasion- 
ally, as  in  the  Bolivian  Constitution  of  1826,  there  may  be 
found  the  relics  of  ancient  political  ideals.  Some  English  in- 
fluence may  also  be  discerned,  as  in  constitutional  provisions 
permitting  cabinet  members  to  participate  in  congressional 
debates.  The  sources  of  the  first  Constitution  of  Brazil  were 
mostly  European,  and  largely  Portuguese.  In  the  Brazilian 
Constitution  of  1824  scarcely  a trace  can  be  found  of  influence 
emanating  from  the  North  American  Republic. 

Their  Artificiality. — To  a citizen  of  the  United  States 
perhaps  the  most  striking  feature  of  the  early  constitutions  of 
Spanish  America  was  the  manner  in  which  they  organized  the 
local  divisions.  According  to  those  constitutions,  provinces  or 
intendancies  of  the  colonial  regime  were  frequently  dignified 
with  the  name  or  invested  with  some  of  the  attributes  of  a 
state  in  a federal  system.  A dominant  characteristic  of  many 
early  Spanish-American  constitutions  was  artificiality-  The 
newly  created  states  could  not  function  as  organic  parts  of  the 
respective  systems  to  which  they  pertained.  The  people  were 
given  institutions  for  which  they  were  unripe. 

Centralistic  and  Federalistic  Tendencies. — In  some  na- 
tions of  Spanish  America  the  trend  in  the  making  of  constitu- 
tions has  been  away  from  the  North  American  exemplar  and 
toward  a more  centralized  form.  French  influence  has  fre- 
quently prevailed  rather  than  the  influence  of  the  United  States. 
The  Centralistic  party  has  triumphed  in  many  Latin-American 
countries.  If  we  accept  as  a criterion  the  relation  between  the 
central  government  and  the  main  administrative  divisions,  as 
shown,  for  example,  in  the  mode  of  appointment  of  the  chief 
magistrate — ordinarily  designated  the  governor — of  those 
divisions,  we  are  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  only  a few  of 
the  existing  Spanish-American  governments  are,  in  any  sense 
of  the  word,  federalistic.  In  many  cases  the  main  adminis- 
trative division  of  the  state  is  designated  a department  or  a 
province ; and  the  chief  executive  of  that  area  is  appointed  by 
the  president.  Further,  in  some  of  those  states — as  in  Colom- 
bia— the  central  government  has  frequently  interfered  in  the 
management  of  the  affairs  of  the  provinces  or  departments. 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


523 


Even  where  certain  institutions  and  processes  borrowed  from 
the  United  States  or  from  other  countries  have  been  incor- 
porated in  the  constitutional  charter,  occasionally  those  sup- 
posed adaptations  have  proved  to  be  mere  fictions.  To  Spanish- 
American  publicists  the  United  States  Constitution  has  often 
been  little  more  than  an  inspiring  ideal. 

Dictators  and  Democracy. — To  a greater  extent  perhaps 
than  anywhere  else  in  the  world  do  constitutional  provisions 
in  Latin  America  sometimes  exist  only  on  paper.  Whatever 
the  character  of  the  constitution  of  a Spanish-American  nation, 
there  has  frequently  been  displayed  an  irresistible  tendency  for 
the  chief  executive  to  engross  the  authority  of  the  state. 
Spanish-American  dictators  have  not  always  been  benevolent. 
In  certain  nations  of  Latin  America  the  struggle  for  true 
democratic  government  has  not  yet  terminated.  “Whatever 
one  might  call  them,”  said  Viscount  Bryce  in  Modern  Democ- 
racies, “they  were  certainly  not  democracies  thirty-five  years 
ago,  and  only  two  or  three  could  be  called  by  that  name  now.” 
The  constitutional  history  of  some  Latin-American  nations 
has  indeed  frequently  been  marked  by  two  tendencies:  by 
attempts  to  embody  progressive  principles  in  liberal  constitu- 
tions ; and  by  flagrant  violations  of  individual  rights  by 
despotic  dictators.  May  they  all  eventually  attain  the  happy 
mean  between  a dictatorial  government  that  stifles  political 
liberty  and  a regime  so  liberal  that  an  ignorant  and  untrained 
populace  construes  liberty  as  synonymous  with  individual 
license ! 

Federal  Governments. — Several  Latin-American  na- 
tions have  constitutions  which  in  certain  particulars  were 
modeled  after  the  United  States  Constitution.  Among  recent 
constitutions  of  that  class  are  those  of  Cuba  and  Panama.  The 
nations  in  which  existing  constitutions  sanction  what  may  be 
designated  federal  unions  are  Argentina,  Brazil,  Mexico,  and 
Venezuela.  In  these  nations  the  local  units  are  either  desig- 
nated states  or  they  are  assigned  positions  comparable  to  those 
of  states  in  the  United  States  federal  system.  In  Argentina,  as 
already  indicated,  the  trend  has  been  to  treat  the  subdivisions 
which  were  designated  provinces  rather  as  administrative 
divisions  than  as  states.  In  Venezuela  there  has  been  a decided 
tendency  to  centralize  authority  in  the  national  government  at 


5 24 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  expense  of  the  states;  coupled  with  this  have  been  influ- 
ences emanating  from  France  and  Switzerland.  Of  recent 
years  conditions  in  Mexico  have  been  so  disturbed  as  to  make 
any  discussion  of  the  actual  nature  of  her  governmental  system 
beside  the  point. 

Brazil. — The  nation  in  which  the  customs  of  the  Consti- 
tution most  resemble  those  in  the  United  States  is  probably 
Brazil.  As  indicated  in  a preceding  chapter,  by  the  revolution 
of  1889-1890  the  Brazilians  adopted  a Constitution  which  was 
closely  modeled  upon  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
Although  the  semi-autonomous  provinces  of  Brazil  furnished 
some  basis  for  state  organizations,  yet  they  were  far  from  the 
stage  of  development  that  had  been  reached  by  the  Thirteen 
States  of  North  America  in  1787.  With  the  Brazilians,  cus- 
toms, precedents,  and  ideals  derived  from  the  motherland  have 
affected  the  constitutional  development  of  the  republic.  In 
Brazil,  unlike  most  Spanish-American  nations,  there  have  also 
been  operative  influences  arising  from  a monarchical  regime 
established  upon  the  achievement  of  independence.  Even  in 
the  Brazilian  republic  there  is  a deep  chasm  between  the  theory 
and  the  practice  of  the  Constitution. 

Unique  Features  of  Constitutional  Life. — Yet  certain 
features  of  existing  Latin-American  constitutions  are  ad- 
mirable. Among  those  are  the  frequent  attempts  to  define 
citizenship ; its  acquisition,  privileges,  and  responsibilities. 
The  status  of  foreigners  residing  within  a state  is  often  defined 
in  the  constitution.  Recent  constitutions  of  Mexico  and 
northern  South  America  have  contained  clauses  that  would 
debar  foreigners  from  applying  for  judicial  redress  for  injuries 
to  any  other  tribunals  than  those  of  the  respective  republic. 
Some  of  the  clauses  in  Latin-American  constitutions  about  the 
disability  or  the  resignation  of  the  president  are  not  unworthy 
of  study  in  the  United  States.  Not  least  suggestive  perhaps 
has  been  the  tendency  in  certain  states  to  make  the  cabinet  a 
link  that  fastens  the  executive  to  the  legislative  department  of 
government.  Of  this  tendency  Chile  has  been  the  best  illustra- 
tion. 

Party  Organization  and  Practice. — Progress  in  political 
life  has  been  largely  dependent  upon  economic  development. 
In  countries  where  the  natural  resources  have  been  developed 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


525 


the  interest  in  good  government  has  ordinarily  been  strength- 
ened. The  organization  of  parties  in  Latin  America  is  more 
or  less  in  contrast  with  party  organization  in  the  United  States. 
In  backward  countries,  like  Ecuador,  it  has  not  always  been 
customary  for  opposing  parties  even  to  unite  upon  their 
respective  presidential  candidates.  At  the  other  extreme,  in  a 
nation  like  Argentina  or  Chile,  party  organization  is  com- 
paratively complex : there  may  be  found  local  committees, 
political  conventions,  and  the  formal  nomination  of  candidates 
— at  least  for  important  national  offices.  Very  infrequently, 
however,  have  Latin-American  political  parties  clearly  formu- 
lated their  programmes.  Even  in  Argentina  at  the  present  day 
opposing  parties  are  not  accustomed  to  frame  platforms  con- 
taining definite  statements  of  their  political  views.  As  in  the 
case  of  Hipolito  Irigoyen  in  1916,  a presidential  candidate  may 
sedulously  refrain  from  making  any  declaration  about  his 
political  intentions,  or,  much  more  rarely  perhaps — as  in  the 
case  of  Ruy  Barbosa  or  Arturo  Alessandri — he  may  boldly 
intimate  what  political  principles  or  reforms  he  intends  to 
champion.  Electoral  qualifications  differ  somewhat,  both  in 
theory  and  in  practice,  in  Latin-American  states.  Where 
adult  manhood  suffrage  is  not  assured,  there  is  ordinarily  a 
tendency  in  that  direction ; and  in  certain  countries  there  is  talk 
of  woman  suffrage.  But  the  ballots  are  not  infrequently 
influenced  by  moral  suasion,  by  coercion,  or  by  bribery.  Visit- 
ing professors  from  the  United  States  have  been  unblushingly 
informed  by  Chileans  how  many  thousands  of  pesos  an  election 
to  Congress  has  cost  a member  of  the  aristocratic  coterie  seated 
at  Santiago.  Especially  in  remote  or  backward  regions  have 
elections  sometimes  been  nothing  more  than  fierce  conflicts 
between  the  “ins”  and  the  “outs.”  Party  struggles  have  thus 
often  in  essence  been  concerned  mainly  with  personalities  or 
with  the  spoils  of  office.  Yet  the  wisest  political  philosopher 
of  our  age  has  aptly  said:  “Those  who  understand  what  South 
America  had  been  under  the  viceroys  and  what  she  was  when 
she  emerged  from  the  long  struggle  for  independence  will  not 
despond  of  her  future.” 

Church  and  State. — Relations  between  Church  and 
State  in  Latin-American  countries  also  present  a marked  con- 
trast with  the  United  States.  In  almost  all  of  those  nations  the 


526 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


earliest  constitutions  and  laws  provided  that  Roman  Cathol- 
icism should  be  the  religion  of  the  state.  Sometimes  the  public 
exercise  of  any  other  faith  was  absolutely  prohibited.  Espe- 
cially in  rural  districts,  padres  or  parish  priests  exerted  a great 
influence  upon  life  and  manners.  In  most  Latin-American 
states,  however,  a species  of  kulturkampf  has  taken  place 
in  which  the  Liberal  party  has  been  generally  more  or  less 
victorious.  Occasionally  that  struggle  was  initiated  and 
waged  largely  by  citizens  of  the  respective  state;  as  for 
example,  by  Mosquera’s  followers  in  New  Granada.  At  other 
times  or  in  other  states  some  influence  has  been  exerted  through 
the  activities  of  Protestant  sects.  Although  Protestant  mis- 
sionaries from  England  and  the  United  States  have  sometimes 
provoked  antagonism  by  their  proselyting  propaganda,  yet,  on 
the  other  hand,  at  times  they  have  helped  to  liberalize  religious 
thought  and  ideals.  The  Latin-American  states  which  made 
the  longest  delay  in  removing  the  disabilities  under  which 
Protestants  labored  were  Peru,  Ecuador,  and  Bolivia.  In 
several  Latin-American  countries  Church  and  State  are  still 
closely  connected.  Of  them,  as  of  England,  one  may  say  that 
there  is  an  established  Church.  Although  ordinarily  tithes  are 
no  longer  levied  by  ecclesiastical  authorities,  yet  the  State  pro- 
vides from  her  revenues  for  the  support  of  the  imposing 
machinery  of  the  Church  establishment.  In  certain  states  of 
Latin  America  a tourist  may  still  behold  upon  feast  days  a 
procession  led  by  the  chief  civil  and  ecclesiastical  dignitaries 
of  the  capital  city  marching  into  the  metropolitan  cathedral. 

Legal  Codes. — Legal  codes  of  Latin  America  amaze 
citizens  of  the  United  States.  Latin-American  private  law 
may  be  said  to  have  its  ultimate  origins  in  Roman  law.  Like 
their  European  ancestors,  Latin-American  publicists  have  dis- 
played a keen  desire  to  codify  their  legislation.  The  chief 
nations  of  Latin  America  have  often  drawn  the  inspiration 
for  the  condification  of  their  laws  from  Spanish,  or  Portuguese, 
or  French  sources.  In  certain  particulars  the  civil  code  of  a 
Latin-American  nation  may  be  considered  as  a supplement  to 
the  existing  constitution. 

The  Chilean  Civil  Code. — First  in  point  of  time  and 
influence  among  Latin-American  legal  codes  was  that  of  Chile, 
which  was  framed  after  years  of  study  by  Andres  Bello.  He 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


527 


selected  the  material  which  he  incorporated  in  the  Chilean 
civil  code  from  Roman  law,  Spanish  law,  and  the  Code  of 
Napoleon.  In  his  monumental  work  Bello  gave  unity  and 
cohesion  to  the  mass  of  Spanish  legislation  which  still  was  in 
force  and  incorporated  many  provisions  from  foreign  codes, 
especially  from  the  French.  An  original  feature  was  the  pro- 
vision that  foreigners  and  Chileans  should  be  on  a plane  of 
equality.  The  Chilean  civil  code  was  promulgated  in  1855  and 
went  into  force  on  January  1,  1857.  It  was  composed  of  more 
than  twenty-five  hundred  articles  that  were  arranged  in  four 
books:  book  I was  concerned  with  persons;  book  II  with 
property;  book  III  with  succession;  and  book  IV  with  obliga- 
tions. The  Chilean  code  has  exerted  an  influence  upon  the 
civil  codes  of  many  Spanish-American  republics.  In  Ecuador, 
Colombia,  and  Nicaragua  it  was  adopted  with  modifications. 
As  has  been  shown  in  the  chapter  about  Brazil,  the  civil  code 
of  that  state  was  derived  largely  from  Portuguese  sources. 

Immigration. — A leavening  influence  has  be.en  exerted 
upon  certain  nations  of  Latin  America  by  immigration.  Ar- 
gentina is  that  Latin-American  nation  wrhere  immigration  from 
Europe  has  been  most  marked,  and  where,  in  consequence,  the 
need  of  labor  for  the  development  of  farms,  ranches,  and  fac- 
tories has  not  in  recent  years  been  very  keenly  felt.  There 
public  attention  was  earliest  and  most  emphatically  directed  to 
the  imperative  necessity  of  encouraging  immigration.  This 
was  done  upon  various  occasions  by  Juan  Bautista  Alberdi, 
who  even  baldly  said  that  the  chief  object  of  the  government 
in  a Latin-American  state  should  be  to  promote  the  increase 
of  the  population.  He  reasoned  that  Argentina  should  be 
settled  by  cultured  Europeans,  especially  by  Englishmen.  He 
maintained  that  in  Latin  America  the  natural  increase  of  the 
population  was  an  imperfect  and  slow  method  of  upbuilding 
a state.  Let  us  bring,  said  he,  from  abroad  the  finished  prod- 
ucts required  for  the  creation  of  a nation — without  a large 
and  a civilized  population  no  great  development  can  take  place  ! 
After  Argentina,  Brazil  is  probably  the  country  which  has 
most  striven  to  bring  foreigners  to  her  shores.  Immigration 
from  all  nations  has  been  uniformly  encouraged  or  permitted, 
except  in  Peru  and  Ecuador  where  restrictions  have  recently 
been  placed  upon  immigrants  from  China  and  Japan. 


528 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


The  Structure  of  Society. — Immigration  has  tended  to 
differentiate  the  nations  of  Latin  America.  A detailed  con- 
sideration of  Latin-American  conditions  would  presumably 
show  that  many  significant  contrasts  exist  in  the  structure  of 
society  in  different  states.  Still,  certain  general  tendencies 
prevail  in  some  regions.  Ordinarily  the  capital  cities,  like 
Bogota,  Rio  de  Janeiro,  and  Buenos  Aires,  are  the  chief  social 
centers  of  their  respective  nations.  The  hegemony  of  those 
capitals  can  scarcely  be  disputed  by  cities  like  Medellin,  or  Sao 
Paulo,  or  Cordoba.  The  customs  of  the  Spaniards  or  of  the 
Portuguese  have  had  a pervasive  influence  upon  Latin- 
American  society.  In  many  regions  caste  distinctions  still 
exist.  Leadership  in  important  cities  is  generally  in  the  hands 
of  descendants  of  Portuguese  or  of  Spaniards  who  constitute 
an  intellectual  aristocracy.  The  social  aristocrats  of  Latin- 
American  capitals  are  often  members  of  the  official  bureau- 
cracy— who  have  occasionally  become  a more  or  less  perma- 
nent class — or  wealthy  landowners  who  have  retired  from  their 
estancias  or  haciendas  to  live  in  urban  centers.  Here  and  there 
can  be  detected  the  influence  of  another  nation  than  Spain  or 
Portugal  upon  social  customs.  English  influence  can  especially 
be  traced — in  customs  like  afternoon  teas  and  horse  racing — 
in  Montevideo  and  Buenos  Aires.  The  German  language  and 
German  customs  prevail  in  large  portions  of  southern  Brazil 
and  southern  Chile.  Important  provincial  towns  and  cities 
sometimes  imitate  the  manners  and  customs  of  metropolitan 
capitals.  In  certain  countries,  notoriously  in  Bolivia  and  Chile, 
the  vice  of  alcoholism  cries  aloud  for  wise  reform. 

The  Aboriginal  Element. — The  aboriginal  element  in 
the  population  is  less  important  numerically  in  Argentina  than 
in  other  states.  There  it  is  being  steadily  assimilated  by  the 
Caucasian  element.  In  many  sections,  and  especially  in  remote 
countries,  as  Bolivia,  the  Indians  or  the  mixed  classes  exert  a 
much  greater  influence  than  in  urban  communities.  Even  in 
regions  adjacent  to  interior  towns  and  cities  aboriginal  lan- 
guages, customs,  and  superstitions  still  prevail.  Throughout 
the  vast  and  more  or  less  unexplored  regions  of  the  remote 
interior  are  scattered  tribes  as  savage  as  the  head-hunters  of 
the  equatorial  Andes. 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


529 


Races  and  Labor. — A vital  issue  in  Latin  America  is 
the  problem  of  races  and  labor.  In  most  Latin-American 
countries  the  population  is  still  very  sparse.  An  extreme  ex- 
ample of  this  is  Bolivia,  which,  with  an  area  of  about  seven 
hundred  thousand  square  miles,  has  only  a population  of  some 
two  and  one-half  millions.  A crying  need  in  most  Latin- 
American  countries  has  been  for  laborers.  That  demand  has 
been  accentuated  because  of  the  inherited  disposition  that  pre- 
vails among  the  white  inhabitants  in  certain  regions  to  view  all 
manual  labor  with  contempt.  The  abolition  by  law  of  negro 
slavery  in  Latin-American  states  has  not  ordinarily  improved 
the  condition  of  the  aboriginal  race. 

Status  of  Indian  Laborers. — In  certain  sections  of  Latin 
America  the  entrepreneur  of  industry,  whether  native  or 
foreign,  has  been  induced  or  compelled  to  employ  persons  of 
aboriginal  descent  to  develop  estates,  to  exploit  mines,  and  to 
gather  products  of  the  forests.  If  we  may  trust  the  accounts 
of  observant  travelers — confirmed  by  the  scandalous  revela- 
tions of  the  Putumayo — the  condition  of  many  Indians  or 
persons  of  Indian  descent,  especially  in  remote  sections  of 
Latin  America,  is  virtually  that  of  peonage,  a status  resembling 
serfdom.  It  is  the  servile  labor  of  aborigines  that  raises  the 
sugar,  cotton,  tobacco,  coffee,  cocoa,  and  other  products  of 
the  landed  estates  which,  under  various  names,  have  often  been 
handed  down  as  a heritage  from  colonial  days. 

Lack  of  Capital. — Coupled  with  the  scarcity  of  labor 
in  many  countries  of  Latin  America,  there  is  a great  lack  of 
capital  to  develop  industry.  Citizens  of  Latin-American  na- 
tions who  possess  available  capital  have  often  been  loath  to 
invest  it  in  the  industries  of  their  respective  countries.  Some- 
times they  have  preferred  to  deposit  their  money  in  banks  and 
to  draw  a high  rate  of  interest  rather  than  to  promote  the 
economic  life  of  their  own  country  by  investing  in  national 
enterprises.  This  is  one  reason  why  European  financiers  have 
found  an  attractive  field  for  investment  in  certain  Latin- 
American  countries. 

Currencies  of  Latin  America. — The  independent  states 
of  Latin  America  have  currency  systems  that  are  marked  by 
differences,  even  among  neighbors.  At  present  ten  Latin- 
American  nations  still  retain  the  peso  as  their  nominal  mone- 


530 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


tary  unit.  Those  nations  are  Cuba,  Mexico,  Guatemala, 
Honduras,  Salvador,  Colombia,  Chile,  Uruguay,  Paraguay, 
and  Argentina.  A general  consideration  of  their  monetary 
systems  is  rendered  difficult  from  the  fact — already  noticed 
with  regard  to  individual  states — that  some  Latin-American 
nations  are  still  virtually  on  a basis  of  silver  monometallism. 
Of  those  nations  which  keep  the  peso  as  their  unit  of  monetary 
value,  Guatemala,  Honduras,  Salvador,  and  Paraguay  still 
cling  to  silver  as  their  legal  standard.  Further,  as  already  sug- 
gested in  one  or  two  cases,  in  certain  states  where  a gold  coin 
is  the  legal  standard,  occasionally  there  circulates  another  token 
of  silver  or  paper  with  the  identical  name  which  is  used  as  the 
basis  of  local  exchange — a token  that  has  ordinarily  been  worth 
only  a fraction  of  the  value  of  the  gold  coin  bearing  the  same  or 
a similar  designation.  A silver  or  a paper  peso  is  still  used  in 
Argentina,  Chile,  Paraguay,  and  Mexico  in  domestic  transac- 
tions. In  some  states  the  gold  peso  is  merely  a fictitious  coin 
that  is  used  for  convenience  in  international  transactions;  while 
in  other  states,  either  because  of  the  bad  condition  of  national 
credit  or  because  of  an  unfavorable  balance  of  trade,  the  gold 
coin  which  is  used  as  a basis  for  domestic  as  well  as  for  inter- 
national transactions  is  at  a discount  in  international  exchange. 
Peru  has  one  of  the  best  systems  of  currency  in  Latin  America: 
there  gold  coins  may  actually  be  found  in  circulation.  Per- 
haps the  poorest  currency  of  any  South  American  state  is  that 
of  Paraguay.  The  great  variety  of  coins  that  circulate  in 
Latin-American  countries  and  the  many,  odd  fluctuations  in 
their  value  are  serious  obstacles  to  their  internal  development 
as  well  as  hindrances  to  the  increase  of  international  trade. 

Proposed  Reform. — Incidentally  the  fluctuations  in  ex- 
change rates  occasionally  afford  opportunities  for  speculations 
that  may  prove  either  profitable  or  ruinous.  Certain  students 
of  currency  systems  have  indeed  advocated  that  all  the  nations 
of  Latin  America  should  adopt  a common  monetary  standard 
and  should  fix  upon  a common  coin  as  their  unit.  Such  a 
reform,  if  it  were  practicable — which  it  scarcely  seems  as  yet 
to  be — would  be  a convenience  to  foreigners  and  would  facili- 
tate the  commercial  transactions  of  Latin-American  states  with 
foreign  nations;  but — unless  economic  conditions  in  certain 
states  should  be  radically  altered — it  could  scarcely  prevent 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


53i 


great  variations  in  the  value  of  the  same  coin  in  different  coun- 
tries, as  measured  in  international  exchange. 

Tariff  Systems. — The  tariff  systems  of  the  countries  of 
Latin  America  possess  many  similarities.  In  contrast  with  the 
historic  policy  of  the  United  States,  the  import  duties  which 
are  levied  by  Latin-American  nations  are  primarily  for  rev- 
enue. In  so  far  as  the  products  of  Latin-American  nations  are 
subjected  to  imposts  they  are  most  frequently  taxed  upon  being 
exported  from  the  respective  countries.  Incidentally  some 
attention  has  been  paid  to  the  levy  of  duties  for  the  protection 
of  domestic  industries.  Such  a tendency  has  probably  been 
most  marked  in  Chile,  although  similar  tendencies  have  also 
been  shown  in  Brazil,  Argentina,  and  Peru.  Between  a few 
South  American  countries  treaty  arrangements  have  at  one 
time  or  another  been  made  for  mutual  concessions  of  certain 
duties  laid  upon  the  interchange  of  goods.  Such  arrangements 
are  at  present  in  force  between  Bolivia  and  Peru  and  between 
Paraguay  and  Argentina.  The  leading  states  of  South  Amer- 
ica use  a system  of  valuation  upon  imports  which  is  really 
specific  in  nature.  In  1913  every  South  American  nation, 
except  Brazil  and  Venezuela,  secured  a part  of  her  revenue  by 
a tax  upon  exports.  During  that  fiscal  year  the  relative  amount 
of  customs  revenue  accruing  from  duties  imposed  upon  im- 
oorts  and  exports  varied  from  the  minimum  duty  of  one- 
tenth  of  one  per  cent  in  Argentina  to  more  than  fifty-eight  per 
cent  in  Chile,  the  relatively  high  per  cent  in  Chile  being  due  to 
the  tax  upon  the  exportation  of  nitrate. 

Revenues  from  Customs. — Official  statistics  of  Chile 
show  that  of  her  total  revenue  amounting  in  1913  to  220,173,- 
450  gold  pesos,  159,259,254  pesos  accrued  from  customs  duties 
of  one  sort  or  another.  Of  that  sum  90,128,621  pesos  were 
derived  from  the  export  duty  upon  nitrate.  In  Venezuela 
official  statistics  for  the  fiscal  year  1913-1914  told  a similar 
story:  of  65,438,328  bolivares  which  represented  the  total 
national  revenue,  49,888,479  were  derived  from  customs 
duties.  Largely  because  of  the  lack,  as  yet,  of  highly  developed 
manufacturing  industries,  and  because  of  the  opposition  to 
direct  taxes  as  an  important  source  of  revenue,  a Latin- 
American  state  is  ordinarily  dependent  upon  her  import  and 


532 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


export  duties  for  a large  portion  of  the  income  that  supports 
the  government  and  that  pays  the  interest  on  its  indebtedness. 

Public  Debts. — The  comparatively  small  national  rev- 
enues of  Latin-American  governments — at  least  in  view  of 
their  intense  desires  to  promote  costly  works  of  internal  im- 
provement— have  been  partly  responsible  for  the  burdensome 
foreign  debts  which  they  have  often  accumulated.  In  a state 
like  Argentina,  where  population  and  wealth  are  rapidly  in- 
creasing, such  debts  may  even  be  considered  as  in  a sense  an 
asset  rather  than  a liability.  Yet,  as  indicated  in  a preceding 
chapter,  the  finances  of  the  Imperial  republic  of  Brazil  have 
recently  been  seriously  embarrassed  because  of  her  heavy  and 
almost  unmanageable  foreign  debt.  Further — as  will  be  dem- 
onstrated in  the  following  chapter — the  payment  of  foreign 
claims  by  Latin-American  states  have  upon  several  occasions 
involved  certain  governments  in  acrimonious  controversies 
with  European  nations  which  threatened  forcible  intervention. 

Transportation. — One  of  the  most  serious  economic 
problems  that  confronts  the  Latin-American  peoples  is  trans- 
portation. Despite  the  improved  steamship  service  of  recent 
years,  and  despite  the  increase  in  railway  mileage,  in  some 
states  of  Latin  America  the  means  of  intercommunication  are 
still  woefully  inadequate.  Even  in  Argentina,  which  has  prob- 
ably the  best-articulated  system  of  railways  in  Latin  America, 
in  1916  it  was  only  possible  under  favorable  circumstances  to 
take  a through  train  from  Buenos  Aires  for  Santiago  de  Chile 
once  per  week.  In  many  portions  of  South  America  there  is  a 
deplorable  lack  of  railroads  running  from  east  to  west.  The 
regular  train  between  Guayaquil  and  Quito  in  1916  only  made 
the  round  trip  weekly.  In  certain  regions  where  railroads  have 
been  built  a broken  and  mountainous  terrain  renders  the  cost 
of  transportation  very  high.  An  extreme  example  of  this  is  the 
railroad  between  Callao  and  Cerro  de  Pasco.  In  northern  South 
America  there  are  few  railroads  of  any  length.  Although  the 
Venezuelan  government  has  partly  remedied  this  condition  by 
promoting  the  construction  of  roads,  yet  those  do  not  fully 
meet  the  needs  of  the  situation.  Colombia  still  lacks  a railroad 
from  Santa  Marta  to  Bogota;  and,  unfortunately — largely  be- 
cause of  the  irritation  caused  by  the  Panama  affair — capitalists 
from  the  United  States  have  been  reluctant  to  undertake  so 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


533 


costly  a project.  The  vast  interior  of  South  America  is  in 
large  part  inaccessible  by  railroads.  By  linking  together  rail- 
road lines  already  constructed  by  new  lines  a so-called  Pan- 
American  railroad  has  been  planned.  Pan-American  con- 
gresses have  warmly  approved  the  idea  but,  as  yet,  this  railroad 
exists  partly  on  paper. 

Canals. — As  yet  little  has  been  done  to  improve  trans- 
portation in  Latin  America  by  the  construction  of  canals.  An 
interesting  suggestion  has  been  made  by  a Uruguayan  writer 
named  Luis  Cincinato  Bollo;  namely,  that  canals  ought  to  be 
dug  in  the  interior  of  South  America  so  as  to  allow  the  passage 
of  vessels  of  large  tonnage  from  Buenos  Aires  to  the  mouths 
of  the  Amazon  and  the  Orinoco  Rivers.  Bollo  argues  that  a 
great  commercial  route  could  be  constructed  by  digging  two 
canals : one  to  connect  the  navigation  of  the  upper  Paraguay 
River  with  the  river  Arinos,  a southern  branch  of  the  Amazon ; 
and  the  other  to  cut  the  portage  Pimichim  which  separates  the 
headwaters  of  the  Rio  Negro  from  the  headwaters  of  the 
Orinoco  River.  In  this  way,  he  maintains,  a water  route 
would  be  made  available  through  the  heart  of  South  America  » 
by  connecting  the  navigation  of  the  Plata,  Amazon,  and 
Orinoco  systems. 

Boundary  Disputes. — Many  topics  of  interest  to  stu- 
dents of  Latin  America  have  been  connected  with  boundary 
disputes.  For  the  most  part  those  disputes  originated  because 
of  the  vague  character  of  the  grants  or  delimitations  of  terri- 
tory which  were  made  by  Spain  and  Portugal  during  the 
colonial  regime.  As  in  the  case  of  early  English  land  grants 
in  North  America,  natural  boundaries  were  inaccurately  under- 
stood and  limitary  points  were  sometimes  mentioned  which 
later  could  not  be  located.  Again,  some  laws  and  decrees  con- 
cerning boundaries  were  never  executed.  There  were  cases  in 
Ivhich  the  grants  presumably  overlapped.  With  the  exception 
of  endeavors  to  locate  the  Spanish-Portuguese  boundary  line, 
scarcely  any  attempts  were  made  to  survey  the  boundaries 
before  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonies  separated  from 
their  respective  motherlands.  Indeed,  so  far  as  the  Spanish 
Indies  were  concerned,  there  was  little  need  of  such  delimita- 
tion ; for  the  entire  dominions  of  Spain  in  America  were  viewed 
as  one  vast  estate  which  should  be  exploited  for  the  benefit  of 


534 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  motherland.  Again,  the  actual  settlement  of  the  wilder- 
ness was  so  slow  that  the  problem  of  bounds  seldom  arose  as  a 
practical  question,  excepting  chiefly  in  respect  to  the  peculiar 
region  in  the  heart  of  South  America  which  was  set  apart  for 
the  Empire  of  the  Jesuits.  Thus  it  was  that  when,  upon  the 
attainment  of  independence,  Spanish-American  publicists  stip- 
ulated in  their  treaties,  laws,  and  constitutions  that  the  limits  of 
a new  state  should  coincide  with  the  limits  of  the  corresponding 
colonial  administrative  area — whether  it  was  a viceroyalty,  or  a 
captaincy  general,  or  a presidency — they  were  unwittingly 
sowing  the  seeds  of  future  discord. 

The  Uti  Possidetis  of  1810. — Although  the  doctrine 
that  the  boundaries  of  the  emancipated  nations  of  Spanish 
America  should  ordinarily  coincide  with  the  boundaries  of  the 
corresponding  colonial  administrative  divisions  or  subdivisions 
was  not  embodied  in  any  general  treaty  among  the  new  nations, 
yet  its  general  acceptance  as  a guiding  principle  by  Latin- 
American  publicists  caused  it  to  be  designated  as  the  uti 
possidetis  of  1810.  Advocated  by  some  statesmen  partly  as  a 
defense  against  possible  claims  of  territory  in  America  by 
European  powers  upon  the  ground  that  some  of  it  was  res 
mdlius,  that  doctrine  became  the  theoretical  basis  for  the  terri- 
torial delimitation  of  the  Spanish-American  states.  However, 
as  that  doctrine  rested  not  upon  actual  surveys  of  the  metes 
and  bounds  of  those  colonial  areas,  but  upon  the  laws  and 
orders  of  a government  seated  in  Madrid,  it  led  during  the 
national  history  of  Latin  America  to  a large  number  of  acri- 
monious boundary  disputes.  As  elsewhere  indicated,  a most 
striking  feature  of  those  disputes  has  been  the  success  with 
which  Brazil  has  urged  her  claims  against  her  Spanish-Amer- 
ican neighbors.  This  has  come  about  partly  because  Spain  made 
concessions  to  Portugal  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  partly 
because  the  Brazilians  have  often  reenforced  their  paper  claims 
by  the  actual  occupation  of  disputed  territory.  In  general, 
Latin-Ainerican  boundary  controversies  have  taken  a similar 
course:  acrimonious  diplomatic  correspondence — which  some- 
times caused  a rupture  of  diplomatic  relations  or  even  armed 
clashes  between  the  parties — commonly  each  party  insisting 
upon  its  extreme  claim ; the  copying  in  archives  of  Spain  or 
Portugal  of  such  documents  as  would  best  support  the  conflict- 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


535 


ing  claims;  and  often  the  fortunate  reference  of  the  dispute  to 
the  arbitral  services  of  a neutral  power.  Perhaps  the  most 
pleasing  feature  of  those  contentions  about  territory,  which 
frequently  neither  of  the  contending  parties  vitally  needed, 
was  the  development  of  the  practice  of  submitting  international 
disputes  to  arbitration. 

Arbitration  in  Latin  America. — It  is  scarcely  too  much 
to  say  that  in  the  use  of  arbitral  procedure  Latin-American 
nations  have  set  an  example  to  the  world.  Colombia  had  cham- 
pioned the  use  of  arbitration  for  the  adjustment  of  inter- 
national disputes  even  before  the  battle  of  Ayacucho.  In 
instructions  to  Joaquin  Mosquera,  who  was  sent  as  an  envoy 
by  Colombia  to  Peru  and  Chile  in  1822,  he  was  directed  to 
bring  to  the  attention  of  the  governments  to  which  he  was 
accredited  the  fact  that  although  the  states  arising  in  South 
America  had  distinct  sovereignties,  yet  they  ought  to  live 
together  as  sister  nations.  On  July  6,  1822,  Mosquera  and 
Bernardo  Monteagudo,  the  agent  of  Peru,  signed  a treaty  of 
perpetual  union,  league,  and  confederation.  That  treaty  pro- 
vided that  the  exact  demarcation  of  the  boundary  between  Peru 
and  Colombia  should  be  determined  by  peaceful  and  concili- 
atory measures.  In  a supplementary  treaty  those  diplomats 
suggested  that  an  assembly  of  American  states  should  be 
formed  which  might  serve  as  an  arbitrator  in  their  disputes. 
Identical  provisions  were  found  in  treaties  that  were  nego- 
tiated contemporaneously  by  Colombia  with  Chile  and  Mexico. 
The  belief  in  arbitration  as  a feasible  mode  of  adjusting  dis- 
putes has  been  with  publicists  of  Latin  America  more  than  an 
ideal.  After  1823  Latin-American  states  entered  into  numer- 
ous treaties  which  embodied  the  arbitral  principle  in  one  form 
or  another.  Occasionally  those  treaties  provided  for  the  arbi- 
tration of  boundary  disputes.  Sometimes  they  arranged  that 
international  claims  should  be  decided  by  arbitration.  Many 
times  they  contained  clauses  providing  for  the  arbitration  of 
general  disputes  that  might  arise  between  the  contracting  par- 
ties. At  other  times  they  stipulated  that  arbitration  should  be 
used  to  adjust  controversies  about  the  interpretation  of  treaties. 
The  role  of  arbitrator  in  some  of  those  boundary  disputes  was, 
by  the  consent  of  both  parties,  assigned  to  the  United  States. 


536 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


The  United  States  as  Mediator. — Upon  various  occa- 
sions the  United  States  has  also  attempted,  with  more  or  less 
success,  to  mediate  in  controversies  or  wars  of  Latin-American 
nations.  During  the  war  between  Spain  and  certain  nations 
upon  the  Pacific  coast  of  South  America,  the  United  States 
offered  her  services  as  mediator.  Through  her  insistence  that 
dispute  was  at  last  amicably  adjusted  by  treaties  which  were 
signed  long  after  the  hostilities  had  ended.  Yet  the  United 
States  failed  in  her  policy  of  mediating  in  certain  disputes 
which  involved  the  government  of  Argentina.  Similarly  she 
did  not  succeed  in  her  policy  of  mediation  in  the  War  of  the 
Pacific.  It  is  now  clear,  however,  that  the  main  contention 
of  the  United  States  in  that  negotiation  was  not  altogether 
wrong;  namely,  that  Chile  ought  not  to  demand  from  the 
conquered  nations  such  territorial  cessions  as  a sine  qua  non  of 
peace  as  would  leave  them  crippled. 

The  “Question  of  the  Pacific.” — The  “Question  of  the 
Pacific”  has  often  been  an  apple  of  discord.  That  is  the  prob- 
lem, or  rather  the  series  of  problems,  which  arose  from  the 
retention  at  the  end  of  the  War  of  the  Pacific  of  the  Peruvian 
provinces  of  Tacna  and  Arica  by  victorious  Chile.  The 
grievance  of  Peru  is  not  only  that  the  Chileans  have  retained 
the  provinces  of  Tacna  and  Arica,  but  further  that  they  have 
been  exploiting  the  natural  resources  of  those  provinces  at  the 
expense  of  Peruvians.  The  provision  in  the  Treaty  of  Ancon 
that  at  the  end  of  ten  years  from  the  date  of  its  ratification  a 
plebiscite  of  the  inhabitants  of  Tacna  and  Arica  was  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  two  provinces  should  remain  definitely  under 
the  dominion  and  sovereignty  of  Chile  or  whether  they  should 
continue  a part  of  Peruvian  territory  has  not  been  carried  out. 
A special  protocol  formulating  the  exact  procedure  to  be  fol- 
lowed in  taking  the  referendum  had  not  been  adopted  by  both 
parties. 

Peru’s  Plea  in  1920. — Peru  has  long  considered  the  lost 
provinces  as  her  territory  under  the  usurped  authority  of  a 
foreign  power.  She  has  recently  altered  her  position.  After 
the  defeat  of  Germany  in  the  World  War,  the  Peruvian  gov- 
ernment declared  that  Chile  was  violating  a treaty  which  she 
had  imposed  by  force  and  that  international  cooperation  was 
necessary  to  establish  peace  and  justice  in  South  America.  An 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


537 


aggressive  secretary  of  foreign  relations  announced  in  his 
report  to  Congress  in  1920  that  his  government  desired  the 
reincorporation  with  Peru  of  the  two  irredeemed  provinces 
and  also  the  “revindication”  of  Tarapaca.  The  mode  by  which 
those  results  were  to  be  achieved  was  through  the  modification 
of  the  Treaty  of  Ancon — the  instrument  should  be  the  League 
of  Nations. 

The  Desire  of  Bolivia. — At  times  the  Question  of  the 
Pacific  has  become  a three-cornered  dispute.  For  it  has  in- 
volved the  designs  and  hopes  of  Bolivian  publicists.  After  the 
definitive  adjustments  of  the  War  of  the  Pacific  the  only  out- 
lets of  Bolivia  to  the  sea  were  either  by  tributaries  of  the 
Amazon,  which  flowed  from  her  eastern  borders  to  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  or  by  land  through  territory  which  was  held  by  neigh- 
boring nations.  Against  this  unenviable  situation  Bolivia’s 
protests  have  become  louder  and  louder.  Evidently  the  least 
concession  which  will  satisfy  her  is  free  access  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean  either  through  her  former  littoral  or  through  the  lost 
provinces  of  Peru.  In  her  desire  to  secure  a Pacific  port, 
Bolivia  has  at  certain  international  crises  engaged  in  negotia- 
tions with  Chile,  while  upon  other  occasions  she  has  sided  with 
her  former  ally  against  the  victor  in  the  war  of  1879-1884. 

Attitude  of  Chile’s  President  in  1921. — There  remains 
to  notice  the  position  taken  by  the  new  Chilean  president.  In 
President  Alessandri’s  message  to  Congress  on  June  1,  1921, 
he  asserted  that  his  country  had  never  opposed  the  execution 
of  the  Treaty  of  Ancon;  he  said  that  to-day,  as  formerly,  Chile 
was  disposed  to  honor  her  solemn  faith  as  pledged  in  that 
treaty;  and  he  announced  that  his  government  had  determined 
to  settle  the  Tacna-Arica  controversy  by  permitting  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  debatable  territory  to  decide  definitively  upon  their 
nationality.  He  said  that  Chile  would  thus  adjust  her  conduct 
to  those  principles  which  since  the  termination  of  the  Great 
War  had  brought  about  the  consolidation  of  European  political 
organizations  that  during  many  centuries  had  lived  in  uncer- 
tainty about  their  “true  national  physiognomy.”  In  December, 
1921,  however,  Alberto  Salomon,  Peru’s  secretary  of  state, 
declined  to  accept  Chile’s  proposal  that  a plebiscite  should  be 
held  to  decide  the  fate  of  Tacna  and  Arica.  Public  opinion  in 
Lima  apparently  considered  that  the  Treaty  of  Ancon  had 


533 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


lapsed.  The  reply  of  the  Chilean  government  was  that  direct 
negotiations  between  the  disputants  should  be  concerned  simply 
with  the  interpretation  of  Article  III  of  the  Treaty  of  Ancon — 
a proposal  to  which  Peru  would  not  agree.  Early  in  1922, 
however,  at  the  invitation  of  the  United  States  government, 
Chile  and  Peru  agreed  to  send  plenipotentiaries  to  Washington 
to  discuss  their  differences. 

Unsettled  Boundary  Controversies. — At  that  juncture 

a few  boundary  controversies  still  persisted.  There  were  some 
minor  disputes  about  boundaries  between  the  states  of  Central 
America.  In  the  controversy  between  Costa  Rica  and 
Panama  the  United  States  was  supporting  the  arbitral 
decision  of  Justice  White.  The  arbitral  decision  of  the 
Swiss  federal  council  in  the  boundary  dispute  between  Vene- 
zuela and  Colombia  was  still  pending.  In  regard  to  a long- 
standing boundary  dispute  with  Peru,  Colombia  recently  pro- 
posed that  it  should  be  settled  by  arbitration.  In  the  heart  of 
the  continent,  although  commissioners  of  Bolivia  and  Para- 
guay have  conferred  about  conflicting  claims  to  territory  on 
the  Paraguay  River,  yet  no  adjustment  had  been  reached. 
Probably  the  most  serious  of  the  outstanding  boundary  dis- 
putes— barring  the  triangular  dispute  of  Bolivia,  Chile,  and 
Peru — is  that  between  Peru  and  Ecuador.  The  victory  of 
Peru  in  her  contention  to  prove  title  to  territory  which  royal 
orders  of  the  early  nineteenth  century  aimed  to  transfer  from 
the  presidency  of  Quito  to  the  jurisdiction  of  ecclesiastical  and 
military  authorities  located  in  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru  would 
deprive  Ecuador  of  a triangular-shaped  area  between  the  rivers 
Coca  and  Napo — an  area  which  has  been  claimed  by  Ecuador 
since  1830,  and  which  has  long  been  considered  as  forming  an 
integral  part  of  Ecuadorian  territory.  The  loss  of  all  the 
territory  claimed  by  Peru  would  reduce  Ecuador  to  a strip  of 
land  including  only  the  mountainous  plateau  and  the  Pacific 
coastal  plain.  In  recent  years  Peruvian  publicists  have,  how- 
ever, suggested  that  their  nation  is  not  indisposed  to  an  adjust- 
ment through  concession  and  compromise. 

Early  Projects  of  Spanish- American  Federation. — 
Latin-American  leaders  have  frequently  cherished  thoughts  of 
forming  a union.  Even  before  the  wars  for  independence 
began,  Francisco  de  Miranda  had  formed  a project  for  a con- 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


539 


federation  which  was  to  include  all  the  Spanish  colonies  in 
America.  In  1811  a Chilean  revolutionary  leader  named  Juan 
Egana  drafted  a declaration  of  rights  of  the  Chilean  people 
which  proposed  the  convocation  of  an  international  congress 
of  the  independent  American  states  that  would  encourage  an 
American  federation.  The  most  suggestive  proposals  about  a 
union  of  the  revolted  colonies  of  Spanish  America  were  made 
by  that  prolific  thinker,  Simon  Bolivar.  In  a letter  addressed 
on  September  6,  1815,  to  a gentleman  of  Jamaica  who  had 
displayed  a keen  interest  in  the  Spanish-American  Revolution, 
the  Liberator  expressed  certain  views  which  have  been  styled 
prophetic.  Bolivar  ventured  the  prophecy  that  the  Spanish 
dominions  in  America  would  ultimately  break  into  several  in- 
dependent states.  He  believed  that  differences  of  conditions  in 
those  states  would  make  the  establishment  of  one  unified  repub- 
lic impossible  but  suggested  that  an  international  congress 
should  be  convoked  upon  the  Isthmus  of  Panama. 

Dreams  of  Latin- American  Union. — Other  Latin- Amer- 
ican thinkers  have  favored  the  idea  of  an  international  organ- 
ization. When  the  first  envoy  of  Brazil  to  the  United  States 
was  received  at  Washington,  he  suggested  to  President  Monroe 
the  wisdom  of  a union  of  all  the  independent  American  nations. 
Spanish  Americans  have  frequently  been  content  to  suggest 
plans  for  a federation  or  a confederation  that  would  not  neces- 
sarily include  Brazil  and  that  would  commonly  exclude  the 
United  States.  The  founding  of  “Great  Colombia,”  which 
was  followed  by  Bolivar’s  veiled  attempt  to  include  other  por- 
tions of  South  America  within  his  system,  was  probably  the 
closest  approach  to  the  realization  of  this  ideal.  Occasionally 
proposals  of  a Latin- American  Union  have  been  made  because 
of  apprehensions  concerning  the  attitude  of  the  United  States 
or  of  her  citizens  toward  Latin  America.  As  illustrations  of 
this  may  serve:  Walker’s  filibustering  expeditions  to  Nicara- 
gua; the  war  between  the  United  States  and  Spain;  and  the 
separation  of  Panama  from  Colombia.  Ordinarily,  however, 
such  proposals  have  been  evoked  by  fear  of  European  inter- 
vention in  America.  Because  of  French  intervention  in  Mexico 
certain  Chilean  leaders  organized  a society  which  was  styled 
the  “American  Union”:  its  objects  were  to  sustain  the  inde- 
pendence and  to  promote  the  union  of  American  states.  After 


540 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Germany,  Italy,  and  England  established  a blockade  of  the 
ports  of  Venezuela  in  1902,  a Venezuelan  publicist  proposed 
that  a conference  of  delegates  from  Spanish-American  nations 
should  be  assembled  in  Panama  to  formulate  the  basis  of  an 
association  of  those  nations  that  would  serve  as  a protection 
against  European  aggression. 

The  Panama  Congress. — The  most  notable  indication  of 
the  desire  of  Latin  Americans  to  form  an  association  of  nations 
has  been  found  in  their  international  congresses.  Here  again 
we  must  turn  back  to  Bolivar,  who  on  December  7,  1824,  sent 
from  Lima  an  invitation  to  Brazil,  the  United  Provinces  of 
la  Plata,  Chile,  Colombia,  Central  America,  and  Mexico  to 
send  delegates  to  a Congress  on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  The 
Liberator  proposed  that  this  Congress  should  serve  the 
Spanish-American  nations  as  a council  in  great  danger,  as  an 
interpreter  of  treaties,  and  as  an  umpire  and  conciliator  in  case 
of  controversies.  The  meetings  of  the  Panama  Congress,  which 
were  attended  only  by  delegates  from  four  Spanish-American 
nations,  occurred  in  June  and  July,  1826.  Those  delegates 
framed  some  conventions  about  the  projected  Spanish-Ameri- 
can confederation  but  the  states  which  were  represented  at 
Panama  did  not  ratify  them.  Still,  this  congress  was  signifi- 
cant because  it  was  the  first  of  a series  of  international  Ameri- 
can conferences  that  served  to  formulate  the  ideas  of  Spanish- 
American  publicists  about  inter-American  relations. 

Other  International  Congresses. — On  December  11, 
1847,  a Congress  of  delegates  from  Bolivia,  Chile,  Ecuador, 
New  Granada,  and  Peru  met  at  Lima.  That  Congress  also 
adopted  a number  of  treaties  concerning  the  relations  of  Amer- 
ican states.  Among  those  was  a treaty  of  confederation  which 
provided  that  the  contracting  states  would  mutually  sustain  by 
force  their  independence,  integrity,  and  sovereignty.  Only  one 
of  the  treaties,  however,  was  ever  ratified  by  any  of  the  con- 
tracting republics.  On  January  23,  1865,  a Congress  of  dele- 
gates from  Bolivia,  Chile,  Colombia,  Ecuador,  Peru,  Salvador, 
and  Venezuela,  who  had  gathered  at  Lima,  signed  a treaty  of 
“union  and  alliance'’  by  which  they  mutually  guaranteed  their 
independence,  sovereignty,  and  territorial  integrity  against 
aggression.  At  the  so-called  “Bolivian  Congress” — composed 
of  representatives  of  nations  that  had  been  liberated  largely 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


54i 


through  the  efforts  of  Bolivar — which  met  at  Caracas  in  1911, 
delegates  of  Peru,  Ecuador,  Colombia,  Bolivia,  and  Venezuela 
discussed  various  matters  of  common  interest.  Among  other 
measures  they  adopted  a resolution  pledging  their  respective 
states  mutually  to  concede  in  return  for  reciprocal  concessions 
any  commercial  advantage  that  they  might  grant  separately  to 
any  one  of  the  five  nations.  The  delegates  also  agreed  that 
their  respective  nations  would  promote  the  adoption  of  uniform 
customs  regulations.  Although  the  treaties  which  proposed  a 
union,  alliance,  or  confederation  of  Spanish-American  nations 
had  no  practical  results,  yet  they  kept  alive  the  ideal  of  Bolivar 
and  encouraged  Latin-American  peoples  to  think  in  continental 
terms. 

Scientific  Congresses. — At  a later  period  this  spirit  was 
expressed  not  only  in  Pan-Americanism — as  will  be  shown  in 
the  following  chapter — but  also  in  various  congresses  which 
were  held  by  Latin  Americans.  In  the  domain  of  science  the 
Argentine  government  led  the  way  by  the  invitation  which  it 
issued  to  scientists  from  Latin-American  countries  to  assemble 
in  Buenos  Aires  in  order  to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the 
founding  of  the  Argentine  Scientific  Society.  In  response  to 
that  invitation,  in  April,  1898,  scholars  from  various  Latin- 
American  countries  assembled  in  the  First  Latin-American 
Scientific  Congress  at  Buenos  Aires  to  discuss  scientific  and 
economic  questions.  A second  Congress  of  this  type  gathered 
in  Montevideo  in  March,  1901 ; and  a third  Congress  met  at 
Rio  de  Janeiro  in  August,  1905.  Not  only  was  the  discussion 
of  topics  in  mathematics,  physical  science,  and  the  social 
sciences  profitable  to  Latin  Americans  but  the  movement  for 
such  congresses  redounded  to  the  advantage  of  all  America. 
At  the  meeting  in  Rio  de  Janeiro  the  momentous  decision  was 
reached  to  transform  the  Latin-American  scientific  congresses 
into  Pan-American  gatherings. 

Relations  of  Argentina,  Chile,  and  Brazil. — In  truth  the 
closest  approximation  toward  the  illusory  ideal  of  a Latin- 
American  union  or  confederation  has  been  the  rapprochement 
of  Argentina,  Brazil,  and  Chile.  The  association  of  those  three 
powers,  indubitably  the  strongest  economically  and  politically 
in  South  America,  was  no  chance  grouping.  With  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  dispute  about  their  Andean  boundary,  Chile  and 


542 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Argentina  felt  the  strengthening  of  bonds  that  had  existed 
since  1817.  At  the  other  extremity  of  Latin  America  from 
that  over  which  the  United  States  has  been  extending  her 
hegemony,  the  publicists  of  Argentina,  in  particular,  have 
believed  that  the  nations  of  southern  South  America  ought 
to  form  an  association  which  might  serve  to  counterbal- 
ance the  influence  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Republic.  Into  this 
group  Argentina  and  Chile  were  naturally  inclined  to 
admit  Brazil  because  she  possessed  the  most  extensive 
territory  of  any  Latin-American  nation.  In  September, 
1910,  the  Argentine  secretary  of  foreign  relations  referred 
to  the  fraternity  existing  between  Chile,  Argentina,  and 
Brazil,  and  declared  that  they  as  the  three  strongest  states 
of  South  America  should  direct  the. other  nations  of  that 
continent  upon  the  path  of  progress.  Other  countries,  he 
declared,  would  see  in  the  friendship  between  those  powers 
a strong  guaranty  for  peace. 

The  ABC  Treaty  . — An  inspiration  to  the  formation  of 
a tripartite  treaty  was  apparently  the  negotiation  by  Secre- 
tary of  State  Bryan  of  a series  of  peace  treaties  with  the 
nations  of  America.  At  Buenos  Aires,  on  May  25,  1915, 
the  secretaries  of  foreign  relations  of  Argentina,  Brazil, 
and  Chile  signed  a treaty  which  gave  a definite  basis  to  the 
tripartite  understanding.  The  ABC  treaty  stipulated  that 
whatever  controversies  might  in  the  future  originate 
among  the  contracting  parties,  or  between  two  of  them, 
which  could  neither  be  settled  by  diplomatic  means  nor 
adjusted  by  arbitration  in  accordance  with  other  treaties, 
should  be  submitted  to  investigation  by  a permanent  com- 
mission. That  commission  should  be  composed  of  one  per- 
son representing  each  of  the  contracting  parties.  The  dis- 
putants were  to  furnish  the  data  necessary  for  the  investi- 
gation. The  contracting  parties  bound  themselves  not 
to  commit  any  hostile  acts  until  the  commission  had  made  its 
report  or  until  one  year  had  elapsed.  The  dominant  idea  was 
that  the  lapse  of  time  would  render  an  armed  conflict  between 
disputants  unlikely.  To  judge  by  a speech  of  the  Brazilian 
minister  of  foreign  relations,  he  was  inspired  by  the  thought 
that  friendly  intervention  might  prevent  conflicts  between  the 
republics  of  America.  In  a message  of  President  de  la  Plaza 


PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS 


543 


to  Congress  he  declared  that  the  treaty  was  the  culmination  of 
large  diplomatic  labors  which  tended  to  cement  firmly  the 
friendship  of  the  three  nations  whose  combined  strength  was 
a guaranty  of  the  tranquillity  and  progress  of  a large  portion 
of  America.  The  tripartite  treaty  was  thus  evidently  intended 
to  prevent  wars  among  Latin-American  states  and  to  shield 
them  against  foreign  attacks.  This  treaty,  however,  remained 
an  aspiration ; for  it  was  not  ratified  by  all  of  the  contracting 
parties. 

Foreign  Perils. — Foreign  perils  have  been  to  Latin 
America  a great  bugaboo.  During  the  wars  for  independence 
many  Spanish-American  publicists  feared — without  reason,  as  it 
now  appears — that  the  association  of  European  powers  known 
as  the  Holy  Alliance  might  intervene  to  repress  the  revolu- 
tionary movements  and  to  restore  the  dominion  of  Spain  over 
her  revolted  colonies  in  America.  Fears  of  the  intervention  of 
other  European  powers  which  would  destroy  the  autonomy  of 
Spanish-American  nations  were  entertained  in  Argentina  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Dictator  Rosas,  in  Peru  at  the  time  of  the 
dispute  with  Spain  that  was  precipitated  by  the  Talambo  affair, 
and  in  Mexico  and  Venezuela  when  European  nations  threat- 
ened permanently  to  occupy  their  territory.  More  recently, 
fear  of  European  aggression  was  apprehended  in  certain  sec- 
tions of  Latin  America  because  of  the  colonizing  and  com- 
mercial enterprise  of  Germany.  That  part  of  southern  Brazil 
which  was  settled  by  Germans  was  considered  by  some  patriotic 
Brazilians  as  a menace  to  the  independence  and  autonomy  of 
their  nation.  In  a speech  which  he  made  before  the  College  of 
Law  and  Social  Sciences  of  the  University  of  Buenos  Aires  in 
August,  1916,  Ruy  Barbosa  eloquently  voiced  the  conviction 
that  if  Germany  should  be  victorious  in  the  World  War,  she 
would  defy  the  United  States  and  boldly  seize  a portion  of 
South  America.  A brilliant  Peruvian  writer  has  voiced  the 
opinion  that,  because  of  the  aggressiveness  of  the  Japanese, 
the  Empire  of  the  Rising  Sun  was  a menace  to  the  autonomy 
of  Latin-American  nations.  In  the  minds  of  some  citizens  of 
Latin  America,  however,  the  greatest  foreign  peril  which  their 
nations  face  is  presented  by  the  United  States — the  Colossus 
of  the  North. 


CHAPTER  XX 


RELATIONS  OF  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS  WITH 
OTHER  STATES 

Purpose  of  this  Chapter. — There  remains  to  consider 
relations  that  have  been  formed  between  the  family  of  Latin- 
American  nations  and  other  states.  Although  the  United 
States  has  in  some  respects  lagged  behind  certain  European 
countries  in  the  cultivation  of  intercourse  with  Latin  America, 
yet  during  recent  decades  her  people  have  displayed  an  increas- 
ing interest  in  the  history,  the  politics,  and  the  destinies  of  those 
nations  that  occupy  the  southern  portion  of  the  New  World. 
After  a consideration  of  the  interest  displayed  by  certain 
European  nations  in  Latin  America,  the  major  portion  of  this 
chapter  will  accordingly  be  devoted  to  a discussion  of  various 
phases  of  inter-American  relationships.  By  these  are  meant 
the  Doctrine  of  Monroe,  the  growing  commercial  and  indus- 
trial relations  between  the  United  States  and  Latin-American 
nations,  and  the  educational  influence  as  well  as  the  scientific 
investigations  of  United  States  citizens  in  Latin-American 
countries.  A description  of  the  inception  and  development  of 
the  Pan-American  sentiment  may  not  be  omitted,  nor  a con- 
sideration of  the  influence  exerted  by  the  World  War  upon 
American  comity.  Lastly,  we  shall  make  an  inquiry  concern- 
ing the  possible  effects  of  the  formation  of  the  League  of 
Nations  upon  the  relations  of  American  states. 

Relations  of  Portugal  with  Brazil. — On  the  whole  it  may 
safely  be  said  that  Portugal  has  kept  in  closer  touch  with  Brazil 
than  Spain  has  with  Spanish  America.  A current  of  emigra- 
tion from  Portugal  to  Brazil  has  flowed  more  or  less  constantly 
from  1808  to  the  present  day.  Many  merchants  in  important 
Brazilian  towns  and  cities  are  either  Portuguese  or  of  Por- 
tuguese descent.  The  commercial  relations  maintained  be- 
tween Brazil  and  Portugal  are  not  inconsiderable.  In  1905 
Brazil  imported  from  Portugal  goods  amounting  to  some 

544 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


545 


34,000,000  milreis;  in  1913  Portuguese  imports  into  Brazil 
amounted  to  some  44,000,000  milreis. 

Of  Spain  with  Spanish  America.— The  protracted  strug- 
gles for  independence  and  the  long  delay  of  the  mother- 
land in  recognizing  the  independent  status  of  her  former 
colonies  hindered  the  development  of  commercial  relations 
between  Spain  and  the  nations  of  Spanish  America.  Although 
Spanish  emigrants  have  proceeded  in  considerable  numbers  to 
Spanish-American  countries,  as  to  Argentina,  Chile,  and 
Uruguay,  yet  Spanish  civilization  is  not  so  pervasive  or  so 
dominant  as  one  might  suppose.  Prominent  merchants  in  cities 
of  Spanish  America  are  often  Spaniards,  frequently  Basques 
or  Catalonians,  and  leaders  of  the  intellectual  coteries  boast 
of  their  Spanish  ancestors,  but  the  presence  of  a large  aborig- 
inal element  and  the  currents  of  immigration  from  other 
countries  than  Spain  tend  to  lessen  Castilian  influence.  In 
recent  decades,  however,  Spanish  publicists  and  scholars  have 
made  attempts,  and  with  some  degree  of  success,  to  cultivate 
the  sympathy  and  goodwill  of  Spanish-American  nations. 
Those  attempts  have  aimed  to  cultivate  in  Spain  an  intellectual 
interest  in  Spanish  America  and  to  promote  the  development 
of  commercial  relations  between  Spain  and  the  American 
nations  that  speak  the  language  of  Cervantes. 

France  and  Latin  America. — Other  Romance  nations 
than  Spain  and  Portugal  have  exercised  an  influence  upon  the 
Latin  nations  of  the  New  World.  A stream  of  Italian  im- 
migration that  has  gone  chiefly  to  eastern  and  southern  South 
America  has  in  recent  decades  had  an  appreciable  influence 
upon  Latin-American  society.  It  is  probably  safe  to  assert, 
however,  that  the  foreigners  who  are  in  general  most  admired 
in  the  intellectual  circles  of  Latin  America  are  the  French. 
This  is  not  because  the  French  have  of  late  displayed  any 
intense  desire  to  emigrate  to  Latin-American  countries.  It  is 
not  because  they  have  invested  millions  of  francs  in  the  indus- 
tries of  Brazil,  Uruguay,  and  Argentina.  Nor  is  it  because 
certain  French  manufactures,  as  automobiles,  are  by  some 
Latin  Americans  most  highly  esteemed.  It  is  rather  because 
of  the  homage  which  thinkers  and  students  of  certain  Latin- 
American  nations  render  the  French  genius  and  because  a feel- 
ing is  commonly  entertained  that  France  and  her  people  have 


546 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


more  intellectual  sympathy  for  Latin  America  and  for  Latin 
Americans  than  almost  any  other  people.  In  some  quarters 
indeed  there  is  a sentiment  that  France  is  more  en  rapport  with 
Latin  America  than  even  Spain  or  Portugal.  Certain  Spanish 
Americans  simply  worship  the  French  intellect.  In  recent 
decades  this  tendency  has  been  stimulated  by  the  formation  in 
France  of  organizations  for  the  encouragement  of  close  rela- 
tions with  Latin  America.  Gallic  interest  in  the  Latin  nations 
of  the  New  World  has  been  stimulated  by  the  presence  in  Paris 
of  distinguished  and  erudite  Latin-American  diplomats.  In 
1910  a chair  for  the  study  of  Brazilian  history  and  culture  was 
founded  at  the  University  of  Paris. 

French  Scientific  Expeditions  to  South  America. — An- 
other proof  of  the  deep  interest  of  France  in  Latin  America  is 
found  in  the  scientific  expeditions  which  Frenchmen  have  made 
to  South  America.  Those  notable  expeditions  were  initiated  by 
the  trip  of  Jean  B.  Boussingault,  a chemist  and  meteorologist, 
who  from  1825  to  1831  explored  portions  of  Bolivia  and 
northern  Peru.  Important  contributions  to  geographical 
knowledge  were  made  by  a naturalist  named  Alcide  d’Orbigny 
who,  after  visiting  the  basin  of  la  Plata  River,  from  1830  to 
1833,  studied  the  geography  of  the  central  Pacific  coast  of 
South  America  and  also  of  Bolivia.  In  1845,  by  order  of  the 
government  of  France,  Count  Castelnau  led  a scientific  expe- 
dition into  the  central  portion  of  South  America,  explored 
certain  plateaus  and  cordilleras  of  Bolivia  and  Peru,  and  then 
boldly  descended  the  Amazon  River  to  the  ocean.  In  1876  and 
the  following  years  a lieutenant  of  the  French  navy  named 
Jules  Crevaux  made  geological  researches  near  the  Oyapoc 
River  on  the  northeastern  boundary  of  Brazil,  surmounted  the 
Tumuc  Humac  Mountains,  and  reached  the  Amazon.  After 
1879  he  devoted  his  energies  to  the  exploration  of  two  northern 
tributaries  of  the  Amazon,  the  lea  and  the  Yapura.  Next  he 
ascended  the  Magdalena  River,  climbed  the  Colombian  cor- 
dilleras, and  proceeded  down  the  Guaviare  River  into  the 
Orinoco. 

Commercial  Interest  of  England  in  Latin  America. — 

The  interest  of  England  in  Latin  America  dates  from  the 
beginnings  of  her  commercial  relations  with  Panama,  the 
Spanish  Main,  and  the  estuary  of  la  Plata  River.  After 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


547 


designs  entertained  by  some  of  her  officials  for  colonial  expan- 
sion in  the  last-mentioned  region  had  been  rendered  futile 
largely  by  governmental  ineptitude,  a number  of  daring 
Englishmen  enlisted  under  the  patriot  standards  in  Spanish 
America.  Those  who  served  under  Bolivar  in  northern  South 
America  won  an  enviable  reputation  for  the  “British  Legion.” 
It  was  during  this  epoch  that  London  bankers  began  to  advance 
money  to  the  governments  of  the  new  states.  After  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Latin-American  nations  was  recognized,  the 
English  undertook  to  induce  certain  Latin-American  countries 
to  buy  goods  manufactured  at  Manchester,  or  Sheffield,  or 
Birmingham.  As  the  years  passed  adaptable  commercial 
agents  from  London  began  to  skirt  the  coasts  and  to  sail  up 
the  great  rivers  of  South  America.  English  banks  were  even- 
tually planted  in  certain  South  American  capitals.  By  the 
opening  of  the  present  century  millions  of  pounds  sterling  had 
been  invested  by  Englishmen  in  South  America  and  Mexico. 
Although  in  recent  decades  some  Englishmen  have  settled  upon 
sheep  ranches  in  Patagonia,  yet  nowhere  did  men  of  English 
birth  plant  “colonies”  like  those  of  Germany  in  southern 
Brazil.  In  certain  countries  of  South  America,  especially  in 
Chile,  Englishmen  married  into  prominent  families:  there 

family  names  still  attest  the  mingling  of  English  and  Spanish- 
American  blood.  English  bankers,  merchants,  and  commercial 
practices  became  dominant  factors  in  many  sections  of  Latin 
America.  Until  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  War,  international 
exchange  in  South  America  was  ordinarily  reckoned  in  English 
pounds. 

English  Missionary  Enterprises. — After  the  struggles 
for  the  independence  of  Spanish  America  had  terminated  the 
English  people  began  to  develop  an  interest  in  the  conversion 
of  the  aborigines  of  South  America.  The  earliest  deliberate 
attempt  of  Anglican  missionaries  to  spread  Protestant  beliefs 
in  South  America  was  made  among  the  rude  Indians  of  Pata- 
gonia. About  1844  the  Patagonian  Missionary  Society  was 
founded  in  England,  an  organization  that  was  later  known  as 
the  South  American  Missionary  Society.  In  time  the  interest 
of  English  Protestants  in  the  evangelization  of  South  America 
widened  and  Anglican  missionaries  were  sent  to  convert  the 
Araucanian  Indians  and  the  barbarous  aborigines  of  the  Chaco. 


548 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Anglican  chapels  were  built  in  many  towns  and  cities  through- 
out Chile,  Argentina,  Uruguay,  and  Brazil.  More  recently  the 
labors  of  English  missionaries  in  South  America  have  been 
reenforced  and  supplemented  by  the  activities  of  certain  mis- 
sionary societies  of  Canada.  The  Canadian  Baptist  Mission 
Board  has  developed  a special  interest  in  Bolivia. 

English  Scientific  Interest. — In  a sense  English  scien- 
tific interest  in  Latin  America  may  be  said  to  have  originated 
with  Lord  Kingsborough.  His  curious  notion  that  the  Aztecs 
were  descendants  of  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel  impelled  him  to 
make  a collection  of  material  upon  that  theme  in  his  “An- 
tiquities of  Mexico,”  which  has  served  as  a mine  of  informa- 
tion for  all  succeeding  students  of  pre-Columbian  Mexico. 
Among  a formidable  list  of  naturalists  who  have  explored  the 
wildernesses  of  South  America  the  name  of  Charles  Darwin 
is  preeminent.  He  left  England  in  the  ship  “Beagle”  on 
December  27,  1831,  and  visited  the  southern  and  western  por- 
tions of  South  America.  His  studies  of  man  and  nature  in 
such  widely  separated  regions  as  Tierra  del  Fuego  and  the 
Galapagos  Islands  unquestionably  had  an  influence  upon  the 
formulation  of  his  scientific  theories.  Another  noteworthy  trip 
was  that  made  by  Henry  Bates  and  A.  R.  Wallace  who  in 
April,  1848,  left  England  upon  a joint  expedition  to  investigate 
the  natural  history  of  the  Amazon  basin.  After  spending  some 
four  years  traversing  in  a canoe  the  tributaries  of  the  Amazon 
River,  Wallace  unfortunately  lost  his  collection  of  specimens 
of  South  American  fauna  by  the  shipwreck  of  the  vessel  in 
which  he  was  returning  home.  His  companion,  Bates,  lived 
in  the  Amazonian  wilderness  seven  years  longer  and  then 
brought  safely  to  England  a magnificent  collection  of  specimens 
of  South  American  fishes,  birds,  insects,  and  butterflies.  Dar- 
win estimated  that  this  collection  contained  representatives  of 
some  eight  thousand  species  “that  were  previously  unknown 
to  science.”  An  English  botanist  named  Richard  Spruce  spent 
fifteen  years  wandering  over  the  mountains  and  through  the 
forests  of  northern  South  America,  leaving  his  manuscript 
notes  to  be  edited  by  the  intelligent  and  sympathetic  hands  of 
Wallace.  Among  Englishmen  who  have  scaled  mountain 
peaks  and  made  travels  in  South  America  the  most  dis- 
tinguished is  Viscount  Bryce,  whose  illuminating  and  inter- 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


549 


pretative  “Observations  and  Impressions”  have  served  to 
spread  a knowledge  of  Latin  America  among  English-speaking 
peoples. 

Germany  and  Latin-American  Nations. — Germany’s 
interest  in  Latin-American  countries  may  be  traced  back  to  the 
age  of  Emperor  Charles  V,  when  Germans  settled  in  present 
Venezuela.  In  the  nineteenth  century  streams  of  immigrants 
proceeded  from  Germany  to  Brazil  and  Chile.  Some  Germans 
were,  in  course  of  time,  scattered  through  other  Latin- 
American  countries,  but  nowhere  else  did  they  plant  such  settle- 
ments as  in  Chile  and  Brazil.  There  they  preserved  the 
German  language  and  German  culture;  the  ties  connecting 
settlers  with  the  Vaterland  were  so  sedulously  preserved  that 
the  towns  were  called  “German  colonies.”  Such  settlements 
might  in  any  strict  sense  of  the  term  only  be  termed  colonies 
in  so  far  as  certain  Germans  presumably  took  advantage  of  a 
law  which  provided  that  they  could  retain  their  German  citizen- 
ship even  though  they  swore  allegiance  to  the  land  of  their 
adoption.  As  the  years  passed,  however,  those  Germans 
tended  to  become  assimilated  in  the  mass  of  the  population. 
The  most  striking  exception  to  this  was  southern  Brazil.  There 
the  persistence  of  German  customs  and  a sympathy  with  Ger- 
man ideals  caused  grave  apprehension  to  the  Brazilian  govern- 
ment after  the  outbreak  of  the  World  War.  In  other  sections 
of  South  America  than  Brazil  and  Chile,  the  Germans  have 
been  mainly  interested  in  the  promotion  of  trade  between  the 
new  nations  and  Germany.  They  established  German  banks, 
acted  as  commercial  agents,  and  furnished  Latin-American 
merchants  with  long  terms  of  credit.  During  the  Great  War 
in  several  Latin-American  nations  Germans  published  news- 
papers that  were  used  as  vehicles  of  propaganda  for  the  Central 
Empires.  Whatever  dreams  of  a Teutonic  Empire  under  the 
Southern  Cross  may  have  been  cherished  by  Germans  were 
shattered  by  the  Allies  upon  the  battlefields  of  France. 

German  Scientists  in  Latin  America. — The  beginnings 
of  the  scientific  interest  of  Germans  in  Latin  America  date 
from  the  famous  trip  of  Alexander  von  Humboldt  who 
visited  Cuba,  Mexico,  and  northern  South  America  near  the 
end  of  the  colonial  regime.  Prince  Adelbert  of  Prussia  in 
1840  explored  the  Xingu  River  in  Brazil  for  some  distance 


550 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


from  its  mouth.  More  than  forty  years  elapsed  before  Karl 
von  den  Steinen  with  other  Germans  descended  the  Xingu 
from  its  headwaters  and  disembarked  at  Para.  In  1850  Her- 
mann Burmeister  left  his  professorship  of  zoology  at  the 
University  of  Halle  and  traveled  for  two  years  mainly  in 
Brazil.  Some  years  afterwards  he  crossed  the  Argentine 
pampas,  scaled  the  cordilleras,  and  later  returned  from  Chile 
to  Argentina  where  he  became  professor  of  natural  history 
at  the  University  of  Cordoba.  Other  German  scholars  soon 
emulated  his  example.  During  the  last  decade  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  Hans  Steffen  and  other  Germans  made  a series 
of  remarkable  exploring  trips  in  the  lake  region  of  the 
southern  Argentine-Chilean  cordillera.  Wilhelm  Weis  and 
Alphons  Stiibel  prosecuted  geological  investigations  in  the 
Colombian  cordilleras.  From  Colombia  they  crossed  the 
frontier  into  Ecuador  where  they  made  similar  studies.  In 
1 875  they  carried  on  important  researches  in  the  aboriginal 
acropolis  of  Ancon  and  explored  northern  Peru.  Stiibel  also 
visited  western  Bolivia  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mt.  Illimani. 
In  1892  Theodor  Wolf  published  a most  instructive  volume 
about  Ecuadorian  geology  which  was  based  upon  his  own 
patient  research.  An  outstanding  figure  among  German  ex- 
plorers of  Central  America  was  Karl  Sappers  who  traversed 
that  region  from  Guatemala  to  Costa  Rica. 

Occasion  for  the  Monroe  Doctrine. — Of  special  signifi- 
cance in  the  relations  of  the  Latin-American  states  with  other 
nations  has  been  the  doctrine  which  was  formulated  by  James 
Monroe.  That  doctrine  was  promulgated  at  a juncture  when 
the  United  States  was  apprehensive  of  the  encroachments  of 
Russia  upon  the  western  coast  of  North  America,  and  when 
— in  common  with  rising  states  of  Latin  America — she  viewed 
the  association  of  European  powers  known  as  the  Holy  Al- 
liance as  a menace  against  the  independence  and  integrity  of 
American  nations.  Austria,  Prussia,  Russia,  and  France  had, 
in  accordance  with  a secret  treaty  signed  at  Verona,  just  sub- 
verted the  constitutional  government  of  Spain  and  restored 
Ferdinand  VII  to  absolute  power.  American  publicists  feared 
that  the  Holy  Alliance,  which  had  authorized  French  soldiers 
to  intervene  in  Spain,  might  send  an  expedition  to  subjugate 
the  rising  nations  of  Spanish  America. 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


55i 


Its  Principles. — In  his  message  of  December  2,  1823, 
after  referring  to  the  threat  of  Russian  encroachments,  the 
President  declared  that  America  should  no  longer  be  open  to 
colonization  by  European  powers.  After  mentioning  the 
menace  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  Monroe  announced  that  his 
government  could  only  view  the  intervention  of  a European 
power  in  America  as  the  proof  of  an  unfriendly  disposition 
toward  the  United  States.  Incidentally  he  said  that  it  was 
the  policy  of  his  government  not  to  meddle  in  European 
politics. 

Reception  by  Latin  Americans. — The  declarations 
aimed  against  European  colonization  or  interposition  in 
America  were  hailed  by  South  American  publicists  with  de- 
light. One  or  the  other  of  the  two  essential  principles  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  was  acceptable  to  such  statesmen  as  Bolivar, 
Santander,  and  Rivadavia.  Some  journalists  of  South 
America  warmly  praised  the  policy  of  the  United  States  that 
had  made  herself  the  sponsor  of  new  nations.  Although  the 
President  apparently  did  not  have  Brazil  in  mind  when  he 
composed  his  famous  message,  yet  Carvalho  e Mello,  the 
Brazilian  minister  of  foreign  relations,  was  the  first  Latin- 
American  statesman  to  give  his  official  sanction  to  the  Monroe 
Doctrine. 

Appreciations  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. — A favorable 
attitude  was  also  taken  by  Latin-American  publicists  upon 
later  occasions  when  the  aegis  of  the  United  States  was  felt 
to  be  necessary  against  the  menace  of  European  interference 
or  when  such  menace  had  actually  been  translated  into  action. 
The  protests  of  Secretary  Seward  against  the  establishment  of 
an  exotic  monarchy  in  Mexico,  which  influenced  the  French 
government  to  withdraw  its  soldiers,  induced  President  Diaz 
to  declare  that  he  was  a partisan  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 
When  a crisis  was  reached  in  the  boundary  controversy  be- 
tween England  and  Venezuela  about  Guiana,  Venezuelan 
statesmen  and  journalists  appealed  to  the  United  States  in 
the  name  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  to  prevent  England  from 
extending  her  dominions  in  South  America  at  Venezuela’s 
expense.  The  aggressive  policy  which  was  then  adopted  by 
President  Cleveland  evoked  favorable  appreciations  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  in  Colombia,  Brazil,  Ecuador,  Central 


552 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


America,  and  Mexico.  When  Germany,  Italy,  and  England 
in  1902  tried  forcibly  to  coerce  Venezuela  to  pay  certain  ex- 
orbitant claims  and  threatened  to  establish  a warlike  blockade 
of  her  coasts,  certain  Venezuelan  publicists  viewed  that  policy 
as  an  attempt  of  the  Kaiser  to  test  the  efficacy  of  the  Doctrine 
of  Monroe.  After  the  acrimonious  dispute  was  adjusted, 
President  Castro  expressed  his  warm  appreciation  of  the  suc- 
cess of  the  United  States  in  compelling  the  creditor  nations 
to  agree  to  a peaceful  mode  of  adjusting  the  financial  dispute. 
The  Argentine  publicist  Roque  Saenz  Pena,  however,  declared 
that  the  Monroe  Doctrine  had  become  an  india-rubber  doc- 
trine. 

The  Calvo  and  the  Drago  Doctrines. — Attempts  of  Eu- 
ropean powers  to  collect  by  force  debts  from  Venezuela,  and 
also  Roosevelt’s  statements  that  the  coercion  of  a Latin- 
American  state  was  not  contrary  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine  pro- 
vided that  such  punishment  did  not  result  in  the  acquisition 
of  territory  by  a non-American  power,  evoked  a significant 
response  from  Argentina’s  secretary  of  foreign  affairs,  Luis 
M.  Drago.  As  the  view  which  he  then  expressed  was  largely 
a re-statement  of  the  Calvo  Doctrine,  that  doctrine  should  first 
be  described.  Many  years  earlier  Carlos  Calvo,  a noted 
Argentine  publicist,  had  in  his  work  on  international  law  de- 
clared that  the  recovery  of  debts  and  the  collection  of  private 
claims  did  not  justify  armed  intervention  by  governments. 
He  also  denied  the  responsibility  of  states  for  injuries  that 
had  been  suffered  by  aliens  during  internal  dissensions  or 
revolts.  Calvo  accordingly  protested  against  the  use  of  force 
by  European  nations  to  collect  private  claims  or  debts  in 
Latin  America.  On  December  29,  1902,  in  a note  to  Martin 
Garcia  Merou,  the  Argentine  minister  in  Washington,  Sec- 
retary Drago  enunciated  his  doctrine.  In  forcible  words  he 
argued  that  proceedings  for  the  collection  of  debts  could  not 
rightly  be  undertaken  against  a sovereign  state.  He  insisted 
that  the  public  debt  of  a Latin-American  state  could  justify 
neither  “armed  intervention”  nor  even  the  actual  occupation 
of  the  territory  of  American  nations  by  a European  power.” 
Drago’s  note  was  thus  a protest  of  the  Argentine  government 
against  forcible  intervention  by  European  powers  to  collect 
debts  that  had  been  incurred  by  a Latin-American  nation. 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


553 


Influence  of  the  Drago  Doctrine. — That  note  was  not 
without  some  influence  upon  the  theory  and  practice  of  the 
United  States  with  regard  to  the  collection  of  debts  by  Eu- 
ropean nations  in  America.  On  December  5,  1905,  in  a mes- 
sage to  Congress,  President  Roosevelt  took  the  view  that  at- 
tempts of  foreign  nations  forcibly  to  collect  debts  from  Latin- 
American  republics  might  embarrass  the  United  States;  for 
such  attempts  might  result  in  the  permanent  acquisition  of 
territory  in  America  by  foreign  nations.  In  his  message  to 
Congress  a year  earlier,  Roosevelt  had  declared  that  “chronic 
wrong-doing”  or  a “loosening  of  the  ties  of  civilized  society” 
might  force  the  United  States  to  exercise  “an  international 
police  power”  in  the  New  World.  This  interpretation  of  the 
historic  role  of  the  United  States  became  known  as  the 
“Roosevelt  Corollary  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.” 

American  Nations  at  The  Hague. — It  is  noteworthy 
that  the  United  States  and  certain  nations  of  Latin  America 
exerted  a significant  influence  upon  the  proceedings  of  the 
Second  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague.  In  1907  delegates 
appeared  at  The  Hague  from  all  the  important  nations  of 
America.  General  Porter  of  the  United  States  presented  to 
the  Second  Peace  Conference  a proposal  that  when  contrac- 
tual debts  were  owing  from  a certain  nation  to  citizens  of 
another  state,  the  nations  represented  at  The  Hague  Confer- 
ence would  agree  not  to  use  “armed  force  for  the  collection 
of  such  contractual  debts.”  This  stipulation  should  not  be 
operative,  however,  when  the  debtor  nation  refused  to  arbi- 
trate, or  neglected  to  fulfill  an  arbitral  decision,  or  rendered 
a compromise  impossible.  The  principle  of  a prohibition  upon 
the  use  of  armed  force  which  was  embodied  in  the  Porter 
proposition  was  approved  by  a large  number  of  delegates. 
Eventually  the  conference  approved  the  Porter  proposition. 
By  the  action  of  the  United  States  and  some  Spanish-Amer- 
ican  nations  the  Second  Hague  Conference  thus  formally 
disapproved  of  the  use  of  armed  force  to  collect  certain  con- 
tractual debts. 

Applications  of  the  Roosevelt  Corollary. — The  applica- 
tion of  the  Roosevelt  Corollary  to  controversies  arising  be- 
tween Latin-American  states  and  creditor  European  nations 
because  of  debts  has  led  to  significant  results.  As  indicated 


554 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


in  a preceding  chapter,  that  corollary  was  first  applied  to  the 
bankrupt  Dominican  Republic,  and  then,  in  a modified  form, 
to  Nicaragua.  Although  the  administrative  and  fiscal  results 
of  such  intervention  by  the  United  States  in  the  affairs  of 
her  Latin-American  neighbors  have  been,  in  the  main,  good, 
yet  a policy  which  in  the  West  Indies  has  culminated  in  naval 
and  military  occupation  of  disturbed  republics  has  provoked 
much  criticism  of  the  United  States. 

Latin-American  Criticism:  “The  American  Illusion.” — 
It  will  be  appropriate,  therefore,  to  devote  some  attention  to 
animadversions  upon  the  Monroe  Doctrine  by  Latin  Ameri- 
cans. A classic  criticism  of  the  Doctrine — though  little 
known  in  the  United  States — was  an  attack  upon  her  policy 
which  was  made  in  1893  by  an  erudite  resident  of  Sao  Paulo 
named  Eduardo  Prado.  In  a work  entitled  A Illusao  Ameri- 
cana that  author  published  so  bitter  an  attack  upon  the  policy 
of  the  United  States  toward  her  Latin-American  neighbors 
that  his  book  was  suppressed  by  the  Brazilian  government.  A 
second  edition  of  “The  American  Illusion”  was  printed  at 
Paris  in  1895;  and  in  1902  a third  edition  was  published  at 
Sao  Paulo.  Prado  argued  that  Monroe’s  words  about  Eu- 
ropean intervention  in  America  were  Platonic.  This  he 
proved  to  his  own  satisfaction  by  a consideration  of  proceed- 
ings of  the  United  States  that  were  indicative  of  her  policy 
toward  Latin  America  but  which  frequently  had  little  or  no 
relation  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  Among  the  acts  which  he 
surveyed  was  the  recognition  by  the  United  States  of  King 
Miguel  of  Portugal  in  1830,  the  acknowledgment  of  Texan 
independence  by  the  United  States,  and  her  war  with  Mexico. 
He  expressed  the  conviction  that  the  United  States  was 
neither  sympathetically  nor  helpfully  inclined  toward  Latin 
America;  hence  he  argued  that  Brazil  should  follow  a policy 
of  her  own.  In  reality  Prado  unwittingly  struck  the  keynote 
of  many  later  criticisms  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  both  in  the 
United  States  and  in  Latin  America : he  confused  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  with  a policy  which  the  United  States  had  at  one 
time  or  another  pursued  toward  Latin  America! 

Another  Unfair  Criticism. — After  the  United  States 
had  begun  the  war  with  Spain,  Alberto  del  Solar — a Chilean 
writer  who  resided  in  Argentina — taking  his  inspiration 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


555 


partly  from  that  event  and  partly  from  Prado’s  diatribe,  de- 
livered an  address  in  which  he  attacked  the  Doctrine  of 
Monroe.  Del  Solar’s  remarks  were  illustrated  by  incidents 
which  were  almost  as  inappropriate  as  those  selected  by  Prado. 
By  an  examination  of  the  policy  of  the  United  States  toward 
Latin-American  republics  he  essayed  to  show  that  her  pro- 
testations of  friendship  and  sympathy  were  hollow.  These 
two  illustrations  may  serve  to  point  the  moral;  namely,  that 
Latin  Americans  have  sometimes  directed  attacks  against 
measures  of  the  United  States  which  could  be  scarcely  con- 
sidered as  applications  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

Other  Criticisms  of  United  States  Policy. — It  is  un- 
doubtedly true  that  Latin  Americans  have  made  adverse 
criticisms  of  the  policy  of  the  United  States  which  would  be 
accepted  as  just  by  some  students  of  international  relations. 
Forgetting  that  England  had  never  clearly  relinquished  her 
claim,  Argentine  writers  have  insistently  asserted  that  the 
seizure  of  the  Falkland  Islands  by  England  was  a violation 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  for  which  the  United  States  was 
responsible.  From  time  to  time  bitter  criticisms  have  been 
made  of  the  Great  Republic  of  the  North  because  by  succes- 
sive annexations  she  has  added  to  her  dominions  much  terri- 
tory which  was  at  one  time  controlled  either  by  Spain  or 
Mexico.  The  measures  by  which  the  United  States  acquired 
the  right  to  dig  the  canal  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  had 
a bad  influence  upon  the  peoples  of  Latin  America.  Roose- 
velt’s phrase,  “I  took  the  Isthmus,”  was  echoed  and  reechoed 
throughout  the  Latin-American  world.  Conditions  in 
Mexico,  which  at  times  have  invited  intervention  to  secure 
the  establishment  of  a regime  of  peace  and  progress,  have 
aroused  the  apprehensions  of  certain  Latin  Americans  who 
believe  that  the  interposition  of  the  United  States  in  that 
disturbed  country  will  almost  inevitably  lead  to  annexation. 
In  general,  criticisms  of  the  United  States  have  often  been 
made  because  fear  was  entertained  of  the  increasing  power  of 
the  Anglo-American  Republic. 

Of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. — Unfavorable  criticisms  of 
Latin-American  journalists  and  publicists  have  often  been 
directed  to  applications  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  that  have  been 
made  in  accordance  with  the  Roosevelt  Corollary.  Against 


556 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


the  policy  of  intervention  which  the  United  States  govern- 
ment has  followed  in  the  West  Indies  and  in  Central  America 
the  voices  of  Latin  Americans  have  been  raised  in  eloquent 
protest.  When  he  heard  that  Woodrow  Wilson  was  soon  to 
be  inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States,  an  Argentine 
litterateur  named  Manuel  Ugarte  addressed  a public  letter  to 
the  American  President  and  implored  him  to  reverse  the 
foreign  policy  of  his  government  that  was  transforming  por- 
tions of  Latin  America  into  new  Moroccos  and  new  Egypts. 
In  an  article  about  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  Manoel  de  Oliveira 
Lima,  a Brazilian  ex-diplomat  who  warmly  admires  the 
United  States,  rightly  declared  that  Latin-American  peoples 
might  be  excused  for  tremors  of  apprehension  about  the 
foreign  policy  of  a giant  nation  that  had  extended  her  influ- 
ence over  the  West  Indies  and  Central  America. 

Commercial  Relations  between  the  United  States  and 
Latin  America. — Trade  between  the  United  States  and 
Latin  America  had  its  origins  in  the  intercourse  of  the  Thir- 
teen Colonies  with  the  Spanish  Indies.  Soon  after  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  adopted  Yankee  sloops 
were  taking  fish  and  flour  to  the  Spanish  West  Indies  to  ex- 
change for  spirits  and  molasses.  During  the  first  decade  of 
the  nineteenth  century  vessels  from  the  United  States  under- 
took to  trade  with  ports  in  South  America.  Treaties  of  com- 
merce were  soon  negotiated  between  the  United  States  and 
certain  Latin-American  nations.  A few  statistics  will  indi- 
cate the  drift  of  inter-American  commercial  relations  during 
the  nineteenth  century.  In  the  year  ending  June  30,  1850, 
imports  into  the  United  States  from  Latin-American  coun- 
tries amounted  to  $16,676,669,  while  exports  from  the  United 
States  to  Latin-American  countries  aggregated  $9,117,796. 
Partly  because  of  the  Civil  War  in  the  United  States  and 
partly  because  of  keener  competition  from  European  nations, 
during  the  period  from  1850  to  1875  the  exports  of  the 
United  States  to  Latin-American  countries  relatively  declined, 
while  the  imports  from  those  countries  to  the  United  States 
continued  to  increase.  In  the  year  ending  September  30,  1875, 
the  total  imports  into  the  United  States  from  Latin-American 
nations  amounted  to  $79,291,858,  while  United  States  exports 


Map  Showing  Territories  Acquired  by  the  Uni 

“The  History  of  the  i&u 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


557 


to  those  nations  aggregated  $28,627,909.  The  succeeding 
quarter  of  a century  was  marked  by  a considerable  relative 
increase  in  the  exports  of  the  United  States  to  La  tin- Ameri- 
can countries. 

Basis  of  Commercial  Intercourse. — The  basis  of  com- 
mercial intercourse  between  the  United  States  and  Latin 
America  has  been  chiefly  the  fact  that  the  products  of  those 
sections  to  a large  extent  supplement  each  other.  Coffee, 
cocoa,  bananas,  rubber,  lumber,  hides,  wool,  and  various 
minerals  are  sent  from  Latin-American  countries  to  the 
United  States;  while  that  nation  exports  to  Latin  America 
agricultural  implements,  machinery,  boots  and  shoes,  cotton 
and  woolen  goods,  flour,  and  furniture. 

Attempts  at  Reciprocity. — The  great  differences  be- 
tween the  chief  exports  of  the  United  States  and  those  of 
Latin-American  countries  led  some  publicists  to  believe  at  one 
time  or  another  that  reciprocity  might  promote  their  com- 
mercial intercourse.  Through  the  influence  of  Secretary  of 
State  James  G.  Blaine  the  McKinley  Tariff  Act  of  October 
1,  1890,  contained  a section  which  aimed  to  encourage  recip- 
rocity between  the  United  States  and  countries  that  produced 
sugar,  molasses,  coffee,  tea,  and  hides.  This  section  provided 
that  on  and  after  January  1,  1892,  the  President  might  sus- 
pend the  provisions  of  the  act  concerning  the  free  introduction 
of  such  articles  into  the  United  States  whenever  he  judged 
that  the  duties  imposed  upon  products  of  the  United  States 
by  nations  exporting  the  enumerated  articles  were  “recipro- 
cally unjust  or  unequal.”  It  virtually  empowered  the  Presi- 
dent to  make  commercial  arrangements  with  certain  countries. 
Secretary  Blaine  accordingly  negotiated  reciprocity  agree- 
ments with  Salvador,  Nicaragua,  Honduras,  and  Guatemala. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  President  suspended  the  free  intro- 
duction into  the  United  States  of  the  enumerated  articles 
from  Colombia  and  Venezuela  because  those  nations  levied 
duties  upon  imports  from  the  United  States  that  were  recipro- 
cally unequal.  All  of  the  reciprocity  agreements  that  were 
negotiated  under  the  McKinley  Tariff  Act  were  terminated 
by  the  Wilson  Tariff  of  1894.  A reciprocity  arrangement 
framed  between  the  United  States  and  Cuba  in  1903  which 


558 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


allowed  Cuban  sugar  to  enter  the  United  States  at  twenty 
per  cent  of  the  existing  rates  much  encouraged  trade  between 
those  countries. 

Although  manufacturers  and  exporters  in  the  United  States 
have  not  always  shown  the  greatest  adaptability  in  their 
methods,  yet  nothing  could  stop  the  growth  of  commerce  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Latin  America.  In  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1913,  the  exports  of  the  United  States  to 
Latin- American  countries  amounted  to  $314,278,949,  while 
the  imports  from  those  countries  into  the  United  States  ag- 
gregated $440,531,463.  The  opening  to  traffic  of  the  Panama 
Canal  on  August  15,  1914,  undoubtedly  gave  a stimulus  to 
commerce  between  the  United  States  and  certain  Latin- 
American  countries. 

Industrial  Activities  of  the  United  States  in  Latin  Amer- 
ica.— Citizens  of  the  United  States  have  influenced  the 
industrial  development  of  Latin-American  countries  in  mani- 
fold ways.  Here  a few  striking  illustrations  must  suffice. 
The  Central  and  South  American  Telegraph  Company,  which 
was  founded  by  James  A.  Scrymser  of  New  York  City,  laid 
submarine  cables  from  the  United  States,  via  Vera  Cruz  and 
Panama,  to  Callao  and  Valparaiso.  Aside  from  the  exploita- 
tion of  petroleum  wells  by  corporations  of  the  United  States, 
through  the  influence  of  her  citizens  such  public  utilities  as 
sewers  and  street  cars  have  been  introduced  into  certain  cities 
of  Mexico.  A corporation  of  the  United  States  is  exploiting 
a huge  asphalt  lake  in  Venezuela.  Oil  prospectors  from  the 
United  States  are  drilling  wells  in  northern  Venezuela  and 
Colombia.  Machinery  made  in  the  United  States  has  been 
set  up  in  Peruvian  and  Brazilian  sugar  mills.  In  the  basin  of 
la  Plata  River  corporations  of  the  Lmited  States  have  erected 
huge  meat  packing  establishments.  At  Chuquicamata,  near 
Antofagasta,  members  of  the  Guggenheim  family  secured  ex- 
tensive properties  containing  low-grade  copper  deposits. 
There  they  established  a unique  plant  for  the  extraction  of 
copper  from  the  ore  by  an  electrolytic  process.  They  built 
at  Chuquicamata  a mining  town  for  their  Chilean  workmen 
and  also  a clubhouse  for  their  engineers  from  the  United 
States.  In  1917  that  plant  produced  some  forty-four  thou- 
sand tons  of  copper.  The  prince  of  railway  contractors  in 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


5S9 


South  America  was  a United  States  citizen  named  Henry 
Meiggs.  To  crown  difficult  enterprises  in  Chile  and  Peru,  he 
planned  and  partly  constructed  a railway  from  Callao  to  Cerro 
de  Pasco — a veritable  railway  among  the  clouds. 

Educational  Influence  of  the  United  States. — In  various 
ways  the  United  States  has  exercised  an  influence  upon  public 
instruction  in  Latin-American  countries.  Through  his  study 
and  residence  in  the  United  States,  Domingo  F.  Sarmiento 
became  imbued  with  her  educational  ideals.  In  consequence 
he  initiated  a reform  of  the  educational  systems  of  Chile  and 
Argentina,  especially  by  the  establishment  of  normal  schools. 
Other  South  American  publicists  may  be  said  to  have  followed 
in  Sarmiento’s  footsteps.  During  the  present  century  the 
Peruvian  government  has  undertaken  to  reform  and  to  reor- 
ganize its  system  of  public  instruction  by  the  employment  of 
educators  from  the  United  States.  In  connection  with  the 
missions  and  churches  which  Protestant  sects  from  the  United 
States  have  planted  throughout  Latin-American  countries, 
they  have  established  day  schools  and  night  schools  and  occa- 
sionally technical  institutes.  At  various  points  they  have  also 
founded  academies,  seminaries,  and  colleges.  Since  1824  an 
increasing  stream  of  students  has  proceeded  from  Latin 
America  to  the  North.  Instead  of  sending  their  sons  to 
European  schools  to  be  educated,  Latin-American  fathers 
have  sometimes  sent  them  to  schools  and  colleges  in  the 
United  States,  especially  to  study  agriculture,  engineering, 
and  the  mechanic  arts.  More  than  one  Latin-American  gov- 
ernment has  paid  regular  stipends  to  young  men  who  were 
studying  agriculture,  engineering,  medicine,  veterinary  science, 
and  educational  methods  in  United  States  colleges  or  univer- 
sities. Various  universities  in  the  United  States  now  offer 
scholarships  or  fellowships  to  students  from  Latin  America. 
In  spite  of  inherent  difficulties,  an  arrangement  for  the  ex- 
change of  professors  has  recently  been  perfected  between 
the  University  of  Chile  and  the  University  of  California. 

Activities  of  Scientists  from  the  United  States. — Among 
the  trips  made  to  South  America  by  scientists  of  the  United 
States  that  of  Louis  Agassiz  is  outstanding.  In  April,  1865, 
with  some  companions  Agassiz  left  New  York  City  for  Rio 
de  Janeiro.  After  reaching  that  capital  he  was  aided  by  the 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


560 

Brazilian  government  to  make  an  expedition  up  the  Amazon 
River  in  search  of  fish.  The  specimens  which  he  collected,  as 
well  as  the  delightful  journal  written  by  his  wife,  are  memo- 
rials of  his  investigations.  In  1867-1868  Professor  James 
Orton  with  a few  companions  journeyed  by  trail  from  Guay- 
aquil to  Quito,  thence  proceeded  down  the  rivers  Napo  and 
Coca  to  the  Amazon  River,  and  then  to  Para,  being  the  first 
white  men  to  make  that  trip  since  the  days  of  Orellana.  On 
his  second  trip  in  1873  Orton  proceeded  from  Para  up  the 
Amazon  and  proceeded  to  Lake  Titicaca  where  he  made 
ethnographical  collections.  In  1880  Dr.  Edwin  R.  Heath,  a 
companion  of  Orton  upon  his  last  trip,  proceeded  down  the 
river  Beni  to  the  mouth  of  the  Madre  de  Dios  River  and  went 
beyond  to  its  junction  with  the  Madeira.  After  this  daring 
explorer  a tributary  of  the  Madre  de  Dios  was  named  the 
Heath  River.  Professor  Hiram  Bingham  of  Yale  University 
led  an  exploring  expedition  to  South  America  in  1912,  which 
unearthed  the  ruins  of  a remarkable  Inca  city  at  Machu 
Picchu. 

The  most  interesting  geographical  reconnaissance  which  has 
been  made  by  a citizen  of  the  United  States  in  Latin  America 
was  that  of  ex-President  Theodore  Roosevelt.  Accompanied 
by  some  adventurous  scientists  in  1913  Roosevelt  left  the 
United  States  under  the  auspices  of  the  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History.  After  Roosevelt’s  party  arrived  in  Brazil, 
it  was  accorded  generous  cooperation  by  the  government  of 
that  country.  Under  the  direction  of  the  famous  Brazilian 
explorer,  Colonel  Rondon,  the  expedition  made  a trip  through 
the  Brazilian  wilderness  to  the  Rio  da  Duvida.  The  Roose- 
velt-Rondon  expedition  discovered  the  course  of  a large, 
unknown  river  that  flowed  through  five  degrees  of  latitude, 
a river  which  the  Brazilian  government  christened  the  Rio 
Roosevelt.  Lastly,  notice  must  be  taken  of  the  sanitary  activi- 
ties of  the  Rockefeller  Foundation  directed  against  insidious 
diseases  in  the  tropics  from  Central  America  to  Peru.  The 
splendid  results  of  its  labors  in  Ecuador  promise  that  in  the 
near  future  the  terrible  scourge  of  yellow  fever  will  be 
banished  forever  from  the  New  World. 

Pan-Americanism. — During  the  century  of  independent 
life  which  the  Latin-American  states  have  enjoyed,  Pan- 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


561 

Americanism — meaning  by  that  a tendency  shown  by  inde- 
pendent nations  of  America  to  associate  themselves — has 
made  significant  progress.  In  Latin  America,  as  indicated  in 
the  preceding  chapter,  that  spirit  originated  during  the  strug- 
gles for  independence.  An  early  apostle  of  Pan-Americanism 
in  the  United  States  was  Henry  Clay.  His  most  significant 
remarks  were  made  in  Congress  on  May  10,  1820,  when  he 
expressed  the  opinion  that  the  United  States  might  create  a 
system  in  which  she  would  be  the  center  and  in  which  South 
America  would  act  with  her.  The  United  States,  he  declared, 
could  “become  the  center  of  a system”  that  would  serve  as  a 
counterpoise  to  “the  despotism  of  the  Old  World.” 

The  great  advocate  of  Pan-Americanism  in  the  United 
States  during  the  nineteenth  century,  however,  was  James  G. 
Blaine.  On  November  29,  1881,  Blaine,  who  was  secretary 
of  state  under  President  Garfield,  issued  an  invitation  to  the 
independent  states  of  North  and  South  America  to  send 
delegates  to  a congress  to  be  held  in  Washington  for  the 
purpose  of  considering  “the  methods  of  preventing  war”  be- 
tween American  nations.  Several  Latin-American  nations 
accepted  that  invitation,  but  the  assassination  of  President 
Garfield  was  followed  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  invitation  by 
Secretary  Frelinghuysen.  Still  the  project  of  a Pan-American 
conference  was  not  altogether  discarded.  In  accordance  with 
a law  enacted  in  May,  1888,  Secretary  Bayard  issued  invita- 
tions to  the  independent  nations  of  Latin  America  and  also 
to  Haiti  to  send  delegates  to  a conference  which  should 
assemble  at  Washington  in  October,  1889.  Among  the 
subjects  which  were  mentioned  by  Bayard  as  topics  for  con- 
sideration by  the  conference  were  arbitration,  reciprocity, 
transportation,  and  a common  system  of  coinage.  The  Latin- 
American  states  sent  to  that  conference  men  who  had  attained 
prominence  as  scholars,  lawyers,  and  statesmen.  By  a fortu- 
nate chance  Blaine  had  become  secretary  of  state  under 
President  Harrison,  when  on  October  2,  1889,  delegates  of 
the  independent  nations  of  America  gathered  at  Washington. 

The  First  Pan-American  Conference. — Secretary  Blaine 
presided  over  the  First  Pan-American  Conference,  which 
used  Bayard’s  invitations  as  its  programme.  In  respect  to  the 
improvement  of  commercial  intercourse  among  American  na- 


562 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


tions  a committee  which  considered  the  proposal  for  an  Amer- 
ican Zollverein  reported  in  favor  of  the  negotiation  of  a series 
of  reciprocity  treaties.  Members  of  the  Conference  approved 
a project  for  the  completion  of  the  so-called  Pan-American 
railway.  They  framed  treaties  concerning  copyrights, 
patents,  and  trademarks.  The  delegates  eventually  approved 
a convention  which  declared  that  the  nations  represented 
should  adopt  arbitration  “as  a principle  of  American  inter- 
national law”  for  the  adjustment  of  their  disputes.  This  con- 
vention, like  other  conventions  approved  by  the  delegates,  was 
merely  in  the  nature  of  a recommendation  to  the  respective 
nations  which  were  represented  at  the  Conference.  Unfortu- 
nately it  was  not  carried  out.  Yet  a recommendation  that  there 
should  be  established  at  Washington  a bureau  of  information 
for  all  the  American  republics  was  sanctioned  by  them.  Those 
republics  appropriated  money  for  the  support  of  that  organ- 
ization. The  International  Bureau  of  American  Republics 
was  thus  brought  into  existence. 

Succeeding  Pan-American  Conferences. — The  Second 
International  American  Conference  was  held  at  Mexico  City 
in  1901-1902.  Again  the  delegates  agreed  to  a series  of  con- 
ventions, which  partook  of  the  nature  of  recommendations  to 
the  states  participating  in  the  conference.  Almost  all  of  the 
delegates  signed  a protocol  of  adherence  to  The  Hague  Con- 
vention of  1899  for  the  amicable  adjustment  of  international 
disputes.  Many  delegates  signed  a treaty  which  provided  for 
the  arbitration  of  certain  financial  claims  that  could  not  be 
settled  by  diplomatic  negotiations.  The  Third  International 
American  Conference  met  in  1906  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  It 
unanimously  adopted  a resolution  which  recommended  that 
the  nations  represented  should  instruct  their  delegates  to  the 
next  Hague  Conference  to  favor  the  adoption  of  a universal 
treaty  of  arbitration.  Other  conventions  were  adopted  which 
concerned  the  codification  of  international  law,  the  arbitration 
of  financial  claims,  and  the  status  of  naturalized  citizens  who 
returned  to  their  native  land.  The  Fourth  International 
American  Conference  assembled  at  Buenos  Aires  in  1910.  It 
adopted  an  important  resolution  to  the  effect  that  the  Inter- 
national Bureau  of  American  Republics — thenceforth  to  be 
called  the  Pan-American  Union — should  be  managed  by  a 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


563 


board  composed  of  the  diplomatic  envoys  of  the  American 
republics  to  the  United  States  and  her  secretary  of  state. 
That  board  was  to  select  a director  and  a subdirector  who 
were  to  manage  the  so-called  union.  The  functions  of  this 
bureau  were  enlarged:  it  was  to  take  charge  of  the  records 
of  the  Pan-American  conferences ; it  was  to  serve  as  the  com- 
mission of  those  conferences,  and  was  to  promote  the  ratifi- 
cation of  their  treaties.  Although  some  conventions  adopted 
by  these  conferences  have  never  been  ratified  by  the  American 
nations,  yet  the  assemblages  of  diplomatic  leaders  of  the 
Three  Americas  have  encouraged  a spirit  of  international 
comity.  The  Pan-American  Union  is  now  located  in  a beau- 
tiful structure  at  Washington. 

The  First  Pan-American  Scientific  Congress. — Intel- 
lectual leaders  of  America  have  also  stimulated  the  Pan- 
American  spirit.  As  a result  of  the  Latin-American  Scientific 
Congresses  a movement  began  for  the  assemblage  of  a Pan- 
American  Scientific  Congress.  Invitations  to  the  First  Pan- 
American  Scientific  Congress  were  issued  in  1907  by  the 
president  of  the  University  of  Chile.  Members  of  that  Con- 
gress met  in  Santiago  de  Chile  in  December,  1908,  where 
many  interesting  papers  were  read  concerning  topics  of 
common  interest  to  the  Three  Americas.  In  December,  1915, 
the  Second  Pan-American  Scientific  Congress  met  at  Wash- 
ington. Delegates  from  the  independent  nations  of  America 
read  to  that  Congress  articles  upon  topics  of  mutual  interest. 
That  Congress  was  of  special  Pan-American  significance  be- 
cause the  President  of  the  United  States  in  a noteworthy 
address  took  occasion  to  develop  certain  ideas  about  the  rela- 
tions of  the  American  nations. 

President  Wilson’s  Pan-American  Monroe  Doctrine. — 
In  his  message  to  Congress  on  December  7,  1915,  President 
Wilson  said  that  the  neutral  policy  which  American  nations 
had  adopted  toward  the  belligerent  nations  of  Europe  had 
made  them  more  conscious  of  a community  of  interest.  He 
declared  that  the  United  States  still  cherished  the  spirit  of 
President  Monroe:  that  she  still  meant  to  champion  the 
“common  cause  of  national  independence  and  of  political 
liberty  in  America” ; but  that  all  the  independent  American 
governments  stood  upon  a footing  of  equality  and  itidepend- 


564 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


ence.  He  declared  that  the  American  states  were  cooperating 
friends;  that  if  they  were  united  in  purpose  they  could  not 
be  disappointed  in  their  peaceful  destiny.  This,  said  he — 
with  none  of  the  spirit  of  Empire  in  it — was  Pan-American- 
ism. The  Wilson  Doctrine,  as  it  may  be  called,  was  reiter- 
ated by  the  President  in  an  address  to  the  Second  Pan- 
American  Scientific  Congress  on  January  7,  1916.  Although 
some  adverse  comment  was  made,  yet,  in  general,  his  ideal 
of  a Pan-American  Monroe  Doctrine  was  hailed  with  pleasure 
by  editors  of  prominent  newspapers  in  Rio  de  Janeiro,  Lima, 
Santiago  de  Chile,  and  Buenos  Aires. 

The  World  War  and  “Continental  Solidarity.” — As 
elsewhere  suggested  the  World  War  has  brought  the  United 
States  into  closer  relations  with  some  countries  of  Latin 
America.  More  than  one  of  the  Latin-American  nations  that 
severed  relations  with  Germany  did  so  because  of  the  identical 
issue  which  had  forced  the  United  States  to  declare  war — 
Germany’s  ruthless  submarine  policy.  In  the  discussions  con- 
cerning the  policy  of  their  respective  governments  several 
Latin-American  publicists  laid  such  emphasis  upon  “conti- 
nental solidarity”  as  to  indicate  that  the  crucial  issue  of  the 
World  War  had  stimulated  the  Pan-American  spirit. 

Effects  of  the  World  War  on  Commercial  Intercourse. — 
The  World  War  has  also  had  a great  influence  upon  com- 
mercial relations  between  the  United  States  and  Latin-Amer- 
ican countries.  After  that  war  began  an  increase  in  the 
import  trade  of  the  United  States  with  Latin-American  coun- 
tries took  place;  but  this  was  accompanied  by  a decided  de- 
cline in  the  total  imports  into  those  countries  from  the  United 
States.  Certain  Latin-American  countries,  however,  took  a 
larger  percentage  of  imports  from  the  United  States  in  1915 
and  1916  than  they  had  taken  in  1913.  In  1916  the  United 
States  was  supplying  about  33  per  cent  of  the  total  imports 
of  South  America,  as  compared  with  about  15  per  cent  in  the 
year  before  the  war.  This  apparent  increase  was  partly  due 
to  the  great  advance  in  prices.  During  the  fiscal  year  1917 
the  aggregate  trade  of  the  United  States  with  Latin-American 
countries  swelled  prodigiously.  An  increase  of  some  sort  was 
noticeable  in  the  import  and  export  trade  of  the  United  States 
with  almost  every  country  of  Latin  America.  In  1917  the 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


565 


United  States  exported  to  Latin-American  countries  domestic 
and  foreign  goods  which  amounted  to  $577,367,238,  while 
she  imported  from  those  countries  products  amounting  to 
$956,001,028.  Because  of  the  handicap  imposed  by  war  con- 
ditions the  United  States  had  far  outstripped  England,  her 
keenest  competitor  for  Latin-American  trade.  In  1920  the 
United  States  exported  to  Mexico,  Central  America,  Cuba, 
and  South  America  merchandise  amounting  to  $1,433,322,663, 
while  she  imported  from  those  regions  produce  aggregating 
$1,729,616,348. 

Pan-American  Financial  Sentiment, — Soon  after  the 
outbreak  of  the  War,  certain  statesmen  felt  the  necessity  of 
promoting  closer  commercial  and  fiscal  relations  among  the 
nations  of  America.  In  accordance  with  a law  of  March  4, 
1915,  Secretary  of  State  Bryan  invited  each  of  the  nations 
of  Latin  America — except  Mexico — to  send  delegates  to  a 
conference  which  should  assemble  in  the  United  States  to 
consider  problems  of  banking,  transportation,  and  commerce 
between  the  countries  represented. 

Pan-American  Financial  Conferences. — On  May  24, 
1915,  the  First  Pan-American  Financial  Conference  met  at 
Washington.  That  Conference,  which  was  composed  of  from 
one  to  three  delegates  from  seventeen  Latin-American  nations, 
besides  representatives  of  Haiti  and  the  United  States,  con- 
ducted its  business  through  a series  of  committee  meetings. 
A special  committee  was  appointed  to  consider  each  Latin- 
American  state.  Two  general  committees  were  selected  to 
consider  the  improvement  of  commercial  relations  between 
the  United  States  and  Latin-American  countries.  One  gen- 
eral committee  made  reports  concerning  international  Ameri- 
can polity  which  were  aimed  to  improve  transportation  facili- 
ties between  the  United  States  and  the  states  of  South  and 
Central  America.  The  other  general  committee  recommended 
the  establishment  of  an  Inter-American  High  Commission  to 
promote  the  uniformity  of  commercial  laws  among  American 
nations.  A commission  of  that  type,  composed  of  jurists  and 
financiers  representing  each  American  nation,  was  subse- 
quently organized.  A report  of  the  activities  of  that  com- 
mission was  laid  before  the  Second  Pan-American  Financial 
Conference  which  met  at  Washington.  On  January  23,  1920, 


1 


566 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


this  Conference,  which  was  made  up  of  delegates  from  nine- 
teen American  republics  including  Mexico,  adopted  a series 
of  resolutions  that  aimed  to  improve  commercial  and  fiscal 
relations  among  the  American  republics. 

Problems  of  Reconstruction. — With  the  close  of  the 
World  War,  some  problems  which  confronted  merchants  and 
manufacturers  in  the  United  States  concerning  European 
competition  for  Latin-American  trade  have  arisen  again.  It 
remains  to  be  seen  to  what  extent  the  United  States  can  retain 
the  hold  which  she  secured  upon  that  commerce  during  the 
War.  For  a time  at  least  she  will  control  a much  larger 
percentage  of  the  import  and  export  trade  than  before.  As 
aids  in  the  strife  for  markets,  through  the  Webb  Act  mer- 
chants in  the  United  States  have  secured  legislation  which 
permits  the  formation  of  combinations  to  promote  foreign 
trade,  under  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  a number  of  branches 
of  national  banks  have  been  planted  in  Latin  America,  and 
partly  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  department  of  com- 
merce the  technic  of  the  trade  has  been  improved.  The  Inter- 
American  High  Commission — of  which  the  United  States 
Secretary  of  Commerce  now  acts  as  chairman — has  under- 
taken to  serve  as  an  advisory  body  about  commercial  and 
financial  matters  to  independent  American  governments.  To 
what  extent  the  development  of  United  States  commerce  with 
Latin  America  will  be  affected  by  the  process  of  reconstruc- 
tion in  Europe  which  is  diverting  capital  from  America  is  a 
matter  for  interesting  speculation.  Disturbance  of  the  eco- 
nomic equilibrium  resulting  from  the  World  War  has  pro- 
voked some  tantalizing  fluctuations  of  international  exchange 
which,  because  of  the  great  financial  strength  of  the  United 
States,  are  affecting  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  with 
Latin-American  countries  unfavorably.  A high  rate  of  ex- 
change between  most  Latin-American  countries  and  the  United 
States  tends  to  hamper  trade,  while  the  low  rate  of  exchange 
between  those  countries  and  Europe  encourages  commercial 
intercourse  with  England,  France,  and  Germany. 

American  Nations  at  the  Peace  Conference. — Diplo- 
matic concomitants  of  the  World  War  have  raised  a question 
about  the  future  relations  of  Latin-American  peoples  to  the 
United  States  and  also  about  their  relations  to  the  leading 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES  567 

powers  of  Europe.  For  the  first  time  in  history  certain  Latin- 
American  nations,  as  well  as  the  United  States,  were  repre- 
sented in  a conference  of  nations  which  was  held  at  the  con- 
clusion of  a War.  When  the  Peace  Conference  assembled 
at  Paris  on  January  18,  1919,  provision  was  made  for  the 
attendance  of  diplomatic  representatives  of  several  nations 
of  Latin  America.  As  members  of  the  group  known  as  the 
Allied  and  Associated  Powers,  representatives  of  Bolivia, 
Brazil,  Cuba,  Ecuador,  Guatemala,  Honduras,  Nicaragua, 
Panama,  Peru,  and  Uruguay,  besides  Haiti  and  the  United 
States,  signed  the  Treaty  of  Versailles.  The  Latin- American 
states  were  represented  upon  the  commission  of  Associated  Na- 
tions that  formulated  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations 
by  Epitacio  Pessoa  of  Brazil,  while  the  United  States  was  rep- 
resented by  Edward  M.  House  and  President  Wilson.  Latin- 
American  nations  that  through  their  representatives  signed 
the  treaty  of  peace  between  the  Allied  and  Associated  Powers 
and  Germany  also  subscribed  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations,  which  was  an  integral  part  of  the  treaty.  An  annex 
to  the  Covenant  provided  that  other  states  were  invited  to  join 
the  League.  Among  those  states  were  the  Argentine  Republic, 
Chile,  Colombia,  Paraguay,  Salvador,  and  Venezuela.  The 
accession  of  such  a state  was  to  become  effective  by  the  filing 
with  the  secretariat  of  the  League  within  two  months  after 
the  Covenant  went  into  force  a declaration  that  it  had  been 
accepted  without  reservations.  For  some  reason  or  other, 
Costa  Rica,  Mexico,  and  the  Dominican  Republic  were  not 
invited  to  join  the  League  of  Nations. 

American  Nations  and  the  Treaty  of  Versailles. — The 
Treaty  of  Peace  with  Germany  was  signed  at  Versailles  on 
June  28,  1919.  The  date  originally  set  for  the  Treaty 
of  Versailles  to  become  effective  was  the  anniversary 
of  the  signing  of  the  Armistice  between  the  Allied  and  Asso- 
ciated Powers  and  Germany.  Because  of  a delay  in  the  rati- 
fication of  that  treaty  by  the  United  States — which  was  caused 
by  the  debate  over  ratification  with  reservations  in  the  Senate 
— the  date  set  for  it  to  become  operative  was  postponed. 
Finally,  on  January  10,  1920,  a proces  verbal  was  signed  at 
Paris  by  the  representatives  of  certain  nations  that  had  been 
parties  to  the  Treaty  of  Versailles.  Of  the  American  nations 


568 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


which  had  subscribed  that  treaty  only  Bolivia,  Brazil,  Guate- 
mala, Panama,  Peru,  and  Uruguay  signed  the  proces  verbal. 
As  soon  as  this  was  signed,  the  president  of  the  interallied 
Peace  Conference  sent  a note  to  the  nations  designated  in 
the  annex  to  the  original  covenant  to  inform  them  that  the 
Treaty  of  Versailles  had  gone  into  force.  Although  that 
treaty  failed  of  ratification  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
yet  every  nation  of  Latin  America  which  signed  it,  except — 
at  present  writing — Ecuador,  subsequently  signified  her  ac- 
cession to  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations.  Each  of 
the  Latin-American  nations  which  was  invited  to  join  the 
League  filed  its  acceptance  within  the  specified  time.  Outside 
of  the  League  there  remain  at  present  among  American  na- 
tions the  United  States  and  Ecuador,  which  were  original 
signatories  of  the  covenant,  and  Costa  Rica,  the  Dominican 
Republic,  and  Mexico,  which  have  not  been  vouchsafed  an 
opportunity  to  join. 

The  League  of  Nations. — The  refusal  of  the  United 
States  Senate  to  ratify  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations 
with  or  without  reservations  has  raised  some  significant  and 
tantalizing  problems.  Article  XXI  of  the  Covenant  stipulates 
that  nothing  therein  should  be  considered  as  having  affected 
the  validity  of  regional  understandings  to  secure  the  main- 
tenance of  peace,  such  as  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  In  the  reso- 
lution of  ratification  which  was  proposed  in  the  United  States 
Senate  on  November  19,  1919,  and  again  in  the  resolution 
proposed  on  March  19,  1920,  a clause  was  included  stipulat- 
ing that  the  United  States  would  not  submit  any  questions  to 
the  consideration  of  the  League  of  Nations  which  in  her 
judgment  involved  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  Although  the 
Treaty  of  Versailles  was  not  ratified  by  the  Senate  even  with 
reservations,  yet  this  clause  indicates  the  attitude  of  many 
citizens  of  the  United  States  toward  the  declarations  of  the 
Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  about  her  traditional 
American  policy.  Some  publicists  of  the  United  States 
wished  to  see  the  Covenant  ratified  with  such  reservations  as 
would  leave  their  nation  free  to  pursue  her  foreign  policy  un- 
trammeled. Other  statesmen  did  not  wish  to  see  that  Cove- 
nant ratified  at  all.  Even  if  the  United  States  should  ulti- 
mately join  a modified  League  of  Nations,  the  Monroe 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  STATES 


569 


Doctrine  will  evidently  be  no  less  subject  than  previously  to 
misunderstandings  and  misinterpretations.  Such  a prospect 
appears  certain,  if  the  United  States  should  remain  outside 
the  pale  of  the  League. 

Future  Role  of  the  United  States. — Serious  complica- 
tions may  arise  concerning  the  role  of  the  League  of  Nations 
in  the  Three  Americas.  Important  states  of  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  America  have  acceded  to  the  Covenant  of  the 
League  which  to  .an  extent  embodies  their  old-time  yearning 
for  an  international  association  for  the  preservation  of  peace. 
Some  of  those  states,  notably  Argentina,  Chile,  Colombia, 
Paraguay,  and  Venezuela,  were  represented  at  the  first  As- 
sembly of  the  League  which  met  in  December,  1920,  on  the 
shores  of  Lake  Geneva.  Although  the  delegates  of  Argentina 
led  by  her  secretary  of  foreign  relations,  Honorio  Pueyrredon, 
withdrew  from  that  Assembly  because  their  projected  amend- 
ments to  the  League’s  Constitution — including  a proposal 
that  all  sovereign  states  should  be  conceded  membership  in 
the  League — were  not  at  once  accepted,  yet  other  prominent 
Latin-American  nations  retained  their  representation  in  that 
international  association.  As  already  indicated,  its  Consti- 
tution provides  that  the  validity  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  shall 
not  be  questioned.  Yet,  as  the  Covenant  of  the  League  ex- 
pressly stipulates  that  controversies  among  members  shall  be 
settled  by  its  Council,  the  grave  problem  may  arise  as  to 
whether  or  not  the  United  States  will  relinquish  the  cardinal 
principle  of  her  foreign  policy  so  far  as  to  allow  an  associa- 
tion of  nations  to  which  she  does  not  belong  to  adjust  con- 
troversies among  the  nations  of  Latin  America.  Certain 
Latin-American  publicists  evidently  favor  acknowledging  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  tribunal  at  Geneva  rather  than  the  hege- 
mony of  the  Republic  of  the  North.  The  future  role  of  the 
United  States  in  the  New  World  seems  to  be  at  stake. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  AND  STUDY 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  AIDS 

Lists  of  books  for  further  reading  and  study  will  sometimes  be 
found  in  works  cited  under  the  suggested  readings  for  the  respective 
chapters.  In  addition,  the  following  articles  or  books  will  be  found 
particularly  helpful  as  guides  to  the  literature  dealing  with  Latin- 
American  history.  Cox,  I.  J.,  O’Hara,  J.  F.,  and  Schuyler,  L.  R., 
“Syllabi  of  Courses:  the  History  of  Hispanic  America,”  in  the 
Hispanic  American  Historical  Review,  vol.  ii,  pp.  419-446.  These  syllabi 
furnish  lists  of  references  which  are  especially  useful  to  teachers. 
Coester,  A.  L.,  “A  Bibliography  of  Spanish-American  Literature,”  in 
the  Romanic  Review,  vol.  iii,  pp.  68-101,  which  is  supplementary  to  his 
list  in  The  Literary  History  of  Spanish  America  (New  York,  1916), 
pp.  477-482.  Goldsmith,  P.  H A Brief  Bibliography  of  the  Books 
in  English,  Spanish,  and  Portuguese  Relating  to  the  Republics  Com- 
monly Called  Latin  American,  with  Comments  (New  York,  1915). 
This  contains  critical  estimates  of  a select  list  of  books.  Hoskins, 
H.  L.,  Guide  to  Latin-American  History  (Boston,  1922),  is  a detailed 
syllabus  which  contains  references  for  readings,  suggestions  for  out- 
line maps,  and  a classified  bibliography.  Jones,  C.  K.,  “Hispanic 
American  Bibliographies,”  in  the  Hispanic  American  Historical 
Review,  vol.  iii,  pp.  414-442,  603-634,  and  vol.  iv,  pp.  126-156,  297- 
324,  522-552,  783-813.  These  are  very  useful  lists  by  an  expert 
bibliographer.  Keniston,  H.,  List  of  Works  for  the  Study  of 
Hispanic-American  History  (New  York,  1920).  This  work  contains 
lists  of  bibliographies  as  well  as  titles  of  books  on  individual  countries 
and  on  certain  topics;  it  is  indispensable  to  students  of  the  colonial 
period  of  Latin-American  history.  Oliveira  Lima,  M.  de,  The 
Evolution  of  Brazil  Compared  with  That  of  Spanish  and  Anglo- 
Saxon  America,  Edited  with  Introduction  and  Notes  by  Percy  Alvin 
Martin  (Stanford  University,  1914).  This  suggestive  series  of  lec- 
tures is  equipped  with  helpful  bibliographical  notes.  A serviceable 
list  of  books  is  found  in,  Pan-American  Union,  List  of  Latin-American 
History  and  Description  in  the  Columbus  Memorial  Library  (Wash- 
ington, 1907),  which  has  been  supplemented  by  subsequent  lists. 
Pierson,  W.  W.,  A Syllabus  of  Latin-American  History  (Durham, 
1917),  furnishes  references  useful  to  teachers,  which  are  supplemented 
by  his  syllabus  mentioned  under  chapter  vii.  See  also  Schuyler, 
W.  R.,  “Tentative  Syllabus  of  Hispanic-American  History  Adapted 
to  High  School  Use,”  in  Proceedings  of  the  Association  of  History 
Teachers  of  the  Middle  States  and  Maryland,  1918,  pp.  21-30.  Biblio- 

S7i 


572 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


graphical  suggestions  are  found  in  Shepherd,  W.  R.,  Latin  America 
(New  York,  1914),  pp.  252,  253.  Scattered  through  Sweet,  W.  W., 
A History  of  Latin  America  (New  York,  1919),  are  references  for 
readers. 

CHAPTER  I 
THE  ENVIRONMENT 

Bibliographical  Aids  : Beuchat,  H.,  Manuel  d’  archeologie  ameri- 
caine  (Paris,  1912),  pp.  xvii-xli.  Sievers,  W.,  Siid-  und 
Mittelamerika  (Leipzig,  1914),  pp.  525-527. 

Maps:  Helpful  maps  of  physical  and  other  features  of  South  and 
Middle  America  are  found  in  Sievers,  Siid-  und  Mittelamerika, 
pp.  52,  61,  64,  66,  80,  99;  see  also  Atlas  America  latino  (New 
York,  1919),  maps  Nos.  1-8;  and  Bowman,  I.,  South  America, 
a Geography  Reader,  Lands  and  Peoples  Series  (Chicago,  1915), 
pp.  8,  9,  124,  125,  202,  203,  316.  For  maps  indicating  the  location 
of  Indians  in  Latin  America,  see  Helmiiolt,  H.  F.,  Editor,  The 
History  of  the  World  (New  York,  1902),  vol.  i,  p.  190;  Wells, 
H.  G.,  The  Outline  of  History  (New  York,  1921),  p.  748,  the 
Aztec  and  the  Inca  Empires.  See  further  Sievers,  Siid-t  und 
Mittelamerika,  p.  80;  and  also  Wissler,  C.,  The  American 
Indian  (New  York,  1917),  passim. 

Readings: 

The  Land:  Reclus,  E.,  The  Universal  Geography  (London,  n.  d.), 
vol.  xvii,  pp.  20-58,  vol.  xviii,  pp.  2-7,  18-36;  Bowman,  I.,  South 
America,  chaps,  iv-xvi;  Allen,  N.  B.,  South  America  (Boston, 
1918),  passim;  Miller,  B.  L.,  and  Singewald,  J.  T.,  The  Mineral 
Deposits  of  South  America  (New  York,  1919),  especially  chap,  i; 
Church,  G.  E.,  “South  America:  An  Outline  of  Its  Physical 
Geography,”  in  the  Geographical  Journal,  vol.  xvii,  pp.  333-409; 
Tower,  W.  S.,  “Notes  on  the  Commercial  Geography  of  South 
America,”  American  Geographical  Society,  Bulletin,  vol.  xlv,  pp. 
881-901;  Safford,  W.  E.,  “Food  Plants  and  Textiles  of  Ancient 
America,”  in  Proceedings  of  the  Second  Pan-American  Scientific 
Congress,  vol.  i,  pp.  146-159;  Sievers,  Siid-  und  Mittelamerika, 
pp.  46-77. 

The  Aborigines:  Prescott,  W.  H.,  Conquest  of  Mexico  (2  vols., 
n.  d.),  vol.  i,  book  i,  especially  chaps,  iii,  iv,  v;  Joyce,  T.  A., 
Mexican  Archaeology  (New  York,  1914),  chaps,  iv-vi,  ix-xii; 
Prescott,  W.  H.,  Conquest  of  Peru  (2  vols.,  n.  d.),  vol.  i,  book  i; 
Markham,  C.  R.,  The  Incas  of  Peru  (New  York,  1912),  especially 
chaps,  v-ix,  xi;  Payne,  E.  J.,  History  of  the  New  World  Called 
America  (2  vols.,  Oxford,  1902),  vol.  i,  book  ii ; Joyce,  T.  A., 
South  American  Archaeology  (London,  1912),  chaps,  ix-xxiii; 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  573 


Helmholt,  History  of  the  World,  vol.  i,  pp.  180-196,  213-346; 
Alexander,  H.  B.,  The  Mythology  of  All  Races,  vol.  xi,  Latin- 
American  (Boston,  1920),  chaps,  ii-vii;  Ratzel,  F.,  The  History 
of  Mankind  (3  vols.,  London,  1896-1904),  vol.  ii,  pp.  48-91,  160- 
203 ; Bingham,  H.,  “The  Inca  Peoples  and  Their  Culture,”  in 
Proceedings  of  the  Second  Pan-American  Scientific  Cotigress,  vol. 
i,  pp.  160-167;  Joyce,  T.  A.,  Central  American  and  West  Indian 
Archaeology  (London,  1916),  part  i.  On  the  Mayas,  see 
Beuchat,  Manuel  d’archeologie  americaine,  pp.  427-506;  and 
also  Morley,  S.  G.,  “The  Foremost  Intellectual  Achievement  of 
Ancient  America,”  in  the  National  Geographic  Magazine,  vol.  xli, 
pp.  109-130.  On  the  origin  of  the  Indians,  see  Hrdlicka,  A., 
“The  Peopling  of  America,”  in  the  Journal  of  Heredity,  vol.  vi, 
pp.  79-91;  Brinton,  D.  G.,  The  American  Race  (New  York, 
1891)  ; Ameghino,  F.,  La  antigiiedad  del  hombre  en  el  Plata  (2 
vols.,  Buenos  Aires,  1880,  1881).  On  aboriginal  civilization 
besides  the  work  of  Payne  already  mentioned,  see  Bandelier, 
A.  F.,  “On  the  Social  Organization  and  Mode  of  Government  of 
the  Ancient  Mexicans,”  Peabody  Museum  of  Archaeology  and 
Ethnology,  Report,  vol.  xii,  pp.  517-699.  Weisse,  C.,  Las  civili- 
zaciones  primitivas  del  Peru  (Lima,  1913)  ; Restrepo,  V.,  Los 
Chibchas  antes  de  la  conquista  espahola  (1  vol.  and  Atlas,  Bogota, 
1895).  The  distribution  of  the  Indians  is  considered  in  the  fol- 
lowing monographs:  Thomas,  C.,  and  S wanton,  J.  R.,  Indian 
Languages  of  Mexico  and  Central  America  and  Their  Geo- 
graphical Distribution,  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  Bulletin 
No.  44;  Chamberlain,  A.  F.,  “Linguistic  Stocks  of  South  Ameri- 
can Indians,  with  Distribution  Map,”  in  the  American  Anthropol- 
ogist, new  series,  vol.  xv,  pp.  236-247;  Schmidt,  P.,  “Kultur- 
kreise  und  Kulturschichten  in  Siidamerika,”  in  Zeitschrift  fur 
Ethnologie,  vol.  xlv,  pp.  1014-1124. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  EUROPEAN!  BACKGROUND 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Altamira  y Crevea,  R.,  Historia  de  Espaha 
y de  la  civilizacion  espahola  (4  vols.,  Barcelona,  1909-1914),  vol. 
iv,  pp.  587-672,  furnishes  an  excellent  bibliographical  guide  to  the 
history  of  Spain  from  the  earliest  period  to  the  opening  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  Chapman,  C.  E.,  A History  of  Spain  (New 
York,  1918),  pp.  527-540,  supplements  Altamira’s  list,  especially 
on  titles  in  English.  Lannoy,  C.  de,  and  Van  der  Linden,  H., 
Histoire  de  l’ expansion  coloniale  des  peuplcs  europeens,  Portu- 
gal et  Espagne  (Brussels,  1907),  pp.  437-447,  is  a list  of  works 
which  is  particularly  useful  on  Portugal  and  the  Portuguese 
colonies. 


574 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Maps:  For  maps  of  the  Iberian  Peninsula  in  the  later  Middle  Ages, 
see  Dow,  E.  W.,  Atlas  of  European  History  (New  York,  1908), 
No.  15;  Shepherd,  W.  R.,  Historical  Atlas  (American  Historical 
Series,  New  York,  1921),  pp.  82,  83;  Merriam,  R.  B.,  The  Rise 
of  the  Spanish  Empire  in  the  Old  World  and  in  the  New  (2  vols., 
New  York,  1918),  vol.  i,  frontispiece.  A map  of  Europe  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  I is  found  in  Wells,  H.  G.,  The  Outline  of  His- 
tory, P-  756- 

Readings: 

Early  Spanish  and  Portuguese  History:  Chapman,  History  of 
Spain,  chaps,  i-ix;  Merriam,  Rise  of  the  Spanish  Empire,  vol.  i, 
introduction  and  chap,  ii;  Stephens,  H.  M.,  Portugal  (The  Story 
of  the  Nations  Series,  New  York,  1903),  chaps,  i-iv;  Young,  G., 
Portugal,  Old  and  Young  (Oxford,  1917),  pp.  52-91. 

The  Moslem  Regime  and  the  Reconquest:  Chapman,  History  of 
Spain,  chaps,  x-xviii;  Scott,  S.  P.,  History  of  the  Moorish  Em- 
pire in  Europe  (3  vols.,  Philadelphia,  1904),  vol.  ii,  chaps,  xvi, 
xxi,  xxii,  vol.  iii,  chaps,  xxv,  xxix;  Watts,  H.  E.,  The  Christian 
Recovery  of  Spain  (New  York,  1901),  chaps,  i— iii,  xi ; Swift, 
F.  D.,  The  Life  and  Times  of  James  the  First  (Oxford,  1894), 
chaps,  xix-xxiii ; Dieulafoy,  M.,  Art  in  Spain  and  Portugal  (New 
York,  1913),  chap,  v;  Hume,  M.  A.  S.,  The  Spanish  People  (The 
Great  Peoples  Series,  New  York,  1901),  chaps,  vii,  viii ; Braganqa 
Cunha,  V.  de,  Eight  Centuries  of  Portuguese  Monarchy  (Lon- 
don, 1911),  introductory;  Altamira  y Crevea,  Historia  dc 
Espaiia,  vol.  i,  pp.  224-646,  vol.  ii,  pp.  5-368. 

The  Catholic  Monarchs:  Merriam,  Rise  of  the  Spanish  Empire, 
vol.  ii,  chaps,  xiii,  xiv;  Chapman,  History  of  Spain,  chap,  xviii; 
Prescott,  W.  H.,  History  of  the  Reign  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  (New  York,  n.  d.),  vol.  i,  chaps,  iii-v,  viii-xi,  vol.  ii, 
chap,  xxvi;  Plunket,  I.,  Isabel  of  Castile  and  the  Making  of  the 
Spanish  Nation  (New  York,  1915),  chaps,  i,  vi-ix;  Ticknor,  G., 
History  of  Spanish  Literature  (3  vols.,  New  York,  1849),  chaps, 
xxiii,  xxiv;  Cheyney,  E.  P.,  European  Background  of  American 
History  (The  American  Nation  Series,  vol.  i,  New  York,  1904), 
chap.  v. 

The  Austrian  Monarchs:  Chapman,  History  of  Spain,  chaps, 
xxii-xxiv;  Armstrong,  E.,  The  Emperor  Charles  V (2  vols.,  New 
York,  1902),  vol.  i,  chaps,  ii,  iii,  x,  xi,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  ii,  iv,  xii, 
xiii;  Hume,  M.  A.  S.,  Philip  II  of  Spain  (New  York,  1897), 
chaps,  ix,  xv,  xviii; , Spain,  Its  Greatness  and  Decay  (Cam- 

bridge Historical  Series,  Cambridge,  1905),  chaps,  vi-xi. 

Conditions  in  Spain  in  the  Era  of  Discovery  and  Colonization  : 
Merriam,  Rise  of  the  Spanish  Empire,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  xv,  xvi; 
Chapman,  History  of  Spain,  chaps,  xix-xxi,  xxv-xxx;  Lea, 
C.  H.,  Chapters  from  the  Religious  History  of  Spain  Connected 
with  the  Inquisition  (Philadelphia,  1890),  pp.  1-153,213-241 ; , 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  575 


A History  of  the  Inquisition  of  Spain  (4  vols.,  New  York,  1908), 
select  especially  from  book  vi;  Williams,  L.,  The  Arts  and  Crafts 
of  Older  Spain  (3  vols.,  London,  1907),  vol.  i,  pp.  195-289,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  1-86;  Lea,  C.  H.,  The  Moriscoes  of  Spain  (Philadelphia, 
1901),  chaps,  iv-vii,  x,  xi;  Klein,  J.,  The  Mesta  ( Harvard 
Economic  Studies),  vol.  xxi,  (Cambridge,  1920),  chaps,  ii-iv; 
Mariejol,  J.  H.,  L’Espagne  sous  Ferdinand  et  Isabelle  (Paris, 
1892)  ; Altamira  y Crevea,  Historia  de  Espaha;  especially  vol.  ii, 
PP-  369-549- 

Portugal  in  the  Era  of  Discovery  and  Colonization  : Stephens, 
Portugal,  chaps,  v,  vi,  Young,  Portugal,  pp.  92-145;  Oliveira 
Martens,  J.  P.,  The  Golden  Age  of  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator, 
translated  by  Abraham,  J.  J.,  and  Reynolds,  W.  E.  (London, 
1914),  chap,  i;  Bouterwek,  F.,  History  of  Spanish  and  Portu- 
guese Literature,  translated  by  T.  Ross  (2  vols.,  London,  1823), 
vol.  ii,  pp.  23-206;  Dieulafoy,  Art  in  Spain  and  Portugal,  chap, 
xi;  Lannoy  and  Van  der  Linden,  Histoire  de  l’ expansion 
coloniale,  chap.  i. 


CHAPTER  III 

DISCOVERY  AND  CONQUEST 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Bourne,  E.  G.,  Spain  in  America  (American 
Nation  Series,  vol.  iii,  New  York,  1904),  chap,  xxi  is  a critical 
essay  on  authorities.  Leon  Pinelo,  A.  de.  Epitome  de  la  biblio- 
teca  oriental  i occidental,  nautica  i geografica  (Buenos  Aires, 
n.  d. ),  edited  by  D.  L.  Molinari,  furnishes  another  list  of  works 
dealing  with  discovery  and  conquest  in  Latin  America.  Richman, 
I.  B.,  The  Spanish  Conquerors  (The  Chronicles  of  America 
Series,  vol.  ii,  New  Haven,  1919),  contains  a useful  bibliograph- 
ical note  on  pages  217-224;  see  further  the  references  in  Bolton, 
H.  E.,  and  Marshall,  T.  M.,  The  Colonization  of  North  America 
(New  York,  1920),  passim. 

Maps  : A map  of  the  age  of  the  discoveries  is  found  in  Putzger,  F.  W., 
Historischer  Schul- Atlas  (Bielf eld,  1901),  No.  39;  for  the  chief 
voyages  of  exploration  to  1522,  see  Wells,  Outline  of  History, 
p.  745 ; for  the  voyages  of  Columbus,  see  Bourne,  Spain  in 
America,  p.  35;  for  the  Spanish  conquest  of  Mexico  and  Peru, 
see  Richman,  Spanish  Conquerors,  pp.  116,  162;  maps  indicating 
Spanish  activities  in  the  West  Indies  and  Central  America  are 
furnished  by  Bolton  and  Marshall,  Colonization  of  North 
America,  pp.  18,  30;  maps  showing  Portuguese  and  Spanish  ex- 
pansion in  the  Old  World  and  in  the  New  are  found  in  Lannoy 
and  Van  der  Linden,  Histoire  de  I’expansion  coloniale.  A good 
map  of  the  world  showing  the  demarcation  line  of  1494  is  fur- 
nished by  Abbott,  W.  C.,  The  Expansion  of  Europe  (American 


576 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


Historical  Series,  2 vols..  New  York,  1918),  vol.  i,  p.  140.  Maps 
illustrating  various  phases  of  discovery  and  conquest  are  found 
in  Shepherd,  Historical  Atlas,  pp.  105-m. 

Readings: 

The  Great  Discoveries:  Stephens,  Portugal,  chap,  vii;  Sweet, 
History  of  Latin  America,  chap,  iii;  Oliveira  Martens,  The 
Golden  Age  of  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator,  chap,  iii;  Jayne, 
K.  G.,  Vasco  da  Gama  and  His  Successors  (London,  1910),  chaps, 
ii,  v-viii;  Abbott,  Expansion  of  Europe,  vol.  i,  chaps,  iii,  vi ; 
Merriam,  Rise  of  the  Spanish  Empire,  vol.  ii,  pp.  192-219;  Rich- 
man,  Spanish  Conquerors,  chaps,  i-iii;  Windsor,  J.  B., 
Christopher  Columbus  (Boston,  1892),  chaps,  iii-ix;  Markham, 
C.  R.,  Life  of  Christopher  Columbus  (London,  1892),  chaps,  v-x; 
Bourne,  Spain  in  America,  chaps,  i-iv,  vii,  xi;  Pigafetta,  A., 
Magellan’s  Voyage  Around  the  World,  translated  by  Robertson, 
J.  A.  (2  vols.  and  Index,  Cleveland,  1906),  especially  pp.  33-85; 
Medina,  J.  T.,  El  descubrimiento  del  oceano  pacifico  (2  vols., 
Santiago,  1913,  1914),  vol.  i,  chaps,  iii-vi;  Vignaud,  H.,  Histoire 
critique  de  la  grande  entreprise  de  Christophe  Colomb  (2  vols., 
Paris,  1911). 

The  Conquest:  Mexico.  Prescott,  Conquest  of  Mexico,  books 
iii-vi;  MacNutt,  F.  A.,  Fernando  Cortes  and  the  Conquest  of 
Mexico  (New  York,  1909),  chaps,  xv-xviii;  Bourne,  Spain  in 
America,  chap,  xi;  Bancroft,  H.  H.,  History  of  Mexico  (6  vols., 
New  York,  n.  d.),  vol.  i,  chaps,  iv-xxxiv;  Richman,  Spanish 
Conquerors,  chap,  iv;  Bolton  and  Marshall,  Colonisation  of 
North  America,  chap.  ii. — Central  America.  Bancroft,  H.  H., 
History  of  Central  America  (3  vols.,  San  Francisco,  1883),  vol.  i, 
chaps,  vi-ix,  xviii-xxiii;  Richman,  Spanish  Conquerors,  chap,  v; 
Helps,  A.,  Spanish  Conquest  in  America  (4  vols.,  London,  1900), 
vol.  iii,  books  xiii,  xv. — Peru.  Prescott,  Conquest  of  Peru,  books 
ii  and  iii;  Richman,  Spanish  Conquerors,  chap,  vi;  Markham, 
Incas  of  Peru,  chap,  xvi ; Helps,  Spanish  Conquest,  vol.  iii,  book 
xvi. — New  Granada.  Markham,  C.  R.,  The  Conquest  of  New 
Granada  (New  York,  1912),  chaps,  xi-xiii;  Zahm,  J.  A.,  The 
Quest  of  El  Dorado  (New  York,  1917),  chaps,  ii,  vi;  Restrepo 
Tirado,  E.,  Descubrimiento  y conquista  de  Colombia  (in  progress, 
Bogota,  1917-). — Chile.  Moses,  B.,  The  Spanish  Dependencies  in 
South  America  (2  vols..  New  York,  1914),  vol.  i,  chap,  xi ; 
Watson,  R.  G.,  Spanish  and  Portuguese  South  America  During 
the  Colonial  Period  (2  vols.,  London,  1884),  vol.  i,  chap,  viii; 
Helps,  Spanish  Conquest,  vol.  iv,  book  xvii;  Amunategui,  M.  L., 
Descubrimiento  y conquista  de  Chile  (Santiago,  1913). — La  Plata. 
Watson,  Spanish  and  Portuguese  South  America,  vol.  i,  chap,  v; 
Washburn,  C.  A.,  The  History  of  Paraguay  (2  vols.,  Boston, 
1871),  vol.  i,  chaps,  i-iv;  Groussac,  P.,  Las  dos  fundaciones  de 
Buenos  Aires  (Buenos  Aires,  1916). — Venezuela.  MacNutt, 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING 


577 


F.  A.,  Bartholomew  de  las  Casas  (New  York,  1909),  chaps,  xi, 
xii;  Watson,  Spanish  and  Portuguese  South  America,  vol.  i, 
chap,  iv;  Moses,  Spanish  Dependencies  in  South  America,  vol.  i, 
chaps,  ii-v;  Caulin,  A.,  Historia  corografica,  natural  y evangelica 
de  la  Nueva  Andalucia  (Caracas,  1841). 

Early  Brazil:  Stephens,  Portugal,  chap,  vii;  Dawson,  T.  C.,  The 
South  American  Republics  (2  vols.,  New  York,  1904),  vol.  i,  pp. 
295-325;  Sweet,  History  of  Latin  America,  chap,  vii;  Watson, 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  South  America,  vol.  i,  chap,  ix;  Southey, 
R.,  History  of  Brazil  (3  vols.,  London,  1817-1822),  vol.  i,  chap,  ii ; 
Lannoy  and  Van  der  Linden,  Histoire  de  l’ expansion  coloniale, 
pp.  27-71. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  COLONIES  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH 

CENTURY 

Bibliographical  Aids:  "Museo  Mitre”:  Catdlogo  de  la  biblioteca 

(Buenos  Aires,  1907),  contains  titles  of  works  on  the  colonial 
history  of  South  America.  Prince,  C.,  Bosquejo  de  la  Utteratura 
peruana  colonial  (Lima,  1910,  191 1 ) , contains  a useful  list  of 
titles  which  is  supplemented  by  his  Suplemento  a la  biblioteca 
peruana  colonial  (Lima,  1912).  Bolton,  H.  E.,  The  Spanish 
Borderlands  (Chronicles  of  America  Series,  vol.  xxiii,  New 
Haven,  1921),  contains  a useful  bibliographical  note,  pp.  297-403. 
See  also  Cunningham,  C.  A.,  The  Audiencia  in  the  Spanish 
Colonies  ( University  of  California  Publications  in  History,  vol. 
ix,  Berkeley,  1919),  pp.  445-462. 

Maps  : Maps  illustrating  Spanish  expansion  in  Mexico  are  found  in 
Bolton,  Spanish  Borderlands,  p.  16;  Bolton  and  Marshall, 
Colonization  of  North  America,  pp.  35,  43,  57,  69;  a map  of 
Mexico  in  the  sixteenth  century  is  found  in  Bancroft,  History 
of  Mexico,  vol.  ii,  frontispiece;  for  a map  illustrating  political 
divisions  in  Spanish  South  America,  see  Biedma,  J.  J.,  and  Beyer, 
C.,  Atlas  histdrico  de  la  republica  argentina  (Buenos  Aires,  1909), 
plate  vi. 

Readings: 

Colonization,  Administration,  and  Society  of  Spanish  America: 
Merriam,  Rise  of  the  Spanish  Empire,  vol.  ii,  pp.  219-237 ; Sweet, 
History  of  Latin  America,  chaps.2viii-x  ; Helps,  Spanish  Conquest, 
vol.  iii,  book  xiv,  vol.  iv,  book  xviii ; Watson,  Spanish  and  Por- 
tuguese South  America,  vol.  i,  chaps,  x-xiv;  Bourne,  Spain  in 
America,  chaps,  xiii,  xiv;  Moses,  B.,  The  Establishment  of 
Spanish  Rule  in  America  (New  York,  1898),  chaps,  ii-v;  Ban- 
croft, History  of  Mexico,  vol.  ii,  especially  chaps,  xiv,  xvi,  xviii; 
Moses,  Spanish  Dependencies  in  South  America,  vol.  i,  chaps. 


578 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


xvi,  xxii,  vol.  ii,  chap,  iii;  Cunningham,  The  Audiencia  in  the 
Spanish  Colonies,  chaps,  i,  ii;  Haring,  C.  H.,  Trade  and  Naviga- 
tion between  Spain  and  the  Indies  in  the  Time  of  the  Hapsburgs 
( Harvard  Economic  Studies,  vol.  xix,  Cambridge,  1918),  chaps, 
i,  ii;  Lea,  C.  H.,  The  Inquisition  in  the  Spanish  Dependencies 
(hew  York,  1908),  chap.  vi. 

Expansion  : Bolton,  Spanish  Borderlands,  chap,  iv;  Bancroft,  His- 
tory of  Mexico,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  xxi,  xxii,  xxiv;  Bolton  and 
Marshall,  Colonization  of  North  America,  chap,  iii ; Moses, 
Spanish  Dependencies  in  South  America,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  i,  ii; 
Watson,  Spanish  and  Portuguese  South  America,  vol.  i,  chaps, 
xii-xiv;  Levene,  R.,  Lecciones  de  historia  argentina  (2  vols., 
Buenos  Aires,  1920),  vol.  i,  chaps,  vi-viii ; Ordonez  Lopez,  M., 
and  Crespo,  L.  S.,  Bosque  jo  dc  la  historia  de  Bolivia  (La  Paz, 
1912),  pp.  67-94;  Recopilacion  de  leyes  de  los  reinos  de  las  Indias 
(2  vols.,  Madrid,  1841). 

Portuguese  America:  Stephens,  Portugal,  chap,  x;  Watson, 

Spanish  and  Portuguese  America,  vol.  i,  chap,  xv;  BBAGANgA, 
Cunha,  Eight  Centuries  of  Portuguese  Monarchy,  chaps,  iii,  iv; 
Southey,  History  of  Brazil,  vol.  i,  chaps,  ix,  x;  Dawson,  South 
American  Republics,  vol.  i,  pp.  326-360;  Oliveira  Lima,  M.  de, 
Formation  historique  de  la  nationalite  bresilienne  (Paris,  191 1 ) , 
chaps,  i,  ii. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  OLD  REGIME  IN  LATIN  AMERICA 

Bibliographical  Aids:  In  addition  to  the  aids  cited  under  chapter  iv, 
see  Anrique  R.  N.,  and  Silva  A.,  L.  I.,  Ensayo  de  una  biblio- 
grafia  historica  y jeografica  de  Chile  (Santiago,  1902)  ; and  also 
Sanchez,  M.  S.,  Bibliografia  venezolanista  (Caracas,  1914). 

Maps:  European  colonies  in  America  in  1660  and  1790  are  shown  in 
Putzger,  Schul-Atlas,  Nos.  38a,  and  38b;  colonial  administrative 
areas  in  Latin  America  are  indicated  in  Shepherd,  Historical 
Atlas,  pp.  213-215;  Biedma  and  Beyer,  Atlas  liistorico  de  la 
republica  argentina,  plate  viii  is  a map  showing  explorations  in 
South  America  in  the  eighteenth  century;  plate  ix  is  the  vice- 
royalty of  Buenos  Aires  showing  the  intendancies.  In  Zarate,  J., 
La  guerra  de  independencia  ( Mexico  a traves  de  los  siglos,  vol. 
iii,  Barcelona,  c.  1880),  p.  22  is  a map  showing  the  intendancies 
of  Mexico.  The  frontispiece  in  Southey,  History  of  Brazil,  vol. 
ii,  is  a map  of  Brazil  and  adjacent  Spanish  America. 

Readings: 

Expansion  in  Spanish  America:  Bolton,  Spanish  Borderlands. 
chaps,  vi-viii;  Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico,  vol.  iii,  chaps,  xvii, 
xviii;  Bancroft,  History  of  Central  America,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  xxi, 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  579 


xxv,  xxxi,  xxxv ; Moses,  Spanish  Dependencies  in  South  America, 
vol.  ii,  chap,  viii;  Watson,  Spanish  and  Portuguese  South  Amer- 
ica, vol.  ii,  chaps,  x,  xiii ; Southey,  History  of  Brazil,  vol.  ii,  chap, 
xxiv. 

Administration  of  Spanish  America:  Moses,  Spanish  Dependencies 
in  South  America,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  xiv,  xvii ; South  America  on  the 
Eve  of  Emancipation  (New  York,  1908),  chaps,  ii,  x;  Sweet, 
History  of  Latin  America,  chap,  xi ; Pons,  F.  de,  Travels  in  South 
America  (2  vols.,  London,  1807),  vol.  i,  chap,  v;  Bancroft,  His- 
tory of  Mexico,  vol.  iii,  chap,  xxv;  Shepherd,  W.  R.,  Latin 
America  (New  York,  1914),  chap,  ii ; Robertson,  W.  S.,  Rise  of 
the  S panisli- American  Republics  as  Told  in  the  Lives  of  Their 
Liberators  (New  York,  1918),  pp.  1-10. 

Social,  Economic,  and  Intellectual  Conditions:  Robertson,  Rise 
of  the  Spanish-American  Republics,  pp.  10-25;  Shepherd,  Latin 
America,  chaps,  iii-vi;  Pons,  F.,  de.  Travels  in  South  America, 
vol.  i,  chaps,  ii,  vi,  vii;  Moses,  South  America  on  the  Eve  of 
Emancipation,  chaps,  iv-ix,  xiii,  xiv;  Markham,  C.  R.,  A History 
of  Peru  (Chicago,  1892),  chaps,  vii,  viii;  Moses,  B.,  Spain’s 
Declining  Power  in  South  America  (Berkeley,  1919),  chaps,  i-iv, 
vi— viii,  x-xiv;  Coester,  Literary  History  of  Spanish  America, 
chap,  i;  Lea,  C.  H.,  The  Inquisition  in  the  Spanish  Dependencies 
(New  York,  1908),  chaps,  vi-viii;  Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico, 
vol.  iii,  chaps,  xxxiii,  xxxiv;  Washburn,  History  of  Paraguay, 
vol.  i,  chaps,  vi-viii;  Hancock,  A.  V.,  A History  of  Chile 
(Chicago,  1893),  chaps,  ix,  x;  Quesada,  V.  G.,  La  vida  intelectual 
en  la  America  espahola  durante  los  siglos  xvi,  xvii y xviii  (Buenos 
Aires,  1910). 

Conditions  in  Brazil:  Stephens,  Portugal,  chap,  xvi;  Southey, 
History  of  Brazil,  vol.  iii,  chaps,  xxxix-xli;  Watson,  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  South  America,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  v,  vii,  xiv,  xv,  xvii; 
Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  vol.  i,  pp.  361-400;  Ed- 
mundson,  G.,  “Portugal,”  “Brazil,”  in  The  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  vol.  vi  (Cambridge,  1909),  pp.  384-392;  Oliveira  Lima, 
Evolution  of  Brazil,  lecture  ii ; Lannoy  and  Van  der  Linden, 
Histoire  de  l’ expansion  coloniale,  chaps,  iii-v;  Oliveira  Lima, 
Formation  historique  de  la  nationality  bresilienne,  chaps,  iii-vi. 

CHAPTER  VI 

THE  WINNING  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

Bibliographical  Aids:  In  Robertson,  Rise  of  the  Spanish-American 
Republics,  pp.  333-361,  is  a select,  annotated  bibliography  of  the 
Revolution  in  Spanish  America.  A list  of  works  dealing  with  the 
separation  of  Brazil  from  Portugal  is  contained  in  Oliveira 
Lima,  M.  de,  Dom  Joao  VI  no  Brazil,  1808-1821  (2  vols.,  Rio  de 
Janeiro,  1908),  vol.  ii,  pp.  1137-1149. 


580  THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 

Maps  : A map  illustrating  the  early  Revolution  in  northern  South 
America  is  found  in  Mancini,  J.,  Bolivar  et  l’ emancipation  dcs 
colonies  espagnoles  dcs  origines  d 1815  (Paris,  1912).  For  maps 
illustrating  later  campaigns  of  Bolivar's  armies,  see  especially 
Codazzi,  A.,  Atlas  fisico  y politico  dc  la  rcpublica  de  Venezuela 
Caracas,  1840),  Nos.  9-13.  The  campaigns  of  San  Martin  are 
illustrated  by  maps  in  Biedma  and  Beyer,  Atlas  historico  de  la 
republica  argentina,  plates  xiv-xvi. 

.Readings: 

Events  in  Spain  and  Portugal;  the  Independence  of  Brazil: 
Hume,  M.,  Modern  Spain  (Story  of  the  Nations  Series,  London, 
1906),  pp.  86-122;  Oman,  C.,  A History  of  the  Peninsular  War 
(Oxford,  1902),  vol.  i,  section  i;  Latimer,  E.  W.,  Spain  in  the 
Nineteenth  Century  (Chicago,  1907),  chaps,  ii,  iii ; Stephens, 
Portugal,  chap,  xvii;  Armitage,  J.,  The  History  of  Brazil  (2  vols., 
London,  1836),  vol.  i,  chaps,  i,  ii,  vi-ix;  Edmundson,  G.,  “Brazil 
and  Portugal,”  in  The  Cambridge  Modern  History,  vol.  x,  chap,  x; 
Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  vol.  i,  pp.  401-420;  Oliveira 
Lima,  Dom  Joao  VI  no  Brazil,  vol.  i,  chaps,  i-v,  xiii,  vol.  ii, 
chaps,  xxvii-xxix. 

The  Early  Revolution  in  Spanish  America;  Independence  of 
Mexico:  Robertson,  Rise  of  the  Spanish- American  Republics, 
pp.  26-127,  and  pp.  142-179;  Noll,  A.  H.,  and  McMahon,  A.  P., 
The  Life  and  Times  of  Miguel  Hidalgo  y Costilla  (Chicago, 
1910),  chaps,  iv-ix;  Sweet,  History  of  Latin  America,  pp.  140- 
152,  163-175;  Robertson,  W.  S.,  Francisco  de  Miranda  and  the 
Revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America,  American  Historical  Asso- 
ciation, Report,  1907,  vol.  i,  especially  pp.  437-490;  Petre,  F.  L., 
Simon  Bolivar,  “El  Libertador”  (London,  1909),  chaps,  ii-vii; 
Mitre,  B.,  The  Emancipation  of  South  America,  translated  and 
condensed  by  W.  Pilling  (London,  1893),  chaps,  iv-vi ; Sher- 
well,  G.  A.,  Simon  Bolivar,  El  Libertador  (Washington,  1921), 
chaps,  iii-viii;  Koebel,  W.  H.,  The  Romance  of  the  River  Plate 
(2  vols.,  London,  1914),  pp.  387-394,  chap,  xxx;  Washburn, 
History  of  Paraguay,  vol.  i,  chaps,  ix,  x;  Shepherd,  W.  R.,  The 
Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New  World  (Chronicles  of  America 
Series,  vol.  L,  New  Haven,  1919),  chap.  ii. 

End  of  the  Wars  for  Independence  in  South  America  : Robertson, 
Rise  of  the  Spanish- American  Republics  pp.  179-285;  Mitre, 
Emancipation  of  South  America,  chaps,  xi-xiv,  xxvi-xxxiii; 
Sweet,  History  of  Latin  America,  pp.  152-163;  Sherwell,  Simon 
Bolivar,  chaps,  ix-xvi;  Washburn,  History  of  Paraguay,  vol.  i, 
chaps,  xi,  xii ; Mehegan,  O’Higgins  of  Chile,  chaps,  viii-xii ; 
Chisholm,  A.  S.  M.,  The  Independence  of  Chile  (Boston,  1911), 
pp.  243-305;  Markham,  History  of  Peru,  pp.  237-282;  Petre, 
Simon  Bolivar,  chaps,  viii-xii,  xvi;  Paxson,  F.  L.,  The  Independ- 
ence of  the  South- American  Republics  (Philadelphia,  1903), 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  581 


chaps,  ii,  iii;  Oliveira  Lima,  Evolution  of  Brazil,  lectures  iv,  v; 
Scjiryver,  S.  de,  Esquisse  de  la  vie  de  Bolivar  (Brussels,  1898), 
chaps,  xix-xxiv;  Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New  World, 
chap.  iii. 


CHAPTER  VII 

FROM  EMPIRE  TO  REPUBLIC  IN  BRAZIL 

Bibliographical  Aids:  On  the  national  history  of  the  Latin-Ameri- 
can  nations  see  Pierson,  W.  W.,  Hispanic-American  History, 
1826-1920  ( Institute  of  International  Education;  International 
Relations  Clubs,  Syllabus,  No.  vii,  New  York,  1921).  On  Brazil 
see  especially,  Catalogo  da  exposigao  de  historia  do  Brazil  rcali- 
zad-i  pela  bibliotheca  nacional  do  Rio  de  Janiero  (2  vols.,  Rio  de 
Janeiro,  1881). 

Maps:  Bartholomew,  J.  G.,  The  Times  Survey  Atlas  of  the  World 

■ (London,  1920),  plates  95-101  are  detailed  maps  of  Latin-American 
countries.  See  also,  Rand  McNally  and  Company,  The  Library 
Atlas  of  the  World  (Chicago,  n.  d.),  vol.  ii;  Zerolo,  E.,  Atlas 
geografico  universal  (Paris,  n.  d.)  ; and  Andree,  R.,  Allgcmcincr 
Handatlas  (Bielefeld,  1906),  pp.  193-200. 

Readings: 

The  Brazilian  Empire:  Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New 
World,  pp.  53-55,  77-79;  Garcia  Calderon,  F.,  Latin  America; 
Its  Rise  and  Progress,  translated  by  B.  Miall  (London,  1918), 
book  iii,  chap,  iii;  Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  vol.  i, 
pp.  421-492;  Armitage,  History  of  Brazil,  vol.  i,  chaps,  x-xx, 
vol.  ii;  Akers,  C.  E.,  A History  of  South  America,  1854.-1904 
(London,  1904),  chap,  xiii;  Kidder,  D.  P.,  and  Fletcher,  J.  C., 
Brazil  and  the  Brazilians  (Philadelphia,  1857),  chaps,  v,  xii,  xiii; 
Mosse,  B.,  Dom  Pedro  II,  Empereur  du  Bresil  (Paris,  1889),  pp. 
61-104,  181-243;  Ribeiro,  J.,  Historia  do  Brasil  (Rio  de  Janiero, 
1916),  pp.  411-456;  Oliveira  Lima,  Formation  historique  de  la 
nationality  bresilienne,  chaps,  x-xii.  On  the  Paraguayan  War, 
see  references  under  chap.  x. 

The  Republic  to  1914:  Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  vol.  i, 
pp.  492-512;  Akers,  History  of  South  America,  chaps,  xiv-xvii; 
Rodriguez,  J.  I„  American  Constitutions  (2  vols.,  Washington, 
1905),  vol.  i,  pp.  134-170;  Guanabara,  A.,  A presidencia  Campos 
Salles,  politico  e financas,  1898-1902  (Rio  de  Janeiro,  1902)  ; 
Bernardez,  M.,  Le  Bresil,  sa  vie,  son  travail,  son  avenir  (Buenos 
Aires,  1908),  pp.  24-47,  155-171 ; Denis,  P.,  Brazil  (London, 
1911),  chaps,  iv-vi. 

Brazil  and  the  World  War:  The  Brazilian  Green  Book  (London, 
1918)  ; Haring,  C.  H.,  The  Germans  in  South  America  (Wash- 
ington, 1920),  chap,  ii;  Martin,  P.  A.,  Latin  America  and  the 


582 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


War  ( League  of  Nations,  vol.  ii,  No.  4),  pp.  233-245;  Robertson, 
W.  S.,  “The  Position  of  Brazil,”  in  The  Nation , vol.  civ,  pp. 
208,  209. 

Contemporary  Conditions:  Bryce,  J.,  South  America;  Observations 
and  Impressions  (New  York,  1914),  chap,  xi;  Clemenceau,  G., 
South  America  of  To-day  (New  York,  1911),  chaps,  xii-xiv; 
The  Civil  Code  of  Brazil,  translated  by  J.  Wheless  (St.  Louis, 
1920)  ; Winter,  N.  O.,  Brazil  and  Her  People  of  To-day  (Boston, 
1910),  chaps,  iii,  xii,  xiii,  xviii;  Domville-Fife,  C.,  The  States 
of  South  America  (New  York,  1920),  chaps,  iii,  iv;  Oakenfull, 
J.  C.,  Brazil,  Past,  Present,  and  Future  (London,  1919)  ; Red- 
field,  A.  H.,  Brazil,  a Study  of  Economic  Conditions  Since  vpiy 
(United  States  department  of  commerce,  bureau  of  foreign  and 
domestic  commerce,  Miscellaneous  Scries,  No.  86,  Washington, 
1920). 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  NATION 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Republica  argentine;  catdlogo  mctodico  de  la 
biblioteca  nacional  (vol.  ii,  Buenos  Aires,  1900),  especially  pp. 
126-136.  This  list  contains  useful  titles.  Titles  of  books  in 
English  concerning  Spanish-American  states  are  found  in 
Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New  World,  pp.  239-242. 

Maps:  A map  of  the  Argentine  campaigns  against  Brazil,  1826-1828, 
is  found  in  Biedma  and  Beyer,  Atlas  historico  dc  la  republica 
argentina,  plate  xvii.  Maps  of  Argentine  provinces  are  in  Paz 
Soldan,  M.  F.,  Atlas  geogrdfico  de  la  republica  argentina 
(Buenos  Aires,  1887). 

Readings: 

From  Anarchy  to  Dictatorship:  Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of 
the  New  World,  pp.  80-92;  Dawson,  South  American  Republics, 
vol.  i,  pp.  1 15-129;  Garcia  Calderon,  Latin  America,  book  ii, 
chap,  v;  Koebel,  Romance  of  the  River  Plate,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  xxvi, 
xxxii-xxxvii ; Levene,  Lecciones  de  historia  argentina,  vol.  ii, 
chaps,  xv-xxvi;  Saldias,  A.,  Historia  de  la  confederacion 
argentina  (5  vols.,  Buenos  Aires,  1911),  vol.  ii,  chaps,  xx-xxvi. 

Constitutional  Reorganization  and  National  Development: 
Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of  the  Nezu  World,  pp.  133-136, 
171-175  ; Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  vol.  i,  pp.  130-161 ; 
Rowe,  L.  S.,  The  Federal  System  of  the  Argentine  Republic 
(Washington,  1921),  chaps,  iv-vi;  Rodriguez,  American  Consti- 
tutions, vol.  i,  pp.  99-132;  Baque,  S.,  lnfluencia  de  Alberdi  en  la 
organizacion  politico  del  estado  argentine  (Buenos  Aires,  1915), 
chaps,  iii-v;  Akers,  History  of  South  America,  chaps,  ii-vi; 
Hirst,  W.  A.,  Argentina  (London,  1910),  chaps,  ix,  x; 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  583 


Williams,  J.  H.,  Argentine  International  Trade  under  Incon- 
vertible Paper  Money,  1880-1900  ( Harvard  Economic  Studies, 
vol.  xxii,  Cambridge,  1920),  chaps,  iii,  v,  ix;  Coester,  Literary 
History  of  Spanish  America,  chap,  iv;  Koebel,  W.  H.,  Argentina 
(New  York,  1911),  chaps,  v-xvi.  On  the  Paraguayan  War,  see 
references  under  chapter  x. 

Argentina  and  the  World  War  : Haring,  Germans  in  South 

America,  chap,  iii;  Martin,  Latin  America  and  the  War,  pp. 
249-255 ; Robertson,  W.  S.,  “Argentina’s  Attitude  to  the  War,” 
in  The  Nation,  vol.  civ,  p.  234,  235;  Smith,  L.  B.,  and  Others, 
The  Economic  Position  of  Argentina  During  the  War  (Bureau 
of  foreign  and  domestic  commerce,  Miscellaneous  Series,  No.  88, 
Washington,  1920). 

Contemporary  Conditions:  Bryce,  South  America,  chap,  ix, 

Clemenceau,  South  America  of  To-day,  chaps,  iv,  vii,  viii,  ix, 
and  pp.  25-80;  Ross,  F.  A.,  South  of  Panama  (New  York,  1915), 
chap,  v;  Rowe,  Federal  System  of  the  Argentine  Republic,  chaps, 
ix-xiii ; Parker,  W.  B.,  Editor,  Argentines  of  To-day  ( Hispanic 
Notes  & Monographs,  2 vols.,  Buenos  Aires,  1920)  ; Tornquist, 
R.  A.,  and  Co.,  The  Economic  Development  of  the  Argentine 
Republic  in  the  Last  Fifty  Years  (Buenos  Aires,  1915),  chaps, 
ii-v;  La  Nacion:  1810,  25  de  Mayo,  1910  (Buenos  Aires,  1910)  ; 
Anuario  de  la  direccion  general  de  estadistica  (in  progress, 
Buenos  Aires,  1895-)  ; Bunge,  A.  B.,  Los  problemas  economicos 
del  presente  (Buenos  Aires,  1920). 

CHAPTER  IX 

URUGUAY 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Republica  argentina;  catdlogo  metodico  de 
la  biblioteca  nacional,  vol.  ii,  pp.  114-126,  mentions  works  dealing 
with  Uruguayan  history.  See  also  “Museo  Mitre” ; catdlogo  de  la 
biblioteca,  pp.  328-353. 

Maps:  Maps  illustrative  of  Uruguayan  history  are  found  in 

H.  D.,  Ensayo  de  historia  patria  (Montevideo,  1913),  see  pp.  496, 
568,  624,  648,  680. 

Readings: 

Independence  and  the  Constitution  of  1830:  Dawson,  South 
American  Republics,  vol.  i,  pp.  259-264;  Koebel,  W.  H., 
Uruguay  (London,  1911),  pp.  97-109;  Rodriguez,  American  Con- 
stitutions, vol.  ii,  pp.  158-202;  De-Maria,  I.,  Compendio  de  la 
historia  de  la  republica  0.  del  Uruguay  (6  vols.,  Montevideo, 
1895-1902),  vols.  v,  vi;  Bauza,  F.,  Estudios  constitucionales, 
(Montevideo,  1887),  pp.  5-82. 

Politico-Military  Struggles;  Era  of  Reforms:  Dawson,  South 
American  Republics,  vol.  i,  pp.  265-284;  Garcia  Calderon,  Latin 


3^4 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


America,  book  ii,  chap,  iv;  DeBerle,  A.  J.,  The  History  of  South 
America  from  Its  Discovery  to  the  Present  Time,  translated  by 
Jones,  A.  D.,  (London,  1899),  chap,  vi ; Koebel,  Uruguay,  pp. 
109-127,  chap,  xxvii;  Akers,  History  of  South  America,  chaps, 
xi,  xii ; Maeso,  C.  M.,  El  Uruguay  d t raves  de  un  siglo  (Monte- 
video, 1910),  pp.  263-345;  H.  D.,  Ensayo  dc  historia  patria,  part 
iii;  Coester,  Literary  History  of  Spanish  America,  chap.  v.  On 
the  Paraguayan  War,  see  references  under  chap.  x. 

Ltruguay  and  the  World  War:  Martin,  Latin  America  and  the 
IVar,  pp.  259-261;  Haring,  Germans  in  South  America,  pp.  102- 
104;  Buero,  J.  A.,  El  Uruguay  en  la  vida  internacional  (Monte- 
video, 1919). 

Contemporary  Conditions;  Constitutional  Reform:  Koebel, 

Uruguay,  chaps,  xx-xxiii ; Anuario  estadistico  de  la  republica 
oriental  del  Uruguay  (vol.  xxiv,  Montevideo,  1916)  ; El  Siglo: 
1863  cincuentenario,  1913  (Montevideo,  1913)  ; Uruguay  in 
1913  (Montevideo,  1915)  ; “The  Constitution  of  Uruguay,”  trans- 
lated by  James,  H.  J.,  in  the  Southwestern  Political  Science 
Quarterly,  vol.  i,  pp.  95-118;  Vedia  y Mitre,  M.  de,  El  gobierno 
del  Uruguay:  estudio  constitucional  de  la  reforma  de  1917 
(Buenos  Aires,  1919)  ; Goldberg,  I.,  Studies  in  Spanish-American 
Literature  (New  York,  1920),  chap.  iii. 

CHAPTER  X 

PARAGUAY 

Bibliographical  Aids:  DeCoud,  J.  S.,  A List  of  Books,  Magazine 
Articles  and  Maps  Relating  to  Paraguay  (Washington,  1904). 

Maps:  Biedma  and  Beyer,  Atlas  historico  de  la  republica  argentina, 
plate  xviii,  is  a map  illustrative  of  the  Paraguayan  War. 
Gasperi,  F.  E.,  de,  Atlas  general  de  la  republica  del  Paraguay 
(Buenos  Aires,  1920),  contains  maps  of  the  departments  of  Para- 
guay. 

Readings: 

Paraguay  under  Francia  and  the  Lopez  Dynasty:  Koebel, 

Romance  of  the  River  Plate,  vol.  ii,  pp.  394-409;  Garcia  Cal- 
deron, Latin  America,  book  iii,  chap,  iv;  Dawson,  South  Ameri- 
can Republics,  vol.  i,  pp.  188-205;  Washburn,  History  of 
Paraguay,  vol.  i,  chaps,  xxi,  xxviii-xxxiii ; Rengger  (J.  R.),  and 
Longchamps  (M.),  The  Reign  of  Doctor  Joseph  Gaspard 
Roderick  de  Francia  in  Paraguay  (London,  1827),  part  ii;  Baez, 
C.,  Ensayo  sobre  el  doctor  Francia  y la  dictadura  en  Sud-Amcrica 
(Asuncion,  1910),  chaps,  viii-xi ; Garay,  B.,  Compendio  elemental 
de  historia  del  Paraguay  (Asuncion,  1915),  pp.  137-207;  Koebel, 
Romance  of  the  River  Plate,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  xxix,  xxxviii,  xxxix. 

The  Paraguayan  War;  Constitutional  Reorganization:  Wash- 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  585 


burn,  History  of  Paraguay,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  xxxviii-xli;  Master- 
man,  G.  F.,  Seven  Eventful  Years  in  Paraguay  (London,  1869), 
chaps,  viii,  xi,  xvi-xx;  Koebel,  Romance  of  the  River  Plate, 
chaps,  xl-xlii ; Rodriguez,  American  Constitutions,  vol.  ii,  pp. 
381-410;  Garay,  Compendio  elemental  de  historia  del  Paraguay, 
pp.  208-288;  Akers,  History  of  South  America,  chaps,  vii-x. 

Recent  History;  Contemporary  Conditions:  Sciiurz,  W.  L., 

Paraguay,  A Commercial  Handbook,  Bureau  of  foreign  and 
domestic  commerce,  Special  Agents  Series,  No.  199  (Washington, 
1920)  ; Yubero,  G.,  and  Others,  El  Paraguayo  Moderno  (Asun- 
cion, 1915);  Anuario  estadistico  de  la  repiiblica  del  Paraguay 
(Asuncion,  1915—)  ; Parker,  W.  B.,  Editor,  Paraguayans  of 
To-day  ( Hispanic  Notes  & Monographs,  Buenos  Aires,  1920); 
Domville-Fife,  The  States  of  South  America,  chaps,  xvii,  xviii. 

CHAPTER  XI 

CHILE 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Anrique  R.,  and  Silva  A.,  Ensayo  de  una 
bibliografia  histdrica  y feogrdfica  de  Chile,  is  at  parts  supple- 
mented by  Vaisse,  E.,  Bibliografia  general  de  Chile  (in  progress, 
Santiago,  1915-).  See  also  Phillips,  P.  L.,  A List  of  Books, 
Magazine  Articles,  and  Maps  Relating  to  Chile  (Washington, 

1903)- 

Maps:  Atlas  de  la  republica  de  Chile  (Gotha,  191 1 ) , contains  maps 
dealing  with  the  national  period  of  Chilean  history.  See  also, 
Espinoza,  E.,  Jeografia  descriptiva  de  la  republica  de  Chile 
(Santiago,  1903). 

Readings: 

Political  and  Constitutional  Changes,  1818-1833:  Shepherd, 
Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New  World,  pp.  70-72;  Mehegan, 
O’Higgins  of  Chile,  chaps,  xiv-xvi ; Garcia  Calderon,  Latin 
America,  pp.  164-168;  Dawson,  The  South  American  Republics, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  180-197;  Chisholm,  Independence  of  Chile,  pp.  305- 
378;  Hancock,  History  of  Chile,  part  iii,  chaps,  i,  ii;  Barros 
Arana,  D.,  Historia  jeneral  de  Chile  (16  vols.,  Santiago,  1884- 
1897),  vol.  xv9  chap,  xxxix;  Rodriguez,  American  Constitutions, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  207-252. 

To  the  Anti-Balmaceda  Revolution  and  Beyond:  Deberle,  His- 
tory of  South  America,  chap,  x;  Garcia  Calderon,  Latin 
America,  pp.  168-179;  Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  vol. 
ii,  pp.  197-231 ; Hancock,  History  of  Chile,  part  iii,  chaps,  iii-vi, 
part  v;  Akers,  History  of  South  America,  chaps,  xviii-xxiii; 
Hervey,  M.  H.,  Dark  Days  in  Chile  (London,  1891,  1892),  chaps, 
iv,  x;  Elliot,  G.  F.  S.,  Chile  (London,  1909),  chaps,  xiii-xv; 
Wright,  M.  K.,  The  Republic  of  Chile  (Philadelphia,  1904), 


586 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


chap,  iii ; Coester,  Literary  History  of  Spanish  America,  chap,  vi ; 
Galdames,  L.,  Estudio  de  la  historia  de  Chile  (Santiago,  1914), 
chaps,  x-xii ; Salas  Edwards,  R.,  Balmaceda  y el  parlamcntarismo 
en  Chile  (Santiago,  1916-)  ; Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of  the 
New  World,  pp.  137-142,  175-183.  On  the  "War  of  the  Pacific,” 
see  further  the  references  under  chapter  xiii. 

Chile  and  the  World  War:  Haring,  Germans  in  South  America, 
chap,  v;  Martin,  Latin  America  and  the  War,  pp.  255-258; 
Rowe,  L.  S.,  The  Early  Effects  of  the  European  War  upon  the 
Finance,  Commerce  and  Industry  of  Chile  (New  York,  1918), 
chaps,  iii-v ; Robertson,  W.  S.,  “Chile  and  the  World  War,”  in 
The  Nation,  vol.  cix,  pp.  305-307;  Silva  Vildosola,  C.,  Del  dolor 
y de  la  muerte  (Santiago,  1916) ; Gallardo  Nieto,  G.,  Neutrali- 
dad  de  Chile  ante  la  guerra  europea  (Santiago,  1917). 

Contemporary  Conditions:  Chile  (Santiago,  1915);  Bryce,  South 
America,  chaps,  vi,  viii;  Ross,  South  of  Panama,  chap,  iv; 
Sinopsis  estadistica  de  la  republica  de  Chile  (Santiago,  1916)  ; 
Anuario  estadistico  de  la  republica  de  Chile  (9  vols.,  Santiago, 
1916)  ; Chapman,  C.  E.,  “The  Chilean  Elections,”  in  The  Nation, 
vol.  cxi,  pp.  445,  446. 


CHAPTER  XII 

BOLIVIA 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Rene-Moreno,  G.,  Biblioteca  boliviano; 

catalogo  de  la  seccion  de  libros  i folletos  (Santiago,  1879). 

Maps  : In  Mercado  M.  M.,  Historia  internacional  de  Bolivia, 

cuestiones  de  limites  (La  Paz,  1916),  is  a map  indicating  graph- 
ically the  successive  losses  of  territory  by  Bolivia. 

Readings: 

Early  History:  Robertson,  Rise  of  the  S panish-American  Republics, 
pp.  285-298;  Garcia  Calderon,  Latin  America,  book  ii,  chap,  iii; 
Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  266-278;  Deberle, 
History  of  South  America,  chap,  viii;  Santivanez,  J.  M.,  Vida 
del  general  Jose  Ballivian  (New  York,  1891);  Sotomayor 
Valdes,  R.,  Estudio  histdrico  de  Bolivia  bajo  la  administracion 
del  jeneral  d.  Jose  Maria  de  Acha  (Santiago,  1874). 

Controversy  with  Chile;  Constitution  of  1880:  Dawson,  South 
American  Republics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  278-281 ; Maurtua,  V.  M.,  The 
Question  of  the  Pacific  (New  York,  1901),  pp.  11-49;  Markham, 
C.  R.,  The  War  between  Peru  and  Chile  (London,  n.  d.),  pp. 
67-92;  Ordonez  Lopez  and  Crespo,  Bosque  jo  de  la  historia  de 
Bolivia,  chaps,  xxi,  xxii ; Rodriguez,  American  Constitutions, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  413-452.  On  the  “War  of  the  Pacific,”  see  references 
under  chap.  xiii. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  587 


From  the  “War  of  the  Pacific”  to  the  World  War:  Akers, 
History  of  South  America,  pp.  556-576;  Wright,  M.  R.,  Bolivia 
(Philadelphia,  1907),  chaps,  v,  vi;  Mercado,  M.,  Historia  intcr- 
nacional  de  Bolivia , passim;  Deheza,  J.  A.,  El  gran  presidente 
(La  Paz,  n.  d.) ; Arguedas,  A.,  Pueblo  enfermo  (Barcelona, 
1910). 

The  World  War;  Contemporary  Conditions:  Bryce,  South  Amer- 
ica, chap,  v;  Walle,  P.,  Bolivia  (London,  1914),  chaps,  v-x ; 
Diaz  de  Medina,  E.,  Bolivia;  breve  resumen  historica,  fisico  y 
politico  (La  Paz,  1914)  ; Carrasco,  J.,  Bolivia’s  Case  for  the 
League  of  Nations  (London,  1920);  El  pucrto  para  Bolivia 
(La  Paz,  1919);  Robertson,  W.  S.,  “Bolivia,”  in  the  twelfth 
edition  of  The  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  The  New  Volumes,  vol. 

XXX. 

CHAPTER  XIII 
PERU 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Rene-Moreno,  G.,  Biblioteca  peruana; 

apuntes  para  un  catalogo  de  impresos  (Santiago,  1896). 

Maps:  Cisneros,  C.  B.,  Atlas  del  Pent,  politico,  minero,  agricola, 

industrial  y comcrcial  (Lima,  n.  d.),  contains  maps  showing  the 
Peruvian  provinces;  No.  18  shows  Tacna  and  Arica. 

Readings; 

Early  History:  Deberle,  History  of  South  America,  pp.  264-271; 
Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  98-106;  Mark- 
ham, History  of  Peru,  pp.  282-337;  Weisse,  C.,  Historia  del 
Peru  y de  la  civilizacion  peruana  (Lima,  1914),  chaps,  xxi-xxiv; 
Paz  Soldan,  M.  F.,  Historia  del  Peru  independiente  (3  vols., 
Lima,  1868-1874). 

Castilla  and  Successors:  Garcia  Calder6n,  Latin  America,  pp. 
1 13— 1 1 7 ; Deberle,  History  of  South  America,  pp.  271-292; 
Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  pp.  106-116;  Markham, 
History  of  Peru,  pp.  337-382;  Rodriguez,  American  Constitutions, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  254-275 ; Rodriguez,  J.  M.,  Estudios  economicos  y 
financieros  (Lima,  1895),  book  ii,  chaps,  iii-v;  Akers,  History 
of  South  America,  pp.  505-520. 

The  “War  of  the  Pacific”:  Dawson,  South  American  Republics, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  117-128;  Akers,  History  of  South  America,  chaps, 
xxiv-xxvii;  Maurtua,  The  Question  of  the  Pacific,  pp.  49-67, 
142-168;  Borchard,  E.  M.,  Opinion  on  the  Controversy  between 
Peru  and  Chile  Known  as  the  Question  of  the  Pacific  (Washing- 
ton, 1920),  pp.  5-20;  Caivano,  T.,  Historia  de  la  gnerra  de 
America  entre  Chile,  Peru  y Bolivia  (3  vols.,  Lima,  1901-1904). 
Besides  Maurtua,  who  presents  the  Peruvian  view,  the  best  state- 
ment of  Peru’s  case  is  that  of  Belaunde,  V.  A.,  Nuestra  cuestion 


588 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


con  Chile  (Lima,  1919),  chaps,  i-iii;  On  the  Chilean  side,  sec 
Bulnes,  G.,  Chile  and  Peru,  the  Causes  of  the  War  of  1879 
(Santiago,  1920),  which  is  translated  from  an  extensive  work  in 
Spanish. 

From  the  Treaty  of  Ancon  to  1914:  Markham,  History  of  Peru, 
chap,  xx ; Garcia  Calderon,  Latin  America,  pp.  119-121;  Bor- 
chard,  Opinion  on  the  Controversy  between  Chile  and  Peru,  pp. 
20—37;  Garcia  Calderon,  G.,  Le  Pcrou  contemporain  (Paris, 

1907) ,  chaps,  iv-vi;  Garland,  A.,  Peru  in  1906  and  After  (Lima, 

1908) ,  pp.  45-49;  Wright,  M.  R.,  The  Old  and  the  New  Peru 
(Philadelphia,  1908),  chaps,  x,  xi;  Belaunde,  Nuestra  cuestion 
con  Chile,  chaps,  iv-viii. 

Peru  and  the  World  War;  Contemporary  Conditions:  Rowe,  L.  S., 
Early  Effects  of  the  War  upon  the  Finance,  Commerce,  and 
Industry  of  Peru  (Washington,  1920),  chaps,  iii-vi;  Martin, 
Latin  America  and  the  War,  pp.  258,  259;  Lavalle,  J.  B.,  de, 
El  Peru  y la  grande  guerra  (Lima,  1919)  ; Estadistica  del 
comercio  especial  del  Peru  en  el  aho  1915  (Lima,  1916)  ; Con- 
stitucion  para  la  republica  del  Peru  dictada  por  la  asamblecn 
nacional  de  1919  (Lima,  1920)  ; Domville-Fife,  The  States  of 
South  America,  chaps,  vii,  viii;  Goldberg,  Studies  in  Spanish- 
American  Literature,  chap.  iv. 

CHAPTER  XIV 
NEW  GRANADA  OR  COLOMBIA 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Laverde  Amaya,  L.,  Bibliografia  colombiana 
(Bogota,  1895),  is  supplemented  by  Posada,  E.,  Bibliografia 
bogotana  ( Biblioteca  de  historia  nacional,  vol.  xvi,  Bogota,  1917). 

Maps:  In  Codazzi,  A.,  Atlas  geografico  e historico  de  la  republica 
de  Colombia — antigua  Nueva  Granada — el  cual  comprende  las 
republicas  de  Venezuela  y Ecuador  (Paris,  1889),  No.  12  shows 
the  extent  of  “Great  Colombia.”  For  maps  showing  adminis- 
trative areas  in  Colombia  see,  Vergara  y Velasco,  F.  J.,  Atlas 
completo  de  geografia  colombiano  (Bogota,  1906).  Maps  indi- 
cating territory  in  dispute  between  Colombia  and  Peru  are  found 
in  Galvez,  J.  I.,  International  Conflicts,  Peru  against  Coloinbia, 
Ecuador,  and  Chile  (Santiago,  1920). 

Readings: 

“Great  Colombia”:  Robertson,  Rise  of  the  Spanish- American  Re- 
publics pp.  298-313;  Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  446-452;  Deberle,  A.  J.,  The  History  of  South  America,  pp. 
1 17-125;  Humbert,  J.,  Histoire  de  la  Colombie  et  du  Venezuela 
(Paris,  1921),  book  v;  Acosta  de  Samper,  S.,  Lecciones  de 
historia  de  Colombia  (Bogota,  1908),  pp.  214-295;  Schryver, 
Esquisse  de  la  vie  de  Bolivar,  chaps,  xxv-xxxii. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  589 


New  Granada  and  the  Granadan  Confederation,  1831-1861 ; 
Dawson,  South  American  Republics , vol.  ii,  pp.  452-461 ; Deberle, 
History  of  South  America,  pp.  125-128;  Garcia  Calderon, 
Latin  America,  pp.  201-207;  Scruggs,  The  Colombian  and 
Venezuelan  Republics  (Boston,  1905),  chap,  xii ; Arbolleda,  G., 
Historia  contemporanea  de  Colombia  (in  progress,  Bogota, 
1918-). 

The  United  States  of  Colombia;  the  Constitution  of  1886: 
Garcia  C/lderon,  Latin  America,  pp.  207-212;  Dawson,  South 
American  Republics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  461-469;  Deberle,  History  of 
South  America,  pp.  128-139;  Akers,  History  of  South  America, 
pp.  591-598;  Samper,  J.  M.,  Derecho  publico  interno  de  Colombia 
(2  vols.,  Bogota,  1886),  vol.  ii ; Rodriguez,  American  Constitu- 
tions, vol.  ii,  pp.  318-377. 

Politico-Religious  Struggles,  1886-1914:  Akers,  History  of  South 
America,  pp.  598-616;  Eder,  Colombia  (New  York,  1913),  chap, 
v;  Henao,  J.  M.,  and  Arrubla,  G.,  Historia  de  Colombia  (2  vols., 
Bogota,  1916),  vol.  ii,  pp.  519-525. 

The  Panama  Affair;  Contemporary  Conditions:  Reyes,  R.,  The 
Two  Americas  (New  York,  1914),  chaps,  v,  xx;  Bunau-Varilla, 
P.,  Panama,  the  Creation,  Destruction,  and  Resurrection  (New 
York,  1914),  chaps,  xxvi,  xxvii;  Latane,  J.  H.,  The  United  States 
and  Latin  America  (New  York,  1920),  pp.  182-192;  Eder, 
Colombia,  chaps,  vi-xii,  xvi;  Robertson,  W.  S.,  “Colombia,”  in 
the  twelfth  edition  of  The  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  vol.  xxx. 

CHAPTER  XV 

ECUADOR 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Anuario  de  la  prensa  ecuatoriana  (3  vols., 
Guayaquil,  1893-1895)  ; is  supplemented  by  Boletin  de  la  biblio- 
teca  municipal  de  Guayaquil  (in  progress,  Guayaquil,  1910-). 

Maps:  In  Codazzi,  A.,  Atlas  fisico  y politico  de  la  repiiblica  de 
Venezuela,  Nos.  12,  13,  and  14,  show  “Great  Colombia,”  including 
the  territory  which  later  became  Ecuador.  Maps  indicating  the 
territory  in  dispute  between  Ecuador  and  Peru  are  furnished  by 
Galvez,  International  Conflicts. 

Readings: 

Ecuadorian  History  to  i860:  Dawson,  South  American  Republics, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  320-334;  Garcia  Calderon,  Latin  America,  pp.  213- 
217;  Deberle,  History  of  South  America,  pp.  155-162;  Cevallos, 
P.  F.,  Resumen  de  la  historia  del  Ecuador  desde  su  orijen  hasta 
1845  (5  vols.,  Lima,  1870),  vol.  v,  chaps,  i,  iii,  x;  P.  M.,  El 
Ecuador  de  1825  a 1875  (Santiago,  1885),  chaps,  xii-lxi. 

The  Era  of  Garcia  Moreno:  Dawson,  South  American  Republics, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  334-339;  Garcia  Calderon,  Latin  America,  pp.  217- 


59° 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


221;  Deberle,  History  of  South  America,  pp.  162-170;  P.  M., 
El  Ecuador  de  1825  a 1875,  chaps,  lxii-lxxxviii ; Berthe,  P.  A., 
Garcia  Moreno  (Paris,  1888),  part  ii,  chaps,  vii-xxi,  part  iii, 
chaps,  i-xiii;  Hassaurek,  F.,  Four  Years  among  Spanish- 
Americans  (London,  1868),  chap.  xii. 

Recent  History:  Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  pp.  339-343; 
Berthe,  Garcia  Moreno,  pp.  743-785 ; Akers,  History  of  South 
America,  chap,  xxxi ; Constitucion  politico  de  la  republica  del 
Ecuador  decretada  por  la  asamblca  nacional  de  1906-11)07  (Quito, 
1907)  ; Destruge,  C.,  Compendio  de  la  historia  del  Ecuador 
(Guayaquil,  1915),  pp.  176-204;  Ponce,  N.  C.,  Boundaries  be- 
tzveen  Ecuador  and  Peru:  Memorandum  Presented  to  the  Ministry 
of  Foreign  Relations  of  Bolivia  (Washington,  1921). 

Contemporary  Conditions:  Enoch,  C.  R.,  Ecuador  (New  York, 
1914)  ; Ross,  South  of  Panama,  chap,  i;  Pepper,  C.  M.,  Report  on 
Trade  Conditions  in  Ecuador  (Washington,  1908)  ; Lopez,  N.  F., 
“The  Attitude  of  Ecuador,”  translated  by  Goldsmith,  P.  H.,  in 
. . . South  American  Opinions  on  the  War  (Washington,  1917)  ; 
Domville-Fife,  The  States  of  South  America,  chap.'xix;  Rob- 
ertson, W.  S.,  “Ecuador,”  in  the  twelfth  edition  of  The  Encyclo- 
paedia Britannica,  vol.  xxx. 

CHAPTER  XVI 

VENEZUELA 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Besides  Sanchez,  M.  S.,  Bibliografia  vene- 
zolanista,  see  the  list  of  Frydensburg,  A.,  in  Primer  libro 
venezolano  de  literatura,  ciencias  y bellas  artes  (Caracas,  1895), 
pp.  ccciii-cccxxxvi. 

Maps:  Codazzi,  A.,  Atlas  fisico  y politico  de  la  republica  de  Vene- 
zuela, Nos.  12,  13,  and  14  show  Venezuela  as  a portion  of  “Great 
Colombia.”  A map  illustrating  the  Anglo-Venezuelan  boundary 
controversy  is  found  in  Rhodes,  J.  F.,  History  of  the  United 
States  from  Hayes  to  McKinley  (New  York,  1919),  p.  444.  Maps 
of  present  Venezuela  are  found  in  Atlas  America  latina,  Nos.  16, 
17,  19- 

Readings: 

Venezuela  Re-created  by  Paez  and  Others:  Garcia  Calderon, 
Latin  America,  pp.  101-106;  Dawson,  South  American  Republics, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  384-392;  Deberle,  History  of  South  America,  pp.  140- 
146;  Dalton,  L.  V.,  Venezuela  (New  York,  1912),  pp.  84-100; 
Gil  Fortoul,  J.,  Historia  constitucional  de  Venezuela  (2  vols., 
Berlin,  1907-1909),  vol.  i,  chaps,  viii,  ix,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  i-x. 

The  Age  of  Guzman  Blanco:  Garcia  Calderon,  Latin  America, 
pp.  106-112;  Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  392- 
396:  Akers,  History  of  South  America,  pp.  617-621 ; Deberle. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING 


59i 


History  of  South  America,  pp.  146-154;  Curtis,  W.  E.,  Venezuela 
(London,  1896),  chaps,  viii-xi;  Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of 
the  New  World,  pp.  145— 147 ; Picon-Febres,  G.,  La  literatura 
venezolana  en  el  siglo  dies  y nueve  (Caracas,  1906),  chap.  v. 

National  and  International  Problems,  1889-1914:  Shepherd, 

Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New  World,  pp.  189-195  ; Dawson,  South 
American  Republics,  vol.  ii,  pp.  396-399;  Scruggs,  W.  L.,  The 
Colombian  and  Venezuelan  Republics,  chaps,  xxiii-xxv;  Akers, 
History  of  South  America,  pp.  621-646;  Dalton,  Venezuela,  pp. 
100-118;  Gil  Fortoul,  G.,  El  hombre  y la  historia  (Paris,  1896)  ; 
Humbert,  Histoire  de  la  Colombie  et  du  Venezuela,  pp.  206-211; 
Latane,  United  States  and  Latin  America,  chap.  vi. 

Contemporary  Conditions:  Dalton,  L.  V.,  Venezuela  (New  York, 
1912),  chaps,  vi,  xvi-xviii;  Goldberg,  Studies  in  Spanisli-Ameri- 
can  Literature,  chap,  vi;  Constitucion  de  los  Estados  Unidos  de 
Venezuela  sancionada  por  el  congreso  de  diputados  plenipoten- 
ciarios  de  los  estados  en  /p/4  (Caracas,  1914)  \Anuario  estadistico 
de  Venezuela  (Caracas,  1915)  ; Robertson,  W.  S.,  “Venezuela,” 
in  the  twelfth  edition  of  The  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  vol.  xxxii. 

CHAPTER  XVII 

CUBA,  THE  DOMINICAN  REPUBLIC,  AND  THE  CENTRAL 
AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Griffin,  A.  P.  C.,  List  of  Books  relating  to 
Cuba;  with  Bibliography  of  Maps  by  P.  L.  Phillips  (Washington. 
1898).  Bancroft,  History  of  Central  America,  vol.  i,  pp.  xxv- 
lxxix,  is  a list  of  references  on  Central  America  which  is  supple- 
mented by  the  bibliography  in  Munro,  D.  G.,  The  Five  Republics 
of  Central  America  (New  York,  1918),  pp.  321-326. 

Maps:  In  Pitman,  F.  W.,  The  Development  of  the  British  West 
Indies,  1700-1763  ( Yale  Historical  Publications,  vol.  iv,  New 
Haven,  1917),  the  frontispiece  is  a map  of  the  West  Indies  and  Cen- 
tral America.  In  Munro,  Five  Republics  of  Central  America,  the 
frontispiece  is  a map  of  Central  America.  In  Ogg,  F.  A., 
National  Progress  (American  Nation  Series,  vol.  xxvii,  New  York, 
1918),  p.  248,  is  a map  showing  the  protectorates  of  the  United 
States. 

Readings: 

Cuba:  Verrill,  H.  H.,  Cuba,  Past  and  Present  (New  York,  1914), 
chap,  i;  Lindsay,  F.,  Cuba  and  Her  People  of  To-day  (Boston, 
1911),  chaps,  ii-iv;  Latane,  J.  H.,  America  as  a World  Power 
(American  Nation  Series,  vol.  xxv,  New  York,  1907),  chaps, 
i-iv;  Robinson,  A.  G.,  Cuba  and  the  Intervention  (New  York, 
1905),  chaps,  vii-xvi ; Wilcox,  M.  and  Rines,  G.  E.,  Encyclopedia 
of  Latin  America  (New  York,  1917),  pp.  621-644;  Memoria  de  la 


592 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


administration  del  presidente  de  la  republica  de  Cuba  (Habana, 
1910-)  ; Coester,  Literary  History  of  Spanish  America,  chap,  xii; 
Parker,  W.  B.,  Editor,  Cubans  of  To-day  ( Hispanic  Notes  & 
Monographs,  New  York,  1919). 

The  Dominican  Republic:  Schoenrich,  O.,  Santo  Domingo  (New 
York,  1918),  chaps,  iii-vi,  xxi,  xxii;  Jones,  C.  L.,  Caribbean 
Interests  of  the  United  States  (New  York,  1916),  chap,  viii; 
Deschamps,  E.,  La  republica  dominicana  (Santiago  de  Caballeros, 
n.  d.)  ; Wilcox  and  Rines,  Encyclopedia  of  Latin  America,  pp. 
521-579,  607-614;  Coester,  Literary  History  of  Spanish  America, 
pp.  431-438;  Blakeslee,  G.  H.,  Editor,  Mexico  and  the  Carib- 
bean, Clark  University  Addresses  (New  York,  1920),  addresses 
xvi-xix;  The  Nation,  vols.  cxi-cxiv,  passim. 

Central  America:  Latane,  United  States  and  Latin  America,  pp. 
280-288;  Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New  World,  chap, 
xi;  Fortier,  A.,  and  Ficklen,  J.  R.,  Central  America  and  Mexico 
(The  History  of  North  America  Series,  vol.  ix,  Philadelphia, 
1907),  chaps,  xiv-xvii;  Bancroft,  History  of  Central  America, 
vol.  iii,  chaps,  iv-vii,  x,  xxi ; Scroggs,  W.  O.,  Filibusters  and 
Financiers  (New  York,  1916),  chaps,  viii,  x-xviii;  Rodriguez, 
American  Constitutions,  vol.  i,  pp.  235-422;  Jones,  C.  L.,  Carib- 
bean Interests  of  the  United  States  (New  York,  1916)  chap,  x; 
Zelaya,  J.  S.,  La  revolution  de  Nicaragua  y los  Estados  Unidos 
(madrid,  1910)  ; Constitution  politico  de  la  republica  de  Nica- 
ragua, 19 1 1 (Managua,  1913)  ; Coester,  Literary  History  of 
Spanish  America,  pp.  443-449;  Goldberg,  Studies  in  Spanish- 
American  Literature,  chap,  ii;  Domville-Fife,  C.  W.,  Guatemala 
and  the  States  of  Central  America  (London,  1913),  part  i,  chaps, 
v-x,  xiv,  xvii,  part  ii,  chaps,  iii-vi,  part  iii,  chaps,  ii,  iii,  part  iv, 
chaps,  ii,  iv;  Koebel,  W.  H.,  Central  America  (London,  1917), 
chaps,  xii-xvi;  Munro,  Five  Republics  of  Central  America,  chaps, 
ii,  ix-xiv. 

Panama:  Johnson,  W.  F.,  Four  Centuries  of  the  Panama  Canal 
(New  York.  1906),  chaps,  x-xii ; Scott,  W.  R.,  The  Americans  in 
Panama  (New  York,  1912),  chaps,  vii,  viii;  Bunau-Varilla, 
Panama,  the  Creation,  Destruction,  and  Resurrection,  chaps, 
xxviii-xxxiii ; Jones,  Caribbean  Interests  of  the  United  States, 
chap,  xi ; Wilcox  and  Rines,  Encyclopedia  of  Latin  America,  pp. 
587-600;  Villegas,  S.  A.,  The  Republic  of  Panama  (Panama, 
1917). 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

IMPERIAL  AND  REPUBLICAN  RULE  IN  MEXICO 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Vigil,  J.  M.,  Catalogos  de  la  biblioteca 
national  de  Mexico,  novena  division,  historia  y ciencias  auxiliares 
(Mexico,  1898).  In  Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico,  vol.  i,  pp. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  593 


xxi-cxii,  is  a useful  list  of  references.  This  is  supplemented  by- 
titles  in  Priestly,  H.  I.,  Modern  Mexican  History  ( Institute  of 
International  Education;  International  Relations  Clubs,  Syllabus, 
No.  vi,  New  York,  1920).  See  also,  Jones,  C.  L.,  Mexico  and  Its 
Reconstruction  (New  York,  1921),  pp.  311-319. 

Maps:  In  Smith,  J.  H.,  The  War  with  Mexico  (2  vols.,  New  York, 
1919),  are  maps  and  plans  illustrative  of  the  war  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico ; the  frontispiece  is  a map  of  Mexico 
in  1919.  See  also  Shepherd,  Historical  Atlas,  p.  201.  Maps  of 
the  Mexican  states  are  found  in  Atlas  America  latina,  Nos.  9,  11, 
12. 

Readings: 

The  Transition  from  Empire  to  Republic:  Robertson,  Rise  of  the 
Spanish-American  Republics,  pp.  127-141 ; Noll,  A.  H.,  From 
Empire  to  Republic  (Chicago,  1903),  chap,  v;  Hasbrouck,  L.  S., 
Mexico  from  Cortes  to  Carranza  (New  York,  1918),  chap,  xv; 
Robinson,  F.,  Mexico  and  her  Military  Chieftains  from  the  Rev- 
olution of  Hidalgo  to  the  Present  Time  (Philadelphia,  1847), 
chaps,  v,  vi ; Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico,  vol.  ivj  chaps,  xxxii, 
xxxiii;  Alaman,  L.,  Historia  de  Mexico  (5  vols.,  Mexico,  1883- 
1885),  vol.  v,  chaps,  vi-x. 

The  Age  of  Santa  Anna:  Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New 
World,  pp.  103-107;  Noll,  From  Empire  to  Republic,  chaps,  vi- 
ix;  Hasbrouck,  Mexico  from  Cortes  to  Carranza,  chaps,  xvi, 
xvii;  Robinson,  Mexico  and  Her  Military  Chieftains,  chaps,  vii- 
ix;  Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico,  vol.  v,  chaps,  vii-xi;  Smith, 
The  War  with  Mexico,  vol.  i,  pp.  37-57,  and  chaps,  iii-vi;  vol.  ii, 
chaps,  xxxi,  xxxii ; Garrison,  G.  P.,  Westward  Extension 
(American  Nation  Series,  vol.  xvii,  New  York,  1906),  chaps, 
xiii-xv. 

Constitution  of  1857;  THE  “War  of  the  Reform”;  and  French 
Intervention:  Latane,  United  States  and  Latin  America,  chap, 
v;  Hasbrouck,  Mexico  from  Cortes  to  Carranza,  chaps,  xviii,  xix; 
Noll,  From  Empire  to  Republic,  chaps,  x-xiv;  Bancroft,  History 
of  Mexico,  vol.  v,  chaps,  xxvii-xxx,  vol.  vi,  chaps,  ii-xvii ; Rodri- 
guez, American  Constitutions,  vol.  i,  pp.  39-96;  Martin*,  P.  F., 
Maximilian  in  Mexico  (New  York,  1914),  chaps,  xiv-xxvi ; 
Burke,  U.  R.,  A Life  of  Benito  Juarez  (London,  1894),  chaps, 
ii-vii,  xv-xvii;  Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New  World, 
pp.  113-119 ; 

The  Reign  of  Porfirio  Diaz:  Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of  the 
New  World,  pp.  121-126;  Garcia  Calderon,  Latin  America,  pp. 
i55-i63  ; Hasbrouck,  Mexico  from  Cortes  to  Carranza,  chaps,  xx, 
xxi ; Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi,  chaps,  xvii-xix, 
xxiii,  xxv ; Lummis,  C.  F.,  The  Awakening  of  a Nation  (New 
York,  1898),  chaps,  x-xii;  Creelman,  J.,  Diaz,  Master  of  Mexico 
(New  York,  1912),  chaps,  xxvii-xxxiv;  Hannay,  D.,  Diaz 


594 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


(Makers  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  Series,  New  York,  1917), 
chaps,  ix-xi ; Enock,  C.  R.,  Mexico  (New  York,  1909),  chaps,  ix, 
x;  Bancroft,  H.  H.,  History  of  Mexico  (New  York,  1915),  pp. 
515-527;  Turner,  J.  K.,  Barbarous  Mexico  (London,  1912), 
chaps,  vii-x;  Coester,  Literary  History  of  Spanish  America, 
chap,  xi ; Verdia,  L.  P.,  Compcndio  de  la  historia  de  Mexico  desde 
sus  primeros  tiempos  hasta  el  fin  del  siglo  XIX  (Mexico,  1911), 
chaps,  xx-xxii ; Jones,  Mexico  and  Its  Reconstruction,  chaps, 
iii-v. 

Francisco  I.,  Madero;  Victoriano  Huerta:  Bancroft,  History  of 
Mexico,  pp.  528-536;  Shepherd,  Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New 
World,  chap,  x;  Hasbrouck,  Mexico  from  Cortes  to  Carranza, 
chap,  xxii ; Bell,  E.  L.,  The  Political  Shame  of  Mexico  (New 
York,  1914),  chaps,  x-xix;  Madero,  F.  I.,  La  sucesion  presidcn- 
cial  en  1910  (Mexico,  1911),  chaps,  v-vii ; Gutierrez  de  Lara,  L., 
and  Pinchon,  E.,  The  Mexican  People:  Their  Struggle  for 
Freedom  (New  York,  1914),  chaps,  xxiv,  xxv;  Zayas  Enriquez, 
R.  de,  The  Case  of  Mexico  and  the  Policy  of  President  Wilson, 
translated  by  Tridon,  A.  (New  York,  1914),  chaps,  vii-xi;  Occ, 
National  Progress,  pp.  284-295;  Fish,  C.  R.,  American  Diplomacy 
(New  York,  1916),  chap,  xxxiv;  Moore,  J.  B.,  The  Principles  of 
American  Diplomacy  (New  York,  1918),  pp.  213-225;  Trow- 
bridge, E.  D.,  Mexico  To-day  and  To-morrow  (New  York,  1919), 
chaps,  x-xv. 

Rise  and  Fall  of  Carranza  ; Contemporary  Conditions  : Bancroft, 
History  of  Mexico,  pp.  536-567;  Moore,  Principles  of  American 
Diplomacy,  pp.  225-238;  Trowbridge,  Mexico  To-day  and  To- 
morrow, chaps,  xvi-xxiv;  “The  Mexican  Constitution  of  1917 
Compared  with  the  Constitution  of  1857”  in  Annals  of  the  Ameri- 
can Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science,  vol.  lxxi;  Middle- 
ton,  P.  H.,  Industrial  Mexico,  /p/p  Facts  and  Figures  (New 
York,  1919),  chaps,  iii-viii,  xi,  xii ; Jones,  Mexico  and  Its  Recon- 
struction, chaps,  xviii,  xix;  Blakeslee,  Mexico  and  the 
Caribbean,  addresses  ii,  v,  xi,  xii;  Inman,  S.  G.,  Intervention  in 
Mexico  (New  York,  1919),  chaps,  v,  vi;  Bekker,  L.  J.  de,  The 
Plot  against  Mexico  (New  York,  1919),  chaps,  i-v,  xviii,  xix; 
The  Mexican  Review  (Washington,  1916-). 

CHAPTER  XIX 

PROBLEMS  AND  IDEALS  OF  THE  LATIN-AMERICAN 

NATIONS 

Bibliographical  Aids:  In  addition  to  the  aids  mentioned  in  preceding 
chapters,  references  to  useful  books  may  be  found  in  the  footnotes 
of  A'lvarez,  A.,  Le  droit  international  americain  (Paris,  1910). 
For  the  period  before  1830,  see  Lockey,  J.  B.,  Pan-Americanism: 
Its  Beginnings  (New  York,  1920),  pp.  468-486. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  595 


Readings: 

Constitutions,  Governments,  and  Codes:  Rodriguez,  American 
Constitutions,  vols.  i and  ii;  Bryce,  J.,  Modern  Democracies  (2 
vols.,  New  York,  1921),  vol.  i,  chap,  xvii;  Garcia  Calderon, 
Latin  America,  book  v,  chap,  i,  book  vii,  chaps,  ii-iv;  Ross,  South 
of  Panama,  chap,  xii;  Shepherd,  Latin  America,  chap,  xii; 
Sweet,  A History  of  Latin  America,  chap,  xviii ; Uribe,  A.  C., 
La  evolucion  del  derecho  civil  (Bogota,  1916)  ; Borchard,  E.  M., 
Guide  to  the  Law  and  Legal  Literature  of  Argentina,  Brazil,  and 
Chile  (Washington,  1907),  pp.  53-64,  228-248,  387-391;  Dodd, 
W.  F.,  Modern  Constitutions  (2  vols.,  Chicago,  1912). 

Social,  Economic,  and  Fiscal  Problems:  Ross,  South  of  Panama, 
chaps,  vi-xi;  Speer,  R.  E.,  South  American  Problems  (New 
York,  1912),  chaps,  iii-viii;  Sweet,  History  of  Latin  America, 
chaps,  xix,  xx;  Rutter,  F.  R.,  Tariff  Systems  of  South  American 
Countries  (bureau  of  foreign  and  domestic  commerce,  Tariff 
Series,  No.  34,  Washington,  1916),  chap,  i;  Filsinger,  E.  B., 
Commercial  Traveler’s  Guide  to  Latin  America  (1  vol.  and  port- 
folio of  maps,  bureau  of  foreign  and  domestic  commerce,  Miscel- 
laneous Series,  No.  89,  Washington,  1920),  see  under  individual 
countries.  Bryce,  South  America,  chaps,  xiii,  xvi ; Shepherd, 
Latin  America,  chaps,  xi,  xiii-xvii;  Verrill,  A.  H.,  South  and 
Central  American  Trade  Conditions  of  To-day  (New  York,  1914), 
chaps,  viii,  ix. 

Relations  among  the  States  of  Latin  America:  Shepherd,  Latin 
America,  chap,  ix;  GarcIa  Calderon,  Latin  America,  book  vii, 
chap,  i;  Quesada,  G.  de,  Arbitration  in  Latin  America  (Rotter- 
dam, 1907);  Galvez,  International  Conflicts,  pp.  194-247;  Mini- 
sterio  de  relaciones  exteriores  del  Peru;  replica  d la  circular  de  la 
cancilleria  chilena,  12  de  enero  de  /p/p  (Lima,  1919)  ; Montes,  I., 
Memorandum  Regarding  Tacna  and  Arica  Presented  to  the 
Secretariate  of  the  League  of  Nations  by  the  Delegate  of  Bolivia 
to  the  Peace  Conference  (London,  1920)  ; International  American 
Conference : Reports  of  Committees  and  Discussions  Thereon 
(4  vols.,  Washington,  1890),  vol.  iv,  Historical  Appendix,  pp.  7- 
289;  Lockey,  Pan-Americanism,  chaps,  vii,  viii;  Alvarez,  Le 
droit  international  americain,  part  i,  chaps,  iii,  iv,  vi ; Becu,  C.  A., 
El  “A  B C”  y su  concepto  politico  y juridico  (Buenos  Aires,  1915). 

CHAPTER  XX 

RELATIONS  OF  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS  WITH  OTHER 

STATES 

Bibliographical  Aids:  Garcia  Calderon,  Latin  America,  book  vi, 
chap.  ii.  A bibliography  of  the  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  Latin-American  nations  will  be  found  in  Robertson, 
W.  S.,  Hispanic-American  Relations  with  the  United  States  (Car- 


596 


THE  LATIN-AMERICAN  NATIONS 


negie  Endowment  for  International  Peace,  Division  of  Economics 
and  History,  in  press).  On  the  diplomatic  side,  see  further  the 
footnotes  in  Latane,  The  United  States  and  Latin  America.  In 
regard  to  the  relations  of  Europeans  with  Latin-American  nations, 
see  Sievers,  Siid-  nnd  Mittelamerika,  pp.  527-536.  See  also 
Meyer,  H.  H.  B.,  List  of  References  on  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
(Washington,  1919). 

Readings: 

Relations  of  Latin-American  Nations  with  European  Powers: 
Altamira  y Creva,  R.,  Para  la  juventud;  cotiferencias  y pensa- 
mientos  (Barcelona,  1914)  ; Haring,  Germans  in  South  America, 
chap,  i;  Sievers,  Siid-  und  Mittelamerika,  pp.  21-45;  Koebel, 
W.  H.,  British  Exploits  in  South  America  (New  York,  1917), 

parts  iii,  iv;  , South  America  (New  York,  n.  d.),  chaps. 

xvi-xix. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine:  Garcia  Calderon,  Latin  America,  book  vi; 
Reddaway,  W.  F.,  The  Monroe  Doctrine  (New  York,  1905), 
chaps,  ii-iv;  Turner,  F.  J.,  Rise  of  the  Nezv  West  (American 
Nation  Series,  vol.  xiv,  New  York,  1906),  chap,  xii;  Hart,  A.  B., 
The  Monroe  Doctrine,  An  Interpretation  (Boston,  1916),  chaps, 
xi-xvii;  Latane,  United  States  and  Latin  America,  chap,  ix; 
Prado,  E.,  A illusao  americana  (Paris,  1895) ; Solar,  A. 
del.  La  doctrina  de  Monroe  y la  America  Latina  (Buenos 
Aires,  1898)  ; Bingham,  H.,  The  Monroe  Doctrine:  an  Obsolete 
Shibboleth  (New  Haven,  1913)  ; Abranches,  D.  de,  Brazil  and 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  (Rio  de  Janiero,  1915)  ; Garcia  Calderon, 
Latin  America,  book  vi,  chap,  iii;  Robertson,  Hispanic-American 
Relations  with  the  United  States,  chap.  iv. 

Commercial,  Economic,  and  Other  Relations  between  the  United 
States  and  Latin-American  Nations:  Robertson,  W.  S., 

Hispanic-American  Relations  with  the  United  States,  chaps,  v-ix ; 
. . . American  Commerce;  Commerce  of  South  America,  Central 
America,  Mexico,  and  West  Indies,  with  Share  of  the  United 
States  and  Other  Leading  Nations  Therein  (Washington,  1899)  ; 
Halsey,  F.  M.,  Investments  in  Latin  America  and  the  British 
West  Indies  (bureau  of  foreign  and  domestic  commerce,  Special- 
Agents  Series,  No.  169,  Washington,  1918),  see  under  the  various 
countries;  Chandler,  C.  L.,  Inter-American  Acquaintances 
(Sewanee,  1917),  chaps,  i-iii;  Jones,  Caribbean  Interests  of  the 
United  States,  chaps,  xiv,  xvii;  Shepherd,  Latin  America,  chap, 
xiv;  Filsinger,  N.,  Trading  with  Latin  America  (New  York, 
1917)  ; Agassiz,  L.,  A Journey  in  Brazil  (Boston,  1869),  chaps, 
iv-xii;  Orton,  J.,  The  Andes  and  the  Amazon  (New  York,  1870), 
chaps,  xii-xxii;  Roosevelt,  T.,  Through  the  Brazilian  Wilder- 
ness (New  York,  1914),  chaps,  viii-x. 

Pan-Americanism:  Lockey,  Pan-Americanism,  chaps,  x,  xi ; 

Latane,  The  United  States  and  Latin  America,  chap,  viii; 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FURTHER  READING  597 


Robertson,  Hispanic-American  Relations  with  the  United  States, 
chap,  x;  Chandler,  Inter-American  Acquaintances,  chaps,  iv,  v; 
Moore,  Principles  of  American  Diplomacy,  chap,  x;  Fish, 
American  Diplomacy,  chap,  xxvii;  Root,  E.,  Speeches  Incident  to 
the  Visit  of  Secretary  Root  to  South  America,  July  4 to  September 
50,  1906  (Washington,  1906);  Sherrill,  C.  H.,  Modernising  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  (Boston,  1916),  chaps,  v,  vi,  ix;  Quesada,  E., 
El  nuevo  panamericanismo  y el  congreso  cientifico  de  Washington 
(Buenos  Aires,  1916),  pp.  88—158 ; Proceedings  of  the  First  Pan- 
American  Financial  Conference  (Washington,  1915). 

American  Nations  and  the  Issues  of  the  World  War:  Shepherd, 
Hispanic  Nations  of  the  New  World,  chap,  xii;  Barbosa,  R., 
Conceptos  modernos  del  derecho  internacional  (Buenos  Aires, 
1916)  ; Martin,  Latin  America  and  the  War,  pp.  265-267;  Report 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  the  President  on  the  Second 
Pan  American  Financial  Conference  at  Washington,  January  19- 
24,  1920  (Washington,  1921)  ; Oliveira  Lima,  M.  de,  “O 
problema  da  Paz  e o papel  dos  Estados  Unidos,”  in  A.  B.  C., 
Rio  de  Janiero,  March  1,  1919. 


INDEX 


A 

ABC,  origin  and  character,  541, 
542;  mediation,  507,  508. 

Aborigines,  see  Indians,  and  Indian 
tribes. 

Acha,  Jose  M.  de,  321,  322. 

Acre,  328,  351. 

Adelanlado,  in  Spain,  40;  Spanish 
Indies,  90;  functions,  90,  91. 

Agua  Prieta,  Plan  of,  516,  517. 

Agustin  I,  Emperor  of  Mexico,  see 
Iturbide. 

Alaman,  Lucas,  486,  510. 

Alberdi,  Juan  B.,  232,  251. 

Alcaldes,  40,  100. 

Alessandri,  Arturo,  311,  312. 

Alexander  VI,  Pope,  66. 

Alfaro,  Eloy,  395,  396-398,  399- 

Aimagro,  Diego,  74,  75,  79,  80. 

Alpaca,  10,  19. 

Alvarado,  Pedro  de,  72,  73,  77,  78. 

Alves,  Rodrigues,  211,  212,  225. 

Amazon  River,  discovery,  83;  ex- 
ploration, 106,  140;  navigation 
opened,  201. 

Ameghino,  Florentino,  n. 

“American  Illusion,”  of  Eduardo 
Prado,  554. 

Anchieta,  Jose  de,  no. 

Angostura,  Congress  of,  180,  181. 

Aparicio,  Timoteo,  261. 

Apatzingan,  Mexican  Constitution 
of,  168. 

Araucanian  Indians,  habitat,  traits, 
15,  16;  conquest  begun,  80,  298. 

Arawakan  Indians,  16. 

Arbitration,  international,  535. 

Arboleda,  Julio,  381. 

Arce,  Manuel  J.,  446,  447. 

Argentina,  geography,  aborigines, 
4,  15;  discovery,  80,  81;  con- 
quest, 81,  107,  108;  adminis- 


tration, 1 19;  English  invasion, 
138,  139;  revolution,  165,  171- 
175;  independence  proclaimed, 
228-230;  United  Provinces  of  la 
Plata,  228-230;  constitutions  of 
1826  and  1828,  229;  under  Gov- 
ernor Dorrego,  229,  230;  Rosas 
as  governor  or  dictator,  230; 
Argentine  Confederation  formed, 
232;  opposition  to  Rosas,  232, 
234;  foreign  complications,  233, 
234;  overthrow  of  Rosas  by 
Urquiza  at  Caseros,  235;  reorgan- 
ization of  Argentina,  236,  237; 
Constitution  of  1853,  237,  238; 
Buenos  Aires  opposes  Urquiza, 
239;  Constitution  of  i860,  239; 
battle  of  Pavon,  240;  Mitre  as 
president,  240,  241;  legal  codes 
adopted,  241;  President  Sarmi- 
ento,  241,  242;  Presidents  Avel- 
laneda,  Roca  and  Celman,  242- 
244;  Luiz  Saenz  Pena  and  Jose 
E.  Uriburu,  244,  245;  fiscal  and 
political  reforms,  245,  246;  con- 
ditions on  eve  of  World  War; 
immigration,  population,  lan- 
guage, religion,  247;  transporta- 
tion, 247,  248;  occupations,  248; 
economic  condition,  248,  249; 
monetary  system,  249;  edu- 
cation, 249,  250;  literature,  250, 
251;  fine  arts,  251,  252;  political 
tendencies,  252,  253;  influence 
of  World  War,  253,  254.  See 
also  United  Provinces  of  la 
Plata,  Paraguayan  War,  Con- 
ferences International  Con- 
gresses, Pan-Americanism. 

Argentine  Confederation,  see  Ar- 
gentina. 

Arguedas,  Alciades,  333. 


599 


6oo 


INDEX 


Arica,  see  Tacna  and  Arica. 

Arista,  Mariano,  485,  486. 

“Army  of  the  Andes,”  183. 

Artigas,  Jose,  instructions  of  1813, 
172,  173;  leads  revolution  in 
Uruguay,  173-177,  in  exile,  272. 

Atacama,  department  of,  300,  327; 
definitive  cession  of,  329. 

Atacama,  desert  of,  6. 

Atahualpa,  76,  77. 

Audiencia,  in  Spain,  38,  39;  in 
Santo  Domingo,  95;  in  Mexico, 
96;  Panama,  96,  97;  Lima,  97; 
Santiago  de  Guatemala,  97; 
Guadalajara,  97;  Santa  Fe  de 
Bogota,  97;  Quito,  97;  Santiago 
de  Chile,  1 18;  Buenos  Aires,  118; 
Caracas,  118;  Cuzco,  118;  mem- 
bers and  functions,  97-99. 

Avellaneda,  Nicolas,  242,  243. 

Ayacucho,  battle  of,  185. 

Ayllus,  19. 

Aymaran  Indians,  17,  18,  332. 

Ayohuma,  battle  of,  1 74. 

Ayolas,  Juan  de,  81. 

Ayunlamiento,  see  Cabildo. 

Ayutla,  Plan  of,  487. 

Aztecs,  habitat,  30;  confederacy, 
30;  extent  of  Empire,  30;  stage 
of  development,  30;  organiza- 
tion, 30,  31;  government,  31; 
religion,  32;  classes,  33;  occu- 
pations, 33;  picture  writing,  34; 
isolation,  35;  conquest,  77-79, 

35. 

Azules,  political  party,  in  Paraguay, 
283;  in  Venezuela,  412. 

B 

Baez,  Buenaventura,  440. 

Balboa,  Vasco  Nunez  de,  over- 
throws Encisco,  67;  explores 
Darien,  68;  discovers  Pacific 
Ocean,  68;  mentioned,  90. 

Ballivian,  Adolfo,  323. 

Ballivian,  Jose,  319,  320. 

Balmaceda,  Jose  M.,  President  of 
Chile;  struggles  with  Congress, 
300,301;  suicide,  302;  influence, 
3°4- 

Balmacedistas,  304. 

Balta,  Jose,  343,  344. 

“Baltimore”  affair,  302. 


La  Banda  Oriental,  118,  172.  See 
further  Uruguay. 

Barbosa,  Ruy,  Brazilian  publicist, 
206,  208,  213,  214. 

Barrios,  Justo  R.,  452,  454,  455, 
457- 

Barros  Luco,  Ramon,  305. 

Barter,  in  Spanish  Indies,  102-104. 

Batle  y Ord6nez,  Jose,  263,  264, 
265. 

Belgrano,  Manuel,  172,  174,  175. 

Bello,  Andres,  297,  309. 

Belzu,  Manuel  I.,  320,  321. 

Benalcazar  (Moyano),  Sebastian, 
accompanies  Pizarro  to  Peru,  77; 
conquers  Quito,  77,  78;  ex- 
plores Cauca  and  Magdalena 
valleys,  78;  meets  Quesada  and 
Federmann,  77,  78. 

Benavides,  Oscar,  350,  351,  355. 

Billinghurst,  Guillermo,  350. 

Billinghurst-La  Torre  Protocol,  348 

Blaine,  James  G.,  561. 

Blanco-Fombona,  Ruftno,  425. 

Blancos,  political  party  of  Uruguay, 
258,  261,  263. 

Blanes,  Juan  M.,  268. 

Blanes,  N.,  268. 

Blockades,  of  Buenos  Aires,  by 
English  and  French,  234;  of 
Venezuela,  by  England,  Ger- 
many, and  Italy,  417. 

Bogota,  Santa  Fe  de,  79,  97,  128, 
131,  133,  163,  165,  170,  181,  368, 
381,  528. 

Bolivar,  Simon,  joins  revolution- 
ists, 170;  early  campaigns,  171; 
in  West  Indies,  177,  178;  at 
Angostura,  181;  defeats  royal- 
ists at  Boyaca,  181;  at  Cara- 
bobo,  182;  becomes  President 
of  Venezuela,  181;  of  “Great 
Colombia,  181,  182;  at  Guaya- 
quil, 184;  in  Peru,  184,  185, 
337;  in  Bolivia,  314;  his  Con- 
stitution for  Bolivia,  315;  in 
Colombia,  359,  360,  361;  in 
present  Ecuador,  385. 

Bolivia,  independence  proclaimed, 
185;  under  rule  of  Bolivar  and 
Sucre,  314-316;  Bolivar’s  Con- 
stitution for,  315;  Santa  Cruz 
and  Peru-Bolivian  Confedera- 
tion, 3x6-318;  Constitution  of 


INDEX 


601 


1839;  318,  319;  President  Jose 
Ballivian,  319,  320;  Belzu,  320, 
321;  Linares,  321;  anarchic 
conditions  under  Melgarejo  and 
Daza,  322,  323;  controversy  with 
Chile,  323-326;  Constitution  of 
1880,  325,  326;  treaties  with 
Chile  ceding  Atacama,  326-328, 
329,  330;  revolution  of  1889,  328; 
Acre  dispute,  328,  329;  Presi- 
dent Montes,  329-331;  condi- 
tions on  eve  of  World  War;  social 
and  economic  conditions,  331, 
332;  education,  332,  333;  lit- 
erature, 333;  policy  toward 
World  War,  333;  outlet  to  the 
Pacific,  333,  334;  unsettled  boun- 
dary disputes,  538.  See  also  Con- 
ferences, International  Congres- 
ses , Pan- Americanism . “ War  of 

the  Pacific,”  “Question  of  the 
Pacific.” 

Bolivianos,  political  party  of  New 
Granada,  364. 

Bombona,  battle  of,  182. 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  King  of  Spain 
and  the  Indies,  62. 

Bonifacio  de  Andrada  e Silva, 
Jose  de,  157,  158. 

Boundary  disputes,  nature  and 
present  status  of,  533-535,  538- 
See  under  different  countries, 
“Question  of  the  Pacific.” 

Boyaca,  battle  of,  181. 

Brazil,  discovery,  61;  exploration, 
82,  140;  division  into  captain- 
cies, 83,  84;  appointment  of 
governor-general,  84;  settlement, 
108,  109;  colonial  administra- 
tion, 109,  no,  144;  struggle  with 
French,  in;  with  Dutch,  139- 
141;  expansion,  141-143;  eco- 
nomic condition,  145,  146;  edu- 
cation and  literature,  146,  147; 
population,  148;  revolutionary 
discontent,  150;  boundaries,  143, 
148,  149;  flight  of  Braganza 
dynasty  to  Brazil,  1 53—1 55 ; ori- 
gins of  Brazilian  independence, 
156,  157;  Regent  Pedro,  157; 
Grito  de  Ypiranga,  157,  158; 
Pedro  becomes  Emperor,  158; 
Constitution  of  1824,  159-161; 
character  of  Pedro  I,  191;  con- 


stitutional problems,  19 1,  192; 
war  with  Argentina,  192;  strug- 
gles between  Liberals  and  Con- 
servatives, 1 9 2- 1 94;  increasing 
unpopularity  of  Pedro,  194,  195; 
abdication,  195;  regency  of 
three,  197;  modification  of  the 
Constitution,  197,  198;  Regent 
Feijo,  198,  199;  personality  of 
Pedro  II,  200;  peace  and  eco- 
nomic progress,  200,  201;  open- 
ing of  Amazon,  201;  political 
problems,  201,  202;  rise  of 

Republicans,  202;  ecclesiastical 
and  military  influence  in  politics 
202;  anti-slavery  agitation,  203; 
results  of  abolition,  204-295; 
Emperor  deposed  and  Republic 
established,  205,  206;  Constitu- 
tion of  1891,  206-297;  Presi- 
dent Fonseca,  207,  208;  Peixoto, 

208,  209;  Moraes,  209;  finances, 

209,  210;  campaign  of  1898,  210; 
Campos  Salles  and  funding  loan, 

210,  21 1 ; boundary  controver- 
sies, 21 1,  212;  beautifying  of 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  212;  President 
Penna,  212,  213;  Ruy  Barbosa, 
in  politics,  213,  214;  President 
Hermes  de  Fonseca,  214;  party 
problems,  124,  215;  conditions 
on  eve  of  World  War:  army  and 
navy,  215;  immigration.  216, 
217;  population,  217,  218;  lan- 
guage, religion,  218;  transpor- 
tation, 218,  219;  occupations, 
219;  exports,  219,  220;  mone- 
tary system,  finances,  220;  edu- 
cation, 220,  221;  literature,  221, 
222;  fine  arts,  222;  civil  code, 
223;  affected  by  World  War, 
223-225;  President  Epitacio  Pes- 
soa,  225,  226.  See  also  Confer- 
ences, International  Congresses, 
Pan- Americanism. 

Brooks,  John  R.,  431,  432. 

Brum,  Baltasar,  268,  269. 

Bryce,  James  (Viscount),  quoted, 
523,  525- 

Buena  Vista,  battle  of,  484. 

Buenos  Aires,  city  of,  81,  108,  118, 
133,  163,  246,  247,  248,  252,  528. 

Buenos  Aires,  province  of,  opposi- 
tion to  Urquiza,  239,  240. 


602 


INDEX 


Bulnes,  Manuel,  296,  297. 
Bustamante,  Anastasio,  480,  481. 


C 

Caamano,  Jose,  394,  395. 

Cabildo  abierto,  123,  151,  291. 

Cabildo,  ecclesiastical,  129. 

Cabildo,  in  Spain,  40,  41;  in  Span- 
ish Indies,  100-123. 

Cabral,  Pedro  Alvares,  discovers 
Brazil,  61;  mentioned,  83. 

Cabrera,  Manuel  F.,  456,  467. 

Caceres,  Andres  A.,  347,  349. 

Caceres,  Ramon,  440,  442,  443. 

Calchaquian  Indians,  16,  17. 

Caldas,  Francisco,  138. 

Calpulapan,  battle  of,  492. 

Calvo  Doctrine,  552,  553- 

Camels,  American,  10. 

Campero,  Narciso,  325,  326. 

Campos  Salles,  Manoel  Ferrez  de, 
2x0,  2 1 1. 

Canals,  500,  501,  lack  of,  in  Latin 
America,  533.  See  also  Panama 
Canal. 

Capital,  lack  of,  529. 

Captain  generalcies,  see  captains 
general. 

Captaincies,  in  Brazil,  captain- 
donatories,  83,  84;  establish- 
ment of  new  captaincies,  142, 
143.  See  also  Captains  gen- 
eral. 

Captains  general,  in  Spain,  39; 
Central  America,  95;  Venezuela, 
1 19 ; Cuba,  119;  Chile,  119; 
Brazil,  144. 

Carabobo,  battle  of,  192. 

Caracas,  city  of,  82,  118,  129, 
163,  164,  408,  414,  418,  427. 

Cariban  Indians,  16. 

Car  lota  Joaquina,  daughter  of 
Charles  IV  of  Spain,  153,  158. 

Caro,  Miguel  A.,  372. 

Carpinteria,  battle  of,  258. 

Carranza,  Venustiano,  “first  chief,” 
of  Constitutionalists,  506-597; 
becomes  President  of  Mexico, 
508;  policy  about  oil  concessions, 
514,  515;  World  War,  516;  suc- 
cession to  presidency,  516;  down- 
fall and  death,  517. 

Carrera,  Jose  M.,  176. 


Carrera,  Rafael,  448,  454. 

Casa  da  India,  109. 

Casa  de  Contralacidn,  see  House  of 
Trade. 

Casa  Mata,  Plan  of,  478. 

Caseros,  battle  of,  235. 

Castilla,  Ramon,  becomes  Presi- 
dent of  Peru,  340;  policies,  340; 
promulgates  new  Constitution, 
341;  mentioned,  399. 

Castro,  Cipriano,  revolts,  416; 
becomes  President  of  Venezuela, 
417;  policies,  41 7-419. 

Catholic  Monarchs,  37,  38,  41,  43, 
50.  See  also  Ferdinand  I,  Isa- 
bella I. 

Celman,  Miguel  J.,  243,  244. 

Central  America,  geography,  6,  7; 
aborigines,  26-29;  discovery,  67; 
exploration  and  conquest,  72,  77; 
settlement,  105,  115;  adminis- 
tration, 95,  122;  annexed  to 
Mexico,  180;  independence  and 
Federation,  445-448;  under  Mo- 
razan,  447,  448;  disruption  of 
Federation,  448.  See  also  Fed- 
eration, Costa  Rica,  Guatemala, 
Honduras,  Nicaragua,  Salvador, 
Panama,  Conferences. 

Cerdagne,  43. 

Cerro  Gordo,  battle  of,  485. 

Chacabuco,  battle  of,  183. 

Charles  I,  King  of  Spain,  52,  75. 

Charles  II,  King  of  Spain,  13 1. 

Charles  III,  King  of  Spain,  119. 

Charles  IV,  King  of  Spain,  127,  128; 
promulgates  code,  13 1;  abdi- 
cates throne,  16 1;  renounces  it 
to  Napoleon,  161,  162. 

Charruan  Indians,  14,  15,  81. 

Chibchan  Indians,  habitat,  24; 
culture,  24;  architecture,  24,  25; 
art,  25;  religion,  25;  human 
sacrifices,  26;  conquest,  78,  79, 

8s- 

Chile,  geography,  5,  6;  aborigines, 
15,  16;  conquest,  80,  117,  197, 
217;  colonial  administration,  121, 
122;  1 22; discontent,  136;  deposi- 
tion of  captain  general,  165;  pro- 
visional junta,  defeat  of  patriots, 
176;  independence  achieved  and 
proclaimed,  183;  under  Director 
O’Higgins,  289-291;  early  con- 


INDEX  603 


stitutions,  290-293;  Director 
Freire,  291-293;  party  strug- 
gles and  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  1833,  293-295;  its 
significance,  295,  296;  under 

Presidents  Prieto,  Bulnes,  and 
Montt,  296-298;  religious  re- 
forms, 298;  foreign  and  domestic 
wars,  298-300;  struggle  between 
Balmaceda  and  Congress,  300- 
302;  “Baltimore”  affair,  302; 
reconstruction,  303 ; interna- 
tional problems,  303,  304;  poli- 
tics, 304,  305;  reproachement 
with  Argentina,  304,  305;  con- 
ditions on  eve  of  World  War: 
immigration,  305,  306;  army  and 
navy,  306,  307;  occupations, 
products,  307;  transportation, 
307,  308;  education,  308,  309; 
literature  and  art,  309,  310; 
attitude  toward  World  War, 
310,  31 1 ; existing  parties,  31 1; 
election  of  1920,  31 1,  312;  Ales- 
sandri’s  programme,  312.  See 
also  “War  of  the  Pacific,”  “Ques- 
tion of  the  Pacific,”  Tacna  and 
Arica,  Tarapaca,  Conferences, 
International  Congresses,  Pan- 
Americanism. 

Chilpancingo,  Mexican  Congress  of, 
167,  168. 

Chonoan  Indians,  15. 

Chorillos,  battle  of,  345. 

Church,  in  Spain,  44-48;  in  Por- 
tugal, 56,  57;  in  Spanish  Indies, 
128,  129;  in  colonial  Brazil, 
110,  145;  after  establishment  of 
Brazilian  independence,  202,  203, 
218;  in  Argentina,  247;  in  Par- 
aguay, 272,  278;  in  Chile,  292, 
293,  294,  298,  312;  in  Bolivia, 
315,  316,  321,  325;  Peru,  336, 
341,  349;  Colombia,  361,  366, 
368,371,372;  Ecuador,  386,  390- 
393.  394,  395,  396,  397;  Vene- 
zuela, 406,  412,  413,  423;  Cen- 
tral America,  446,  447,  449,  450, 
455,  4575  Panama,  471;  Mex- 
ico, 479,  489,  491,  492,  495;  gen- 
eral considerations,  525,  526. 

Cientificos,  503. 

Cities,  in  Spain,  40,  41;  in  Por- 
tugal, 57;  in  colonial  Brazil, 


144,  145;  in  Spanish  Indies,  100, 
123. 

Civilistas,  political  party  in  New 
Granada,  364. 

“Civilized”  Indians,  123,  124. 

Cleveland,  Grover,  243,  244,  245, 
416,  430. 

Climate  of  Latin  America,  8. 

Cochrane,  Lord,  158,  183. 

Codes,  legal,  Portugal,  55,  56; 
Spain,  41,  42;  Brazil,  223;  Ar- 
gentina, 241;  Chile,  526,  527. 

Colombia,  geography,  4;  aborigi- 
nes, 24-26;  discovery,  67;  con- 
quest, 78,  79;  colonization  and 
administration,  97,  105,  106,  116, 
1 18,  1 19;  revolutionary  junta, 
164;  struggles  for  independence, 
170,  1 7 1 ; independence  estab- 
lished, 180-182;  unites  with 
Venezuela  to  form  "Great  Co- 
lombia,” 181;  annexes  Quito, 
182;  first  Constitution,  359; 
under  rule  of  Santander  and  Bol- 
ivar, 359,  360;  Constitution  of 
1839,  361,  362;  disruption  of 
“Great  Colombia,”  362;  first 
Constitution  of  New  Granada, 

362,  363;  President  Santander, 

363,  364;  Constitution  of  1843, 

364,  365;  progress  under  Lib- 
erals and  Conservatives,  365, 366; 
Constitution  of  1853,  366,  367; 
the  Granadan  Confederation, 
367;  Mosquera  and  the  Kultur- 
kampf,  368;  Constitution  of 
Colombia,  368,  369;  conservative 
opposition,  369;  reforms  of 
Nunex,  370,  371;  Constitution 
of  1886,  371,  372;  Concordat, 
372;  politico-religious  wars,  372, 
373;  the  Panama  affair,  373- 
375;  Reyes  as  Dictator,  374, 
375;  constitutional  reforms  in 
1910,  375,  376;  Jesuits  and  edu- 
cation, 376;  Presidents  Res- 
trepo  and  Concha,  376,  377; 
Thompson-Urrutia  Treaty,  377; 
conditions  on  eve  of  World  War: 
boundary  disputes,  378;  popu- 
lation, 379;  army  and  navy, 
379;  economic  condition,  379, 
380;  education,  380;  literature 
and  art,  380,  381;  politics,  381, 


604 


INDEX 


382;  attitude  toward  World 
War,  382;  Suarez  and  ratifica- 
tion of  modified  Thompson-Urru- 
tia  Treaty,  382,  383;  unsettled 
boundary  controversies,  538.  See 
also  Panama,  Conferences,  Inter- 
national Congresses,  Pan  Amer- 
icanism. 

Colorados,  a political  party  of  Bo- 
livia, 322;  of  Uruguay,  258,  259, 
261;  of  Paraguay,  282,  283. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  early  ca- 
reer, 62;  in  Portugal,  62,  63; 
petitions  John  II,  64;  in  Spain, 
64;  agreement  with  Spanish 
monarchs,  64;  first  voyage,  64, 
65;  other  voyages,  66,  67. 

Commerce,  of  colonial  Brazil,  145, 
146;  of  Brazil,  219,  220;  of 
Spanish  Indies,  92,  125-128; 

Argentina,  248,  249;  Bolivia, 
332;  Chile,  307;  Colombia,  379; 
Costa  Rica,  451;  Cuba,  436; 
Dominican  Republic,  443;  Hon- 
duras, 459;  Guatemala,  456,  457 ; 
Nicaragua,  465;  Mexico,  501, 
509,  510;  Peru,  353;  Salvador, 
454;  Uruguay,  265,  266;  Vene- 
zuela, 423.  See  also  England, 
France,  Germany,  United  States. 

Comonfort,  Ignacio,  487,  488,  490. 

Concha,  Jose  V„  377,  383. 

Concordat,  of  Colombia  with  Pa- 
pacy, 372;  of  Ecuador,  291, 
392- 

Confederation,  Peru-Bolivian,  317, 
318,  339.  See  also  Federation. 

Conferences  Central  American  of 
1907,  462,  463;  Pan-American, 
561-563.  See  also  Hague  Con- 
ferences, Peace  Conference. 

Constitution  of  1812,  Spanish,  167. 

Constitutions,  Latin- American,  in 
general,  521-524.  See  further 
under  different  countries. 

Consulates,  in  Spain,  50;  in  Span- 
ish America,  107,  108. 

Coronado,  Francisco  Vasquez  de, 
105. 

Corregedores,  57,  109. 

Corregidores,  in  Spain,  41;  in  Span- 
ish Indies,  99,  100. 

Cortes,  Hernando,  leads  exploring 
expedition,  70;  conquers  Mexico, 


71,  72;  extends  conquest  into 
Central  America,  72,  73;  men- 
tioned, 89. 

Cortes-Root  Convention^ 74,  375. 

Costa  Rica,  leaves  Federation  of 
Central  America,  449;  constitu- 
tional fluctuations,  449,  450; 
Constitution  of  1871,  450,  451; 
social  and  economic  conditions, 
451.  See  also  Central  America, 
Conferences,  Federation. 

Council  of  Finance,  140. 

Council  of  the  Indies  in  Spain,  92, 
93;  in  Portugal,  140. 

Crespo,  Joaquin,  414,  415,  416. 

Cuaspud,  battle  of,  392. 

Cuba,  discovery,  65;  conquest,  70; 
Spanish  colony,  430;  revolt  of 
1895,  430;  occupation  by  United 
States,  431,  432;  Constitution, 
43 2>  4 33;  rule  of  President  Es- 
trada Palma,  433,  434;  second 
occupation  by  United  States,  434; 
home  rule  again,  434,  ff.;  political 
problems,  435;  conditions  under 
President  Menocal,  435-437;  pol- 
icy toward  World  War,  437; 
politics  and  finance.  See  also 
Reciprocity. 

Cuestas,  Juan  I.,  263. 

Currencies,  in  colonial  Brazil  146; 
in  Spanish  Indies,  103;  in  inde- 
pendent nations  of  Latin  Amer- 
ica, general  discussion  of,  531, 
539.  See  also  barter,  and  under 
different  nations. 

D 

Da  Gama,  Vasco,  60,  61. 

Dario,  Ruben,  476. 

Daza,  Hilarida,  323,  324. 

Declarations  of  Independence,  in 
Brazil,  157;  in  Spanish  America, 
168,  169,  170,  175,  179,  180,  183, 
184,  185. 

Demarcation  line,  between  Spain 
and  Portugal,  of  1493,  66;  of 
1494,  66.  See  also  Spanish-Por- 
tuguese  boundary  in  America. 

Deodoro  da  Fonseca,  Manoel,  leads 
military  party  in  Brazil,  203; 
heads  revolution,  205,  206;  be- 
comes President  of  Republic, 
207;  downfall,  208. 


INDEX 


605 


Deroui,  Santiago,  239,  240. 

Diaz,  Felix,  505,  506. 

Diaz,  Porfirio,  early  career,  revo- 
lutionary leader,  495,  496;  re- 
forms during  first  presidency, 
497;  international  relations,  497, 
498;  reelections,  498,  499;  Dic- 
tator of  Mexico,  497-503;  down- 
fall, 504,  505. 

Dictators,  Latin- American,  523. 

Dominican  Republic,  independence 
established,  439;  Spanish  rule 
again,  439,  440;  troubled  politics 
and  finance,  440,  441;  fiscal  ar- 
rangement with  United  States, 
441;  Treaty  of  1907  with,  442; 
intervention  by,  442,  ff.;  social 
and  economic  conditions,  443 ; 
military  occupation  by  United 
States,  444;  plea  for  restoration 
of  home  rule,  444,  445.  See  also 
Santo  Domingo,  island  of,  Inter- 
vention. 

El  Dorado,  myth  of,  25,  26,  78. 

Dorrego,  Manuel,  229,  230. 

Drago  Doctrine,  245,  552,  553. 

Drago,  Luis  M.,  245.  See  also 
Drago  Doctrine. 

Duarte,  Juan  P.,  439. 

Dutch,  conquer  northern  Brazil, 
139;  expelled  by  Portuguese,  14 1. 

E 

Echeverrla,  Esteban,  232,  250. 

Ecuador,  aborigines,  24;  conquest, 
77,  78;  colonial  organization,  97, 
118,  119,  123;  provisional  junta, 
164;  liberation  and  annexation 
to  “Great  Colombia,”  182,  383; 
separates  from  “Great  Colom- 
bia,” 362,  385,  386;  Constitution 
of  1830,  386;  President  Flores, 
386,  387,  388;  Constitution  of 
1835,  387,  388;  President  Roca- 
fuerte,  388;  civil  wars  and  inter- 
national complications,  389,  390; 
Constitution  of  1861,  390,  391; 
policies  of  Garcia  Moreno,  391- 
393;  Concordat,  391,  392;  strug- 
gles between  Clericals  and  Liber- 
als, 394;  constitutions  of  1884 
and  1897,  394-396;  President 
Alfaro,  396;  politico-religious  re- 
forms, 396,  397;  Constitution  of 


1906,  397,  398;  end  of  Alfaro’s 
domination,  398,  399;  conditions 
on  eve  of  World  War;  boundary 
disputes,  309,  310;  social  and 
economic  conditions,  400,  401; 
education,  401,  402;  literature 
402;  policy  toward  World  War, 
402,  403;  sanitation  of  Guaya- 
quil, 403;  President  Tamayo, 
403 ; unsettled  boundary  con- 
troversy, 538.  See  also  Colom- 
bia. 

Education,  see  Universities,  and 
different  countries. 

Egana,  Mariano,  294. 

EHzalde,  Rafael  H.,  402. 

Emigration,  to  Spanish  Indies, 
124;  to  Brazil,  145,  216,  217,  544, 
545.  See  also  “ Little  Germany,  ’ ’ 
and  Spanish-American  nations. 

Encisco,  Fernando  de,  67. 

Encomendero,  88,  91,  100. 

Encomienda,  in  Spain,  51;  in  Span- 
ish Indies,  87,  88.  See  also 
Repartimiento. 

England,  relations  with  Portugal, 
154,  155;  invasion  of  la  Plata, 
138,  139;  recognizes  Spanish- 
American  nations,  187;  Brazil, 
187,  188;  relations  with  Latin- 
American  nations,  546-549.  See 
also  Intervention. 

Environment,  American,  factors  in, 

1,  ff. 

Errazuriz,  Federico,  298. 

Errazuriz,  Federico,  son  of  Feder- 
ico, 303. 

Espejo,  Antonio  de,  105. 

Estrada  Palma,  Tomas,  433,  434. 

European  culture,  transmission,  to 
Spanish  Indies,  88;  to  Brazil, 
109. 

Expansion  and  exploration  in  co- 
lonial Brazil,  141,  142;  Central 
America,  105,  115,  116;  Chile, 
107,  117;  la  Plata,  107,  108,  117, 
1 18;  New  Granada,  105,  106, 
116;  Mexico,  114,  1 1 5 ; Peru, 
106,  107,  1 16,  11 7;  Venezuela, 
106,  1 16. 

F 

Falcdn,  Juan,  410-41 2. 

Falkland  Islands,  controversy 
about,  233,  234,  243. 


6o6 


INDEX 


Fauna,  of  Latin  America,  io. 

Federation,  Central  American  of 
1824,  446-448;  later  attempts  to 
restore,  448,  449,  452;  445*454, 
457,  458;  of  1921,  467,  468; 
Latin-American,  projects  of,  538- 
540.  See  also  Confederation, 
International  Congresses,  Pan- 
ama Congress. 

Feijo,  Diogo  Antonio,  198,  199. 

Federmann,  Nicholas,  79. 

Ferdinand  I,  King  of  Spain,  37.  See 
also  Catholic  Monarchs. 

Ferdinand  VII,  King  of  Spain,  pro- 
claimed King,  161;  renounces 
throne,  162;  effects  in  Spain  and 
the  Indies,  163;  policy  toward 
Spanish  America,  177. 

Fidel,  Suarez,  Marco,  382,  383. 

Filisola,  Vicente,  445,  446. 

Fiscal  officers,  in  Brazil,  109;  in 
Spanish  Indies,  iox,  102.  See 
also  Intendants. 

Flores,  Juan  J.,  becomes  President 
of  Ecuador,  386;  policies,  388- 
390,  392- 

Flores,  Venancio,  President  of  Uru- 
guay, 240,  260,  261. 

Food  plants  and  other  flora,  of 
Latin  America,  9. 

Foreigners,  in  Spanish  Indies,  124; 
in  colonial  Brazil,  145. 

Foreign  perils,  543,  554-556. 

France,  and  Latin  America,  rela- 
tions with,  545,  546.  See  also 
Intervention. 

Francia,  Jose  G.  R.  de,  Consul  and 
Dictator  of  Paraguay,  172,  177, 
271,  272. 

Freire,  Ramon,  291-293,  296. 

G 

Gamarra,  Agustln,  316,  319,  338- 
340. 

Garay,  Juan  de,  re-founds  Buenos 
Aires,  108. 

Garcia,  Merou,  Martin,  552. 

Garcia  Moreno,  Gabriel,  early  ca- 
reer, 390;  becomes  President  of 
Ecuador,  390;  civil  and  eccle- 
siastical policies,  390-393;  in- 
fluence, 393,  394,  402. 

Garland.  Alejandro,  cited,  352. 


Germany,  and  Latin  America,  549, 
550.  See  also  Intervention. 

Gil  Fortoul,  Jose,  420,  425,  426. 

Godoi,  Juan  S.,  278,  286. 

Godos,  political  party  of  Venezuela, 
408. 

Gomez  Farias,  Valentin,  481. 

Gomez,  Jose  M.,  President  of  Cuba, 
434,  436,  437,  438. 

Gomez,  Juan,  V.,  succeeds  Castro, 
418;  Provisional  President,  Pres- 
ident, and  president-elect,  of 
Venezuela,  419-421,  426,  427. 

Gomez,  Leandro,  Uruguayan  gen- 
eral, 261. 

Gomez,  Maximo,  Mexican  patriot, 
43°- 

Gomez  Pedraza,  Manuel,  480,  481. 

Gondra,  Manuel,  284,  287. 

Gonzalez  Davila,  Gil,  73. 

Gonzalez,  Manuel,  498. 

Gonzalez  V alencia , Ramon  ,374,375. 

Governments,  Latin-American,  523, 
524.  See  also  different  countries. 

Governors,  in  Spanish  Indies,  99. 

Granada,  city  of,  siege,  42;  capit- 
ulation, 42,  43. 

“Great  Colombia,”  see  Colombia. 

Greater  Republic  of  Central  Amer- 
ica, see  Federation. 

Grito  de  Ypiranga,  157,  518. 

Groussac,  Pablo,  251. 

Guadeloupe,  Plan  of,  506,  507. 

Guanaco,  10. 

Guarani  Indians,  16,  81,  285. 

Guatemala,  under  Carrera,  448, 
454;  Barrios  and,  454,  455;  Con- 
stitution of  1887,  455,  456;  social 
and  economic  conditions  under 
Cabrera,  456,  457.  See  also 

Central  America,  Conferences, 
Federation,  World  War. 

Guayaquil,  sanitation  of,  403. 

Guerrero,  Amador  Manuel,  Presi- 
dent of  Panama,  472. 

Guerrero,  Vicente,  President  of 
Mexico,  178,  480,  481. 

Guido  y Spano,  Carlos,  250. 

Gutierrez  Guerra,  Jose  N.,  333,  334. 

Gutierrez,  Juan  M.,  232,  250. 

Guzman,  Antonio  L.,  408,  412. 

Guzman  Blanco,  Antonio,  rise,  412; 
President  and  Dictator  of  Vene- 
zuela, 414,  415. 


INDEX 


607 


H 

Hague  Peace  Conferences,  Ameri- 
can nations  at,  553. 

Haiti,  438,  439. 

Hay,  John,  373,  441,  471. 

Hay-Herran  Convention,  373. 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B.,  280,  281. 

Henriquez,  Camilo,  139,  292. 

Henriquez  y Carvajal,  Francisco, 
444. 

Heras,  Juan  de  las,  229. 

Hermes  da  Fonseca,  General,  214. 

Herrera,  Carlos,  467,  469. 

Herrera,  Jose  J.,  485. 

Herrera  y Obes,  Julio,  262,  263. 

Heureux,  Ulises,  440. 

Hidalgo  y Costilla,  Miguel,  starts 
revolt  in  Mexico;  165;  downfall, 
166. 

Hispanic  America,  see  Latin  Amer- 
ica. 

Honduras,  political  fluctuations, 
457;  Constitution  of  1904,  458; 
social  and  economic  conditions, 
458,459.  See  also  Central  Amer- 
ica, Conferences,  Federation, 
World  War. 

House  of  Trade,  92. 

Hrdlicka,  Ales,  theory  about  origin 
of  man  in  America,  ix,  12. 

Huamita,  siege  and  fall  of,  277. 

Huerta,  Victoriano,  506,  508. 

Hughes,  Charles,  475. 

Huguenots,  in  Brazil,  111. 

I 

Iberian  Peninsula,  physiography  of, 
36. 

Iguala,  Plan  of,  179,  445,  478. 

Immigration,  into  Latin- American 
nations,  general  considerations, 
527.  See  also  different  nations. 

Incas,  use  of  name,  18;  extent,  pop- 
ulation, and  language  of  Empire, 
18,  19;  conquered  tribes,  20; 
religion,  20,  21;  military  organi- 
zation, 21;  military  colonies, 

21,  22;  roads,  22;  architecture, 

22,  23;  arts,  crafts,  dancing, 
music,  23;  writing,  23,  24;  iso- 
lation, 35;  conquest,  76-78. 

Indians,  American,  traits  of,  12; 
unity,  12;  distribution,  culture, 


13;  present  condition,  528,  529. 
See  also  different  tribes  and  coun- 
tries. 

Infante,  Jose  M.,  292. 

Ingavi,  battle  of,  319. 

Innocent  XI,  Pope,  145. 

Inquisition,  in  Portugal,  58;  in 
Spain,  44,  45;  in  Spanish  Indies, 
103,  104,  129,  130. 

Inspectors  of  finance,  Portuguese, 
109,  140. 

Intellectual  awakening,  in  Spanish 
Indies,  137,  139;  in  Brazil,  150. 

Intendants,  in  Spain,  120;  in  Span- 
ish Indies,  1 20-1 23.  See  also 
Ordinance  of  Intendants. 

Interior  Provinces  of  New  Spain, 
119,  120. 

International  Congresses,  540,  541. 

Intervention,  European,  in  Argen- 
tina, 234;  in  Mexico,  492-494;  in 
Venezuela,  417;  by  the  United 
States,  in  Cuba,  431,  ff . ; in 
Dominican  Republic,  441,  ff.; 
in  Nicaragua,  463,  464,  465;  in 
Panama,  472,  475. 

Irala,  Domingo  Martinez  de,  81. 

Irigoyen,  Hipolito,  253,  254. 

Isabel,  Princess  and  Regent  of  Bra- 
zil, 204,  205. 

Isabella  I,  Queen  of  Castile,  37; 
reforms,  41.  See  also  Catholic 
Monarchs. 

Iturbide,  Agustin  de,  royalist  com- 
mander, 178;  publishes  Plan  of 
Iguala,  179;  signs  Treaty  of 
Cordoba,  180;  becomes  Em- 
peror of  Mexico,  180;  rule,  445, 
478;  exile  and  death,  479. 

Ituzaingo,  battle  of,  192,  193. 

J 

Jara,  Albino,  283,  284. 

Jaunes,  political  party  of  Vene- 
zuela, 412. 

Jesuits,  in  Portugal,  58;  in  Spain, 
46;  introduction  into  Brazil,  109, 
no;  activities,  142;  expulsion, 
148;  introduction  into  Spanish 
Indies,  activities,  135,  136;  Em- 
pire of,  expulsion,  136;  in  Co- 
lombia, 365,  376;  Central  Amer- 
ica, 460, 461. 

John  I,  King  of  Portugal,  54,  55. 


6o8 


INDEX 


John  II,  King  of  Portugal,  60,  63, 
65- 

John  III,  King  of  Portugal,  108, 
109,  no. 

John  IV,  King  of  Portugal,  141, 
145- 

John  VI,  of  Portugal  and  Brazil, 
regent,  153-156;  king,  156;  leaves 
Brazil  for  Portugal,  156,  157; 
recognizes  independence  of  Bra- 
zil, 187,  188. 

Juarez,  Benito,  early  career,  490, 
491;  President  of  Mexico,  491; 
his  “reform”  laws,  491,  492; 
struggles  against  French,  493, 
494;  President  in  peace  times, 
494. 

Juarez  Laws,  491,  492. 

Julius  III,  Pope,  no. 

Junin,  battle  of,  185. 

Juntas,  of  Spain,  163,  164;  of  Span- 
ish Indies,  164,  165,  167,  171, 
172,  180. 

K 

Kino,  Eusebio,  114. 

Knox,  Philander,  463. 

L 

La  Mar,  Jose  de,  338. 

La  Plata,  United  Provinces  of,  see 
Argentina,  Las  Casas,  Barto- 
lom£  de,  105. 

Lastarria,  Jose  V.,  309. 

Latin  America,  defined,  1. 

Latorre,  Lorenzo,  262,  267. 

Lavalle,  Juan,  230,  232. 

Lavalleja,  Juan  A.,  192,  193,  258. 

Law  of  Spain,  41,  42;  in  Spanish 
America,  130;  see  also  Laws  of 
the  Indies. 

Laws  of  the  Indies,  130,  131. 

League  of  Nations,  American  na- 
tions and,  568,  569. 

Legal  Codes,  323,  526,527.  See  also 
under  Latin-American  countries. 

Leguia,  Agusto  B.,  349,  356. 

Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Sebastian,  487, 
494. 

Lerdo  Law,  487,  488,  491. 

Liberal  Alliance,  political  group  in 
Chile,  311,  312. 

Lillo,  Eusebio,  309. 

Lima,  77,  94,  103,  104,  184,  354. 


Linares,  Jose  M.,  320,  321. 

Lircai,  battle  of,  293. 

Literature,  colonial,  in  Brazil,  147, 
148;  in  Spanish  Indies,  134; 
national,  see  also  different  Latin- 
American  countries. 

“Little  Germany,”  in  Brazil,  216, 
543;  in  Chile,  305,  306. 

Llama,  10,  19,  354. 

Loncomilla,  battle  of,  297. 

Lopez,  Carlos  A.,  consul  of  Para- 
guay, 272,  273;  President,  and 
Dictator,  273,  274. 

L6pez,  Francisco  F.,  son  of  Carlos, 
becomes  President  of  Paraguay, 
274;  militaristic  policy,  275-277; 
defeat  and  death,  277,  278. 

Lopez,  Jose  B.,  President  of  New 
Granada,  365,  366. 

L6pez  y Planes,  Vicente,  250. 

Losada,  Diego,  founds  Caracas,  82. 

Loubet,  Emile,  President  of  France, 
arbitrates  boundary  dispute,  378, 
475- 

Luxburg,  Count,  author  of  spurlos 
versenken  note,  254. 

M 

McKinley,  William  J.,  431. 

Madero,  Francisco  I.,  publishes 
criticism  of  Diaz,  503,  504;  be- 
comes President,  505;  mistakes, 
505;  downfall  and  murder,  506. 

Magellan,  Ferdinand,  69,  70. 

Magoon,  C.  F.,  434. 

Mainas,  Commandancy  of,  123. 

“Maine,”  explosion  of,  430,  431. 

Maipu,  battle  of,  183. 

Maria  I,  Queen  of  Portugal,  153, 
iS5,  156- 

Marquez  Bustillos,  Victoriano,  421, 
426-428. 

Marquez,  Jose  de,  364. 

Marroquin,  Jose  M.,  373. 

Marti,  Jose,  476. 

Maurice  of  Nassau-Siegen,  Count, 
139,  140. 

Maximilian,  Archduke  of  Austria, 
Emperor  of  Mexico,  493,  494. 

Mayan  Indians,  habitat,  26;  ruined 
cities,  27;  organization,  27;  art, 
27,  28;  religion,  28;  hiero- 

glyphics, 28;  disruption  of  Em- 
pire, 29. 


INDEX 


609 


Mazorca,  232. 

Meiggs,  Henry,  344,  559,  560. 

Melgarejo,  Mariano,  32.,  323. 

Mello,  Custodio  Josd  de,  208,  209. 

Mem  de  Sa,  1x1. 

Mendoza,  Garda  Hurtado  de,  107. 

Mendoza,  Pedro  de,  founds  Buenos 
Aires,  81. 

Menocal,  Mario  G.,  435,  436,  437. 

Mesa  da  Consciencia  e Ordens,  109. 

Mexican  War,  see  War  between 
United  States  and  Mexico. 

Mexico,  rity  of,  32,  72,  93,  131,  163, 
500,  501,  506. 

Mexico,  geography,  7;  aborigines, 
30-34;  discovery  and  conquest, 
70-72;  exploration,  104,  105, 
1 14,  115;  colonial  administra- 
tion, 90,  93,  94,  96,  1 2 1,  122;  pro- 
visional junta  of,  163;  revolt  of 
Hidalgo,  165-169;  independence 
achieved  by  Iturbide,  178-180; 
extent  of  Mexican  Empire,  180; 
downfall  of  Agustin  I,  478,  479; 
framing  of  Constitution  of  1824, 
479,  480;  Presidents  Victoria 
and  Guerrero,  480,  481;  Santa 
Anna  as  President  and  Dictator, 
481-484;  war  with  United  States, 
484,  485;  President  Arista,  485, 
486;  downfall  of  Santa  Anna, 
486,  487;  politico-religious  re- 
forms, 487,  488;  Constitution  of 
1857,  488-490;  rise  of  Juarez, 

490,  491;  “War  of  the  Reform,” 

491,  492;  French  intervention 

492,  493;  end  of  Maximilian’s 
Empire,  494;  religious  reforms 
under  Lerdo,  495;  opposition  of 
Diaz,  495,  496;  his  first  presi- 
dency, 497,  498;  reelections, 
498,  499;  his  rule  and  policies, 
499-503;  criticized  by  Madero, 
503,  504;  Madero  becomes  Pres- 
ident, 505;  the  deluge  begins, 
505,  506;  Huerta  assumes  pres- 
idency, 506;  opposition  of  Car- 
ranza, 506,  507;  ABC  mediation, 

507,  508;  Carranza  becomes 
President,  508;  conditions  on 
eve  of  World  War:  education, 

508,  509;  literature  and  art, 
510,  51 1 ; social  conditions,  51 1, 
512;  Constitution  of  1917,  512, 


513;  dispute  about  oil,  513-515; 
policy  toward  World  War,  515, 
516;  Plan  of  Agua  Prieta,  516, 
517;  Obregon’s  problems,  517- 
519.  See  also  Conferences,  In- 
ternational Congresses,  Pan- 
Americanism. 

Michelena,  Artura,  426. 

“Middle  America,”  defined,  6;  its 
physiographic  provinces,  6,  7; 
rivers,  climate,  and  vegetation, 
7,  8;  culture  in  pre-Columbian 
epoch,  26. 

Migualistes,  political  party  in 
Cuba,  438. 

Mining  code,  of  Mexico,  498. 

Miraflores,  battle  of,  345,  346. 

Miranda,  Francisco  de,  promotes 
independence  of  Venezuela,  169; 
dictator  of,  betrayal,  470;  project 
of,  538,  539- 

Missionaries,  in  Spanish  Indies,  91, 
106,  115,  116,  117.  Sec  also 
Jesuits. 

Mita,  88. 

Mitre  Bartolome,  governor  of  prov- 
ince of  Buenos  Aires,  239;  Dic- 
tator of  Argentine  Confedera- 
tion, 240;  President,  240,  241; 
journalist  and  historian,  250,  251. 

Modus  vivendi,  of  United  States 
with  Dominican  republic,  441. 

Monagas,  Jose  G.,  409. 

Monagas,  Jose  T.,  brother  of  Jose 
G.,  408,  409,  410,  412. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  mentioned,  187; 
promulgation  and  principles,  550, 
551;  appreciations  by  Latin 
Americans,  551,  552;  criticisms 
by,  554-556.  See  also  Roose- 
velt Corollary,  Drago  Doctrine. 

Monroe,  James,  186,  551.  Sec  also 
Monroe  Doctrine. 

Montalvo,  Juan,  402. 

Montes,  Ismael,  329-331. 

Montezuma,  71,  72. 

Montt,  Jorge,  303. 

Montt,  Manuel,  297,  305. 

Montt,  Pedro,  304,  395. 

Montt-Varista,  political  party  in 
Chile,  298,  299. 

Morales,  Carlos,  440. 

Morase.  Prudente  de,  209,  210. 

Morazan,  Francisco,  447,  448,  449. 


6io 


INDEX 


Morelos,  Jose  M.,  leads  Mexican 
revolt,  166,  167;  advocates  Dec- 
laration of  Independence,  execu- 
tion, 168. 

Moreno,  Mariano,  secretary  of 
junta  of  Buenos  Aires,  171,  182; 
death,  173. 

Mosquera,  Tomas  de,  publicist  and 
President  of  New  Granada,  365, 

367-369- 

Muller,  Lauro,  224. 

Mutis,  Jose  C.,  137,  138. 

N 

Nahuatlan  Indians,  26,  29.  See 
also  Aztecs. 

Naming  of  America,  85. 

Napoleon  III,  Emperor  of  French, 
intervene  in  Mexico,  493  ff. 

Napoleon,  intervenes  in  Portugal, 
153,  154;  in  Spain,  161,  162; 
effects  of  intervention,  162,  163. 

Narino,  Antonio,  138. 

National  Union,  political  party  in 
Chile,  311,  312. 

Navarre,  annexation  to  Spain,  43. 

New  Granada,  see  Colombia. 

Nicaragua,  early  problems,  459, 
460;  repels  Walker,  460;  parties, 
460,461;  under  Zelaya,  461,  463; 
fiscal  intervention  by  United 
States  in,  463,  464,  466,  467; 
Constitution  of  1912,  464;  social 
and  economic  condition,  464,  465; 
Bryan-Chamorro  Treaty,  465, 
466.  See  also  Central  America, 
Conferences,  Federation,  World 
War. 

Nobrega,  Manoel  de,  109,  no. 

Le  Noria,  Plan  of,  495. 

Nunez,  Rafael,  becomes  President 
of  Colombia,  369,  370;  advo- 
cates constitutional  reform,  370, 
371;  negotiates  Concordat,  372; 
death,  372. 

0 

Obando,  Jose  M.,  366,  367,  389. 

Obregon,  Alvaro,  516,  517-519. 

Occupation,  of  Cuba,  by  the  United 
States,  first,  43 1 , ff . ; second,  434 ; 
of  Dominican  Republic,  443- 
445;  of  Panama,  475. 


O’Higgins,  Bernardo,  in  Chilean 
revolution,  176;  Supreme  Di- 
rector, 183;  289-291;  abdica- 

tion, 291. 

Oil  Controversy,  in  Mexico,  514, 
515,  518,  519. 

Ojeda,  Alonso  de,  67. 

Orbegosa,  Luis  J.,  338,  339. 

Ordenaqoes  Philippinas,  56,  141. 

Ordinance  of  Intendants,  of  1782, 
121 ; of  1786, 121,  122. 

Orejones,  20. 

Orellana,  Francisco,  106. 

Oribe,  Manuel,  258,  259. 

Origin  of  Man,  in  America,  10; 
remains  of  early  man,  10;  theory 
of  South  American  origin,  objec- 
tions, to,  11 ; theory  of  Asiatic 
origin,  11,  12. 

P 

Paez,  Jose  A.,  re-creates  Venezuela, 
360;  President  of,  405,  406, 
407;  Dictator,  410,  41 1. 

Palma,  Ricardo,  355. 

Panama  Canal,  373,  377,  383,  429, 
47 1 > 472,  474,  475,'  477,  558- 

Panama  Congress,  540. 

Panama,  Republic  of,  separates 
from  Colombia,  373,  469;  Con- 
stitution, 471;  Canal  Treaty, 

471,  472;  President  Guerrero, 

472,  473;  problems,  473;  social, 
economic,  and  commercial  con- 
ditions, 473,  474;  during  World 
War,  474,  475;  boundary  dis- 
putes, 475,  476.  See  also  Co- 
lombia. 

Pan-American  Financial  Confer- 
ences, 565,  566. 

Pan-American  Monroe  Doctrine, 
Wilson’s,  563,  564. 

Pan-American  Scientific  Congresses, 

563,  564- 

Pan-American  Union,  562,  563. 

Pan- Americanism,  defined,  560, 
561;  origins,  561.  See  also  Pan- 
American  Conferences,  Pan 
American  Congresses,  Scientific 
Congresses. 

Pando,  Jose  M.,  328,  329. 

Paraguay,  aborigines,  16;  settle- 
ment, 8 1 ; separatist  movement, 


INDEX 


611 


171,  172;  under  Francia,  172- 
271,  272;  Carlos  A.  I-opez,  272, 
273;  independence  announced 
and  acknowledged,  272,  273; 

attempts  to  define  boundaries, 

273,  274;  foreign  complications, 
274;  rule  of  Francisco  S.  Lopez, 

274,  If.;  the  Paraguayan  War, 
275-278;  Constitution  of  1870, 
278-280;  adjustment  of  boun- 
daries, 280-282;  politics  and 
progress,  282-284;  conditions  on 
eve  of  World  War:  population, 
language,  284,  285;  economic  and 
financial  condition,  285,  286; 
education  and  learning,  286; 
condition  since  opening  of  World 
War,  286,  287;  unsettled  boun- 
dary dispute,  538.  See  also 
Argentina,  Uruguay. 

Paraguayan  War,  origins,  275,  276; 
tripartite  alliance,  276,  277; 

course  of  war,  277;  results,  278, 
285. 

Pardo,  Jose,  349,  356. 

Pardo,  Manuel,  344. 

Parties,  political,  in  Latin  America, 
general  consideration,  524,  525. 
See  also  Blancos,  Colorados,  Rojos, 
etc.,  and  different  countries. 

Passos,  Pereira,  212. 

“Paulistas,”  141. 

Pavon,  battle  of,  240. 

Paz  Soldan  y Unanue,  Pedro,  355. 

Peace  Conference,  American  na- 
tions at,  566,  567. 

Pedro  I,  Emperor  of  Brazil,  regent 
of,  156;  proclaims  Brazil’s  inde- 
pendence of  Portugal,  157,  158; 
becomes  Emperor,  158;  dis- 
solves Constituent  Assembly, 
159;  functions  under  Constitution 
1824,  159,  160;  his  reign,  191- 
195- 

Pedro  II,  Emperor  of  Brazil,  be- 
comes Emperor,  197;  minority, 
1 97-1 99;  his  majority  an- 
nounced, 199;  traits,  200;  rule  as 
Emperor,  200-205;  deposition, 
205,  206. 

Peixoto,  Floriano,  208,  209. 

Pellegrini,  Carlos,  243,  244. 

Pelucones,  political  party  in  Chile, 
293- 


Penna,  Affonso,  212,  213. 

Perez,  Jose  J.,  298. 

Pershing,  John  J.,  508. 

Peru,  geography,  5,  6;  aborigines, 
16-24;  conquest,  76,  77;  colonial 
administration,  90,  94,  121;  set- 
tlement, 106,  107,  1 16,  1 17;  dis- 
content, 136,  137,  176,  177;  lib- 
erated by  San  Martin,  183-185; 
early  constitution  making,  336, 
337;  under  rule  of  Bolivar,  337; 
constitutions  of  1828  and  1834, 
338-340;  intervention  of  Santa 
Cruz,  339;  Gamarra  and  the 
Constitution  of  1839,  339,  340; 
Castilla  as  Dictator,  340-342; 
Constitution  of  i860,  341,  342; 
war  with  Spain,  342,  343;  guano, 
railroads,  and  finances,  343,  344; 
alliance  with  Bolivia,’  344,  345; 
defeated  in  War  of  the  Pacific, 
345,346;  resulting  dispute  about 
Tacna  and  Arica,  347,  348,  ff.; 
reforms  of  Pierola,  348,  349; 
national  problems,  349,  350; 

Putumayo  atrocities,  350;  rev- 
olutionary disturbances,  350,  351 ; 
conditions  on  eve  of  World  War: 
boundary  disputes,  351;  immi- 
gration, 351,  35,2;  population, 
352;  army  and  navy,  352,  353; 
occupations,  exports,  353;  trans- 
portation, 353,  354;  education, 
354;  literature,  354,  3551  policy 
toward  the  World  War,  355,  356; 
new  Constitution,  356-358;  un- 
settled boundary  controversies, 
538.  See  also  Conferences,  In- 
ternational Congresses,  Pan- 
Americanism,  War  of  the  Pacific, 
“Question  of  the  Pacific.” 

Peru-Bolivian  Confederation,  see 
Confederation. 

Peruvian  corporation,  347. 

Pessoa,  Epitacio,  225. 

Pezet,  Juan  A.,  342,  343. 

Philip  II,  King  of  Spain,  56;  be- 
comes King  of  Portugal,  1 1 1 , 1 1 2. 

Philippine  Islands,  69,  104. 

Philosophy,  English  economic  in 
South  America,  138. 

Philosophy,  French,  in  Spanish  In- 
dies, 138. 

Philosophy,  of  American  Revolu- 


6l2 


INDEX 


tion  in  Spanish  Indies,  139;  in 
Brazil,  156. 

Physiographic  provinces,  of  Latin 
America,  3 ff. 

Pierola,  Nicolas  de,  348,  349. 

Pinchincha,  battle  of,  182. 

Pinto,  Francisco  A.,  298. 

Pinzon,  Luis  H.,  Spanish  Admiral. 
343- 

Pinzon,  Vicente  Yanez,  discovers 
Amazon  River,  82,  83. 

Pipolos,  political  party  in  Chile, 
293- 

Pius  IX,  Pope,  202. 

Pizarro,  Francisco,  early  career,  74; 
expeditions  in  search  of  Peru,  74 ; 
75;  contract  with  Queen,  75; 
conquers  Peru,  76,  77. 

Pizarro,  Gonzalo,  brother  of  Fran- 
cisco, 76,  90,  106,  107,  108. 

Platt  Amendment,  433. 

Plaza  Gutierrez,  Leonidas,  396,  399. 

Plaza,  Victorino  de  la,  246. 

Political  divisions,  in  Spanish  In- 
dies, end  of  eighteenth  century, 
122,  123. 

Polk,  James  K.,  484. 

Pombal,  Marquis  of,  145,  146. 

Pombo,  Rafael,  381. 

Population,  of  Spain,  48;  of  Por- 
tugal, 57;  of  Spanish  Indies,  135; 
of  colonial  Brazil,  148;  see  under 
different  countries. 

Portales,  Diego,  294. 

Portola,  Juan  de,  115. 

Portugal,  physiography,  36;  race 
and  language,  36,  37;  in  fif- 
teenth century,  political  insti- 
tutions, 54,  55 ; nobles,  55;  law, 
55,  56;  land  tenure,  56;  quasi- 
feudal  conditions,  56;  clergy, 
56;  cities,  57;  population,  57; 
treatment  of  Moslems  and  Jews, 
57,  58;  colonial  administration 
and  policy,  108,  140,  145,  146; 
recognizes  independence  of  Bra- 
zil, 187,  188 ; relations  with  Bra- 
zil, 544,  545.  See  also  Brazil. 

Portuguese  revolution  of  1820,  in- 
fluence on  Brazil,  156,  157. 

Prado,  Eduardo,  author  of  A illusao 
americana,  554. 

Prado,  Mariano,  President  of  Peru, 
343..  344,  345- 


Pre-Inca  Civilizations,  17,  18. 

Presidencies,  99. 

Prieto,  Joaquin,  293,  296. 

“Prince  Henry  the  Navigator,”  of 
Portugal,  60,  61. 

Printing  press,  in  Latin- American 
colonies,  133,  147;  colonial  peri- 
odicals, 133. 

Public  Debts,  in  Latin-American 
nations,  532.  See  also  different 
states. 

Pulchean  Indian^,  15. 

Pumacahua,  revolt  of,  177. 


Quechuan  Indians,  18,  19,  20,  332. 
See  also  Incas. 

Quesada,  Gonzalo  Jimenez  de, 
conquers  Chibchans,  78,  79. 

Quesada,  Vicente  G.,  Argentine 
minister  to  United  States,  243. 

“Question  of  the  Pacific,”  536-538. 
See  also  “War  of  the  Pacific.” 

Quinine,  9. 

Quinoa,  9. 

Quintana,  Manuel,  245,  252. 

Quipus,  23,  24. 

Quiroga,  Juan  F.,  229,  230. 

Quito,  Kingdom  of,  24;  conquest, 
77,  78. 

R 

Radical  party,  of  Argentina,  see 
Union  Civica. 

Rancagua,  battle  of,  176. 

Reciprocity,  between  Cuba  and 
United  States,  434;  general  con- 
siderations, 531,  557,  558. 

Reconstruction,  problems  of,  566. 

Reduccion,  87. 

Regency,  Spanish,  164. 

Repartimiento,  in  Spain,  51 1;  in 
Spanish  Indies,  87,  131. 

Residencia,  in  Spain,  40;  in  Span- 
ish Indies,  100,  iox. 

Restrepo,  Carlos  A.,  376,  377. 

La  Revolucion  Legalista,  in  Vene- 
zuela, 415. 

Revolution,  against  the  mother- 
lands, in  Brazil,  causes,  150,  151; 
occasion,  153-156;  constitutional 
reorganization,  158-161;  recog- 
nition, 185,  186,  187,  188;  in 
Spanish  America,  causes,  136- 


INDEX 


613 


139;  occasion,  161-164;  juntas 
of  revolution,  164,  165;  cam- 
paigns of  patriots,  165-185;  rec- 
ognition of  the  new  nations,  185- 
189. 

Reyes,  Rafael,  373-375. 

Riesco,  Jerman,  304. 

Rio,  Branco,  Baron,  211.  212. 

Rio  Branco  Law,  204. 

Rio  Branco,  Viscount,  204,  261. 

Rio  de  Janeiro,  Founding  of,  in;, 
beautifying , 212;  mentioned , ' 

141,  144,  i55,  157.  158,  205,  219, 
221,  528. 

Riva  Aguero,  Jose  de  la,  Peruvian 
author,  355. 

Riva  Aguero,  Jose  de  la,  Peruvian 
leader,  176,  177;  leaves  Peru, 
184;  becomes  President,  336. 

Rivadavia,  Bernardino,  secretary  of 
triumvirate  at  Buenos  Aires, 
173;  President  of  Argentine  Re- 
public, 229. 

Rivarola,  Cirilio  A.,  280. 

Rivera,  Fructuoso,  258,  259. 

Roca,  Julio  A.,  243,  245. 

Rocafuerte,  Vicente,  opposes 
Flores,  386;  becomes  President 
of  Ecuador,  388. 

Rodo,  Josd  E.,  268. 

Rodriguez,  Martin,  228. 

Rojos,  political  party  of  Bolivia, 
320,  322. 

Romana,  Eduardo  de,  340. 

Roosevelt  Corollary  of  Monroe 
Doctrine,  553,  554.  See  also  In- 
tervention by  United  States. 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  373,  434, 
441,  462.  See  also  Roosevelt 
Corollary. 

Rosas,  Juan  Manuel  de,  early  ca- 
reer, 230,  231;  governor  of 

province  of  Buenos  Aires,  231; 
Dictator  of  Argentine  Confed- 
eration, 232-235;  downfall,  235, 
236. 

Roussillon,  annexation  to  Spain,  43. 

S 

Saenz  Pena,  Luis,  President  of 
Argentina,  244. 

Saenz  Pena,  Roque,  son  of  Luis 
Saenz  Pena,  245,  246. 


Salvador,  governmental  fluctua- 
tions in  451-453 ; Constitution  of 
1886,  452,  453;  social  and  eco- 
nomic conditions,  453,  454. 

San  Jacinto,  battle  of,  482,  483. 

San  Lorenzo,  battle  of,  174. 

San  Luis  Potosi,  Plan  of,  504. 

San  Martin,  Jose  F.  de,  in  Spanish 
service,  174;  defeats  royalists  at 
San  Lorenzo,  174;  plans  cam- 
paign against  Peru,  175;  at 
Mendoza,  176,  183;  defeats  roy- 
alists at  Chacabuco  and  Maipu, 
1 83 ; organizes  expedition  against 
Peru,  183,  184;  proclaims  inde- 
pendence of  Peru,  184;  meets 
Bolivar  at  Guayaquil  and  retires, 
184. 

San  Martin,  Zorilla  de,  268. 

San  Nicolas,  agreement  of,  236. 

San  Salvador,  discovery  of,  65. 

Santa  Anna,  Antonio  Lopez  de, 
rise,  478,  481;  President  and 
Dictator  of  Mexico,  481-483, 
486. 

Santa  Cruz,  Andres,  in  Peru,  337, 
338;  Bolivia,  3 1 6-3 1 9 ; organ- 
izes Peru-Bolivian  Confedera- 
tion, 318;  dissolution,  318,  339. 

Santander,  Francisco  de  Paula,  359, 
360,  363,  364.  _ 

Santiago  de  Chile,  80,  118,  132, 
165,  176,  183,  308. 

Santo  Domingo,  island  of,  65,  67, 
70,  88,  89,  95,  96,  438,  439.  See 
also  Dominican  Republic,  Haiti. 

Santos  Chocano,  Jose,  355. 

Santos,  Maximo,  262. 

Saraiva,  Aparicio,  Uruguayan  rev- 
olutionist, 264. 

Saraiva,  Jose  A.,  envoy  of  Brazil, 
260. 

Sarmiento,  Domingo  F.,  early  ca- 
reer, 241;  President  of  Argen- 
tina, 241,  242;  educational  influ- 
ence, 559. 

Schaerer,  Eduardo,  284. 

Scientific  Congresses,  Latin- Amer- 
ican, 541 ; Pan-American,  563. 

Senado  da  camera,  144,  145. 

Serra,  Junipero,  115. 

Seven  Laws,  of  Mexico,  481,  482. 

Seward,  William  H.,  483,  494. 

Slavery,  Indian,  in  Spanish  and 


614 


INDEX 


Portuguese  America,  87,  88,  91, 
109;  in  independent  nations, 
528,  529;  negro,  in  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  America,  109,  135, 
148;  abolition,  in  Bolivia,  317; 
Brazil,  204,  205;  Colombia,  365, 
366;  Venezuela,  409. 

Snowden,  Admiral,  444,  445. 

Society,  Latin-American,  structure 
of,  528. 

Solar,  Alberto  del,  on  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, 554,  555. 

Solis,  Juan  Diaz  de,  leads  expedi- 
tion to  la  Plata  River,  80,  81. 

Soublette,  Carlos,  406,  407,  408. 

South  America,  climate,  2-4;  phy- 
siography, 34,35;  physiographic 
provinces  of,  3 ff .;  cultural  regions 
about  1500,  13,  14. 

Souza,  Martin  Affonso  de,  83. 

Souza,  Thome  de,  founds  Bahia, 
108. 

Spain,  physiography,  36;  race  and 
language,  36,  37;  in  fifteenth 
century,  unification,  37,  38,44; 
increase  of  royal  power,  38;  royal 
councils,  38;  audiencias,  38,  39; 
viceroys,  39;  captains  general, 
39;  adclantados,  39,  40;  the 
residencia,  40;  cities,  40;  the 
corregidor,  41;  visitador,  41; 
legal  codes,  41;  fueros,  42;  the 
Inquisition,  44,  45;  Church,  45; 
clergy,  46,  47;  religious  orders, 
46;  Church  and  State,  47,  48; 
population,  48;  classes,  48,  49; 
occupations,  49;  economic  ten- 
dencies, 50;  quasi-feudal  con- 
ditions, 50,  51;  repartiviientos, 
51;  treatment  of  Jews,  Moslems, 
and  Moriscoes,  52-54;  colonial 
administration  and  policy,  89- 
104,  118-133;  intervention  of 
Napoleon  in,  16 1,  162;  revolt  of 
colonies,  163  ff.;  revolution  of 
1820  in,  178;  recognizes  Spanish- 
American  nations,  545;  war  with 
United  States,  loses  Cuba,  431; 
relations  with  Spanish-American 
nations,  545.  See  also  Spanish- 
American  nations. 

Spanish  Borderlands,  115,  116. 

Spanish  colonists,  character  of,  88. 

Spanish-Portuguese  boundary,  in 


America,  143,  148-150.  See  also 
Demarcation  line. 

Spanish  rule,  influence  upon  Por- 
tuguese, 140. 

Sucre,  Antonio  J.,  de,  at  Pinchin- 
cha,  182;  in  Peru,  184,  185; 
wins  battle  of  Ayacucho,  185; 
ruler  of  Boh  via,  314-336. 

T 

Tacna  and  Arica,  300,  303,  327, 
328,  345,  346,  347,  348,  349,  350- 
See  also  “Question  of  the  Pa- 
cific.” 

Tacubaya,  Plan  of,  in  1841,  483;  in 
1857,  490. 

Tajes,  Maximo,  262. 

Tamandare,  Admiral,  260,  261. 

Tamayo,  Jose  L.,  403. 

Tapuyan  Indians,  14,  86. 

Tarapaca,  province  of,  300,  345, 
346.  See  also  “Question  of  the 
Pacific.” 

Tariffs,  of  Spain  with  colonies,  126 
127;  of  Portugal  with  Brazil, 
145,  146;  Latin-American,  gen- 
eral discussion,  531,  532. 

Tarqui,  battle  of,  338. 

Tecoac,  battle  of,  396. 

Teixeira,  Pedro,  explores  Amazon 
River,  140. 

Ten  Centavos,  tax  of,  323,  324; 
war  of,  see  “War  of  the  Pacific.” 

Texas,  482-484. 

“Thirty-three  Immortals,”  of  Uru- 
guay, 192,  193. 

“Three  Antonios,”  conspiracy  of, 
136. 

Tiahuanaco,  civilization  of,  17. 

“Tiradentes,”  conspiracy  of,  150, 

151- 

Tobar,  Carlos  R.,  402. 

Toltecs,  29. 

Tovar  y Tovar,  Martin,  426. 

Transportation,  in  Latin-American 
countries,  general  discussion  of, 
532,  533.  See  also  different 

countries. 

Treaties,  Tordesillas  (1494),  Spain 
and  Portugal,  demarcation  line, 
66;  Madrid  (1750),  Spain  and 
Portugal,  boundaries  in  South 
America,  143;  San  Ildefonso 
(1777),  Spain  and  Portugal, 


INDEX 


615 


boundaries  in  South  America, 
150,  1 51 ; Fontainebleau  (1807), 
France  and  Spain,  policy  toward 
Portugal,  153;  Cordoba  (1821), 
Mexico  and  Spain,  embodying 
Plan  of  Iguala,  179,  180,  479; 
Rio  de  Janeiro  (1828),  Brazil 
and  United  Provinces  of  Rio  de 
la  Plata,  acknowledging  the  in- 
dependence of  Uruguay,  193,  230, 
256;  Pasto  (1832),  Ecuador  and 
New  Granada,  boundaries,  387; 
Paucarpata  (1837),  Peru  and 
Chile,  peace,  318;  Bogota  (1846), 
New  Granada  and  the  United 
States,  neutrality  and  sover- 
eignty of  Isthmus  of  Panama, 
365,  3731  Rio  de  Janeiro  (1851), 
Brazil  and  Uruguay,  limits, 
259,  260;  Guadeloupe  Hidalgo, 
(1848),  Mexico  and  the  United 
States,  peace  and  boundaries, 
485;  London  (1861),  England, 
France,  and  Spain,  intervention 
in  Mexico,  492;  Buenos  Aires 
(1865),  Argentina,  Brazil,  and 
Uruguay,  secret  alliance  against 
Paraguayan  government,  276, 
277;  Santiago  (1866),  Chile  and 
Bolivia,  condominion  in  Ata- 
cama desert,  322;  Lima  (1873), 
Peru  and  Bolivia,  secret  alliance, 
344,  345;  Sucre  (1874),  Chile 
and  Bolivia,  boundary  in  Ata- 
cama desert,  323;  Ancon  (1883), 
Chile  and  Peru,  cession  of  Tara- 
paca  by  Peru,  346;  Valparaiso 
(1884),  Chile  and  Bolivia,  occu- 
pation of  Atacama  by  Chile, 
326,327;  Lima  (1894),  Colombia, 
Ecuador,  and  Peru,  arbitration 
of  boundary  disputes,  400;  San- 
tiago (1895),  Bolivia  and  Chile, 
concerning  Tacna  and  Arica, 
327,  328;  Paris  (1898),  United 
States  and  Spain,  relinquish- 
ment of  Cuba,  Puerto  Rico,  and 
the  Philippines,  431;  Washing- 
ton (1903),  United  States  and 
Panama,  transfer  of  Canal  Zone 
to  United  States,  471,  472;  Pe- 
tropolis  (1903),  Bolivia  and  Bra- 
zil, adjustment  of  boundary  dis- 
pute, 328  329;  Quito  (1904), 


Ecuador  and  Peru,  arbitration  of 
boundary  controversy  by  king 
of  Spain,  400;  city  of  Santo 
Domingo  (1907),  United  States 
and  Dominican  Republic,  ad- 
ministration of  Dominican  fi- 
nances by  United  States,  444; 
Bogota  (1914),  Colombia  and 
the  United  States,  adjustment 
of  the  Panama  affair,  377,  382, 
383,  475,  476;  Rio  de  Janeiro 
(1914),  Ecuador  and  Brazil,  ad- 
justment of  boundaries,  399; 
Bogota  (1916),  Ecuador  and 
Colombia,  boundaries,  400; 
Washington  (1916),  United 
States  and  Nicaragua,  about 
Nicaraguan  Canal,  465,  466,  468; 
Versailles  (1919),  Allied  and  As- 
sociated Powers  and  Germany, 
peace,  567,  568;  San  Jose  (1921), 
Guatemala,  Honduras,  and  Sal- 
vador, Federation,  467-469. 

Tsonekan  Indians,  15. 

Tucuman,  battle  of,  174. 

Tupac  Amaru,  insurrection  of.  136, 
137- 

Tupian  Indians,  16,  86. 

Tuxtepec,  Plan  of,  495. 

U 

Union  Civica,  radical  party  of  Ar- 
gentina, 244,  253,  255. 

United  States,  attitude  toward 
Spanish-American  revolution, 
185,  186;  recognizes  Spanish- 
American  nations,  186;  recog- 
nizes Brazil,  186,  187;  commer- 
cial relations  with  Latin- Ameri- 
can nations,  556-558,  564,  565; 
educational  and  scientific  rela- 
tions, 559,  560;  industrial  rela- 
tions, 558,  559;  mediation  by, 
536;  policy  criticized,  554-556. 
See  also  Monroe  Doctrine,  War 
between  United  States  and  Mex- 
ico, Intervention. 

Universities,  in  Spanish  Indies: 
Mexico,  Peru,  103;  la  Plata,  132; 
Chile,  132;  Venezuela,  132;  in 
Spanish-American  nations:  Ar- 
gentina, 228,  249,  250;  Bolivia, 
33 2;  Chile,  296,  308,  309;  Co- 
lombia, 376,  377;  Ecuador,  401, 


6i6 


INDEX 


402;  Mexico,  508,  509;  Para- 
guay, 286;  Peru,  354;  Uruguay, 
267;  Venezuela,  424,  425. 

Urbina,  Jose,  389. 

Uriburu,  Jose  F.,  244,  245. 

Urquiza,  Justo  J.  de,  leads  oppo- 
sition to  Rosas,  234,  235;  Di- 
rector of  Argentine  Confedera- 
tion, 236,  237;  President,  238, 
239;  defeated  at  Pavon,  240. 

Uruguay,  aborigines,  14,  15;  dis- 
covery, 80,  81;  settlement,  108; 
revolutionary  struggles,  under 
Artigas,  172,  173;  under  Laval- 
leja,  192,  193,  256;  framing  of 
Constitution  of  1830,  256,  258; 
origins  of  party  struggles,  258, 
259;  adjustment  of  boundaries 
with  Brazil,  259,  260;  foreign 
complications  and  internal  dis- 
turbances, 260-262;  Santos  as 
President  and  Dictator,  262; 
“Nationalistic”  revolts,  263;  po- 
litical and  social  reforms  under 
Williman  and  Batle  y Ordonez, 
264,  265;  conditions  on  eve  of 
World  War:  immigration,  popu- 
lation, 265;  occupations,  prod- 
ucts, 265,  266;  debt,  transporta- 
tion, 266;  army  and  navy,  266, 
267;  education,  267;  literature 
and  art,  267,  268;  policy  toward 
World  War,  268,  269;  adoption 
of  present  Constitution,  269,  270; 
See  also  Conferences,  Interna- 
tional Congresses,  Pan- American- 
ism. 

Uti  Possidetis  of  1810, 151,  152,  534, 
535- 

V 

Varas,  Antonio,  297. 

Valdivia,  Pedro  de,  80,  89. 

Vargas,  Jose  M.,  406. 

Veintemilla,  Ignacio  de,  304. 

Velasquez,  Diego,  70,  72. 

Velez  Sarsfield,  Dalmacio,  241. 

Venezuela,  discovery  and  explora- 
tion, 67;  conquest,  82,  106,  1 16 ; 
colonial  administration,  118,  119, 
120,  121,  122;  revolutionary  up- 
risings in,  137,  junta,  163,  165; 
independence  declared  and  con- 
stitution adopted,  169,  170; 


struggles  for  independence,  171, 
180-182;  part  of  “Great  Colom- 
bia,” 181,  182,  359-362;  sepa- 
rates from,  405;  President  Paez, 
405;  progress  under  Paez  and 
Soublette,  405-408;  dynasty  of 
the  Monagas,  408-410;  Paez  and 
the  Constitution  of  1858,  410, 
41 1 ; Falcon  becomes  President 
of  the  Venezuelan  Confederation, 
410,  41 1 ; age  of  Guzman  Blanco, 
41 2-414;  Crespo  and  Guiana 
boundary  controversy,  414-416; 
Castro  becomes  Dictator,  417; 
foreign  complications,  417,  418; 
Venezuela  under  Constitution  of 
1904,  418;  accession  of  G6mez, 
418;  his  presidency,  4 19-421; 
Constitution  of  1914,  420,  421; 
conditions  on  eve  of  World  War; 
boundary  disputes,  421,  422; 
immigration,  422,  423;  popula- 
tion, religion,  423;  economic  and 
fiscal  condition,  423,  424;  trans- 
portation, 424;  education,  424, 
425;  literature  and  art,  425,  426; 
Acting  President  Marquez  Bus- 
tillos,  426-428;  policy  toward 
World  War,  428.  See  also  Co- 
lombia, Conferences,  Interna- 
tional Congresses,  Pan-Ameri- 
canism. 

V 

Vespucci,  Amerigo,  voyages  to 
New  World,  83;  America  named 
after,  84,  85. 

Viceroys,  of  Brazil,  144,  155; 

Spain,  39;  New  Spain,  93;  Peru, 
94;  New  Granada,  118,  119;  la 
Plata,  1 19;  terms,  salaries,  func- 
tions, 94,  95. 

Viceroyalties,  see  viceroys. 

Victor  Emmanuel  III,  King  of 
Italy,  212. 

Victoria,  Guadeloupe,  479,  480. 

Vicuna,  10. 

Viera,  Antonio,  142. 

Viera,  President  of  Uruguay,  265, 
268,  269. 

Vilcapugio,  battle  of,  174. 

Villa,  Pancho,  507,  508. 

Villazon,  Elidoro,  330. 

Villegagnon,  Nicolas,  hi. 


INDEX 


6x7 


Visitador,  in  Spain,  41;  Spanish 
Indies,  102,  103. 

W 

Walker,  William,  460. 

War  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico,  484,  485;  and 
Spain,  431. 

“War  of  the  Pacific,”  mentioned, 
299,  300;  described,  324,  325, 
345,  346;  results,  346.  See  also 
Tacna  and  Arica,  Tarapaca, 
“Question  of  the  Pacific.” 

“War  of  the  Reform,”  in  Mexico, 
491,  492. 

War,  Paraguayan,  see  Paraguayan 
War. 

Webster,  Daniel,  233,  234. 

Welsers,  in  Venezuela,  82. 

Wenceslao  Braz,  President  of  Bra- 
zil, 214,  223-225. 

Williman.  Claudio,  264. 

Wilson,  Woodrow,  377,  562. 

Wood,  Leonard,  432. 

World  War,  Latin-American  na- 


tions and;  Argentina,  253,  254; 
Bolivia,  333;  Brazil,  223-225; 
Central  American  nations,  446; 
Chile,  310,  31 1 ; Colombia,  382; 
Cuba,  437;  Dominican  Republic, 
444;  Ecuador,  402,  403;  Mex- 
ico, 515,  516;  Panama,  474,  475; 
Paraguay,  286,  287;  Peru,  355, 
356;  Uruguay,  268,  269;  Vene- 
zuela, 427,  428. 

Y 

Yamparaez,  battle  of,  320. 
Yanacona,  88. 

Yerba  mate,  9,  103,  285. 

Ypiranga,  Grito  de,  157,  158. 
Yungay,  battle  of,  318. 

Z 

Zapotecan'Indiansr26,  29. 

Zayas,  Alfredo,  436,  438. 

Zayistas,  political  party  in  Cuba, 
438. 

Zelaya,  Jose  S.,  461,  462,  463. 
Zuloaga,  Felix,  490,  491. 


(l) 


Date  Due 

APl4'5S 

